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1
Sewell, Regina. "Violent politics and the politics of violence: The criminalization of anti-lesbian/gay violence /." The Ohio State University, 1997. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487945320759.
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Mccreery, Gregory Richard. "Violence and Disagreement: From the Commonsense View to Political Kinds of Violence and Violent Nonviolence." Scholar Commons, 2016. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6542.
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This dissertation argues that there is an agreed upon commonsense view of violence, but beyond this view, definitions for kinds of violence are essentially contested and non-neutrally, politically ideological, given that the political itself is an essentially contested concept defined in relation to ideologies that oppose one another. The first chapter outlines definitions for a commonsense view of violence produced by Greene and Brennan. This chapter argues that there are incontestable instances of violence that are almost universally agreed upon, such as when an adult intentionally smashes a child’s head against a table, purposefully causing harm. It is also claimed that, because political, ideological distinctions between kinds of violence arise from the creation of moral equivalences to the commonsense view of violence, political ideology is the source of disagreement. The second chapter argues that the concept of violence and of the political are essentially contested concepts. Gallie’s criteria for what counts as an essentially contested concept are utilized in order to argue that violence is an essentially contested concept at the level of the political, though not at the level of the commonsense view of violence. In fact, the paradigmatic cases that the commonsense view of violence pertains to serve as the core cases that are then interpreted as kinds of violence at the ideological level. To define violence as altogether wrong, or to define kinds of violence as acceptable and others as wrong is itself a politically ideological move to make, such as when liberalism defines its own uses of violence as justified and legitimate, and its enemy’s violence as unjustifiable and illegitimate. The World Health Organization and Bufacchi’s definitions for violence are presented, as are the definition for terroristic violence defined by Nagel. Erlenbusch’s critique of a liberal view, such as that of Nagel and the World Health Organization, is addressed as a reflection on the fact that, beyond the commonsense view of violence, violence is an essentially contested concept for which an ideologically, politically non-neutral definition is unlikely. The third chapter outlines numerous definitions produced by various philosophers, historians, and theorists, such as Machiavelli, Arendt, Hobbes, Kant, Treitschke, Weber, Bakunin, Sorel, Žižek, and Benjamin. The definitions produced by each demonstrates that person’s political ideological assumptions. Their definitions demonstrate an ongoing disagreement, in the sense of Rancière’s formulation for what counts as a disagreement in that each theorist defines kinds of violence under the yoke of their own political ideology. They all might agree that a single act is violent, under the commonsense view of violence, but they disagree concerning what kind of violence it is. So, though they may point to the same events and actions as examples of violence, what they mean fundamentally differs, and this means that they disagree. Their disagreement arises due to their respective political ideologies. This disagreement shows that there is no neutral justification for the neutrality of a state, particularly if a neutral state must defend itself. The state is instead defined in historically contextual terms of how the state relates to kinds of violence, and the distinctions between kinds of violence are not themselves politically, ideologically neutral. So, the concept of violence, beyond the commonsense view, is an essentially contested concept for which a non-neutral definition is unlikely. Beyond the commonsense view, political ideology is inextricably bound up within distinctions between kinds of violence. The fourth chapter then examines arguments on the question of whether nonviolence counts as a kind of violence. If distinctions between kinds of violence are essentially contested and non-neutrally defined, and nonviolence is defined as distinct from violence, then it follows that nonviolence is an essentially contested concept for which no non-neutral definition is possible, at least beyond a commonsense view of nonviolence. A commonsense view of nonviolence is defined as the assumption that nonviolence is not violent in the way that the commonsense view defines violence. That is, nonviolence occurs when there is no action or event that most people would define as a violent one. Definitions for nonviolence, civil disobedience, nonviolent political actions, and nonviolent direct actions are then outlined. These definitions aim at showing that the doctrine of nonviolence does not merely refer to nonviolent acts, but to a strategy that is a means to defeating violence. Given that what counts as the nonviolence that defeats violence is ideologically a matter of disagreement, nonviolence, in this sense, can count as a kind of violence. The fifth chapter concludes, raising questions concerning how violence can be valued, the degree to which a state cannot neutrally justify its neutrality, and the degree to which, beyond the commonsense view of violence, there ever could be agreement concerning what counts as kinds of violence.
1 In this dissertation, I draw on a number of ideas/passages that appeared earlier in my paper “The Efficacy of Scapegoating and Revolutionary Violence," in Philosophy, Culture, and Traditions: A Journal of the World Union of Catholic Philosophical Societies, ed. William Sweet, 10(2014), 203-219. I am grateful to the editors of the journal for permission to draw on this material here.
3
Levy, David A. "Palestinian political violence and Israel." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2000. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA380839.
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O'Connell, Ashanti. "Children's memories of political violence." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.268561.
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Adamson, Jordan. "The Economics of Political Violence." Thesis, Clemson University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10271914.
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We live in what is probably the most peaceful time in hundreds, if not thousands of years (Pinker 2012). This peace has major implications for human welfare, yet the causes of peace are not well understood (N. P. Gleditsch et al. 2013). My dissertation helps us understand those causes by examining how internal political institutions and external political competition affect violence.
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Rojas, de Ferro Maria Cristina Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "A political economy of violence." Ottawa, 1994.
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Fu, Hung-der. "Modernization, repression, and political violence." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185653.
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During the process of modernization, countries are seeking different goals such as growth, equality, stability, democracy, autonomy, etc. While these goals are not readily compatible nor can be achieved simultaneously, the unavoidable consequences for modernization are inequality, instability, repressiveness, dependency, stagnation or the combination of these. The cross-national variation in the pattern of political violence is the most noticeable one. One of the most ambitious and influential attempts to develop a general theory of why modernizing countries are susceptible to political instability is that proposed by Samuel P. Huntington in the form of three interrelated "Gap" hypotheses. The lack of empirical support for Huntington's Gap hypotheses in explaining general instability calls for further studies. Alternative hypotheses are based on structural and behavioral explanation such as the type of state function and the way governments cooperate/coerce with opposition elites and dissident groups. Rational choice theory and relative deprivation theory are the two most plausible contending theories in developing a middle-range theory. Rational choice theory argues a combination of structural conditions and individual rationality. Relative deprivation asserts a discontent-aggression linkage in terms of the satisfaction of economic well-being. Guided by the modernization gap theory, rational choice theory, and deprivation theory, using six five-year intervals from 1948 to 1977, this study carried out vigorous multiple testings. The results show that rational choice theory is the most powerful theory in explaining political violence, while deprivation theory is secondly important.
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O'Duffy, Brendan. "Violent politics : a theoretical and empirical analysis of two centuries of political violence in Ireland." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.338387.
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Boserup, Rasmus Alenius. "Violence as politics : the escalation and de-escalation of political violence in Algeria 1954-2007." Paris, EHESS, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007EHES0358.
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Le but central de cette thèse est d'identifier les dynamiques derrière les changements de la mobilisation collective en Algérie de la non-violence à la violence de 1954 à 2007. L'argument central est que ces dynamiques sont politiques et non pas culturelles, même si la culture influence la mise en forme de la violence. La thèse apporte une nouvelle connaissance dans quatre domaines : (1) Elle présente une masse de sources inédites, rassemblées pendant les périodes de recherche sur le terrain en Algérie et pendant des périodes de recherche dans les archives publiques et privées en France et en Angleterre. (2) Elle propose une analyse typologique de l'action collective, qui permet d'identifier des relations inconnues entre différents types de violence. (3) Elle propose une narration qui fait rupture avec l'historiographie. (4) Elle met l'exemple algérien en relation avec les présents débats dans les sciences sociales concernant la formation d'état, les mouvements sociaux, et la violenceThe central aim of the thesis is to identify the dynamics behind the changes from non-violent to violent collective action in Algeria from 1954 to 2007. The central argument is that these dynamics are political rather than cultural, although culture plays a role in forming the violence. The thesis brings new insight in four areas. First, it presents a large body of formerly unknown empirical material collected during fieldwork in Algeria and in public and private archives in France and England. Second, it proposes a typological analysis of the different repertoires of contentious politics in Algeria, which reveals hiherto unknown interrelations between different types of political violence. Third, it proposes a narration of Algerian modern political history, which deviates from the conventions in the existing historiography. Fourth, it relates the Algerian example to the current theoretical discussions within the social sciences about state formation, social movements, and violence
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Kiernan, Christopher. "Political Marginalisation and Political Violence in the Niger Delta." Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/31397.
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This study analyses the relationship between perceived marginalisation and the willingness of civilians to participate in, and justify political violence in Nigeria’s Niger Delta region. The dominant literature in this area tends to highlight political, economic and identity marginalisation as the causal factors behind political violence. However, there remains a lack of clarity in the conceptualisation and operationalisation of the purported political and socioeconomic marginalisations. This because large portion of the literature fails to take into account the psychological aspect of marginalisation. Using a statistical analysis of Afrobarometer1 survey data collected in 2003, the study applies two regression models to measure the predictive effects of 16 variables on attitudes towards both political violence justification and the willingness to participate in political violence in the Niger Delta. The benefit of survey methodology is it is a more accurate measurement of the term marginalisation, as marginalisation is perceived by people and is thus a psychological phenomenon. By disaggregating these broad marginalisation terms into discrete items, this study provides a more nuanced analysis of the motivating factors behind political violence. Interestingly, no measures of economic marginalisation were statistically significant in either model. Two elements of political marginalisation exhibited a statistically significant effect on the justification of political violence. Multiple aspects of political marginalisation and identity group prioritisation exhibited statistically significant effect on the willingness to participate in political violence, however not all items exhibited effects predicted by the majority of the literature. This analysis does confirm that the relationship between citizen and state is a salient predictor of attitudes towards political violence. However, the results also demonstrate that the blanket marginalisation terms used in political science literature are overly simplistic and lack nuance. Nevertheless, both scholars and policy makers should prioritise the government’s relationship with society when crafting policy designed to minimise political violence.
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Aoun, Madonna. "Political Structures and Political Violence in the Middle East." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1195647167.
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Fatz, Lyndsey D. "An identity of violence: exploring the origins of political violence." Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/10597.
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The United States Defense and development agencies often attribute political violence and instability to poverty and a lack of economic development. However, the cases of Morocco and Algeria challenge this popular assumption as Morocco is considerably poorer than Algeria, yet enjoys greater political stability with less incidences of political violence. Beyond the traditional answers of economic aid and political intervention, these two nations demonstrate that national identity is also necessary in establishing more stable and sustainable practices.
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Otunnu, Ogenga. "Political violence in Uganda, 1890-1985." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape17/PQDD_0017/NQ27312.pdf.
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Heath-Kelly, Charlotte. "Killing in the name : searching for 'the political' in political violence." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/d65c73fa-7d8e-4f3b-911a-4263cb2453aa.
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This thesis explores the politicality of political violence through the consideration of two conflicts: the EOKA organisation’s struggle against the British administration of Cyprus (1955-59) and the Italian anni di piombo (years of lead) where armed organisations challenged the state between 1972 and 1987. Academic literatures have often attributed the moniker of politicality to terrorism, but such ascriptions have regularly been shallow. They signify the adherence of militant groups to certain ideologies without interrogating the dynamics of power and resistance which characterise the deployment of counter-discourse, or that constitute struggle. This thesis uses an understanding of politicality which relates to the disruption of discourse. Through interviews with the protagonists of armed organisations it explores the ways in which political violence might be considered political, but also the constraints that can engender the reproduction of politics within resistance. The contrasting post-conflict situation of interviewees from the ‘victorious’ EOKA organisation and the defeated anni di piombo groups enables the thesis to introduce considerations of victory and defeat to literatures on terrorism, but also to engage with literatures on memory. The thesis develops the engagement of Critical Terrorism Studies (CTS) with armed groups by exploring how memories and narratives of political violence are altered in divergent post-conflict scenarios. It also appropriates the concept of ‘counter-conducts’ from Foucault’s work to model political violence within the dynamics of power and resistance, where practices of governmentality can produce instances of reversal. Counter-conducts can enable critical engagements with militant groups and the transition of persons into armed struggle – disrupting discourses of radicalisation. The thesis attempts to contribute to literatures which address memory, political violence, resistance and ‘the political’. The experiences of interviewees are used to explore questions about what it means to be political, and why certain types of violence are called political.
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Laurie, Charles. "Political violence in Zimbabwe's land seizure era." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.567722.
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This thesis explores political violence in Zimbabwe's Land Seizure Era (LSE), the period from February 2000 to March 2008 when agents, operating at the behest of the government, began violently seizing commercial farms across the country. These large- scale and extra-legal seizures targeted unarmed workers and farmers on all of the 4,300 commercial farms in Zimbabwe, in one of the most violent and transformative events since Zimbabwe's independence in 1980. What motivated the Zimbabwean state to target the nation's dominant industry? To shed light on this primary research question, this thesis relies upon three unique data sets. First, 21,491 incidents of violence and intimidation across Zimbabwe were coded; these incidents were then depicted month-by-month on 92 geographical maps, forming a quantitative mapping data set giving insights into longitudinal violence proliferation. Second, 110 qualitative interviews were conducted of workers, farmers, and state agents, including senior politicians and state security agents. Third, a quantitative survey was undertaken of 1,442 farmers, 34% of farmers operating in year 2000. There are five major research findings, underscored by Mancur Olson's roving and stationary bandit concepts. First, despite ZANU-PF protestations to the contrary, the government never intended large-scale, extra-legal farm seizures. The limited small- scale seizures that were planned after February 2000 went out of control. To conceal its loss of control, the government claimed that large-scale takeovers were planned. Second, Mugabe was opposed to large-scale takeovers, and initially sought to protect farmers from invaders - as he had been doing since independence. Third, ZANU-PF never intended for the LSE to be a land reform event, despite their claims to the contrary; the LSE was always primarily a political event. Fourth, extensive and punitive violence was deployed by agents against unarmed farm workers and farmers to accomplish two key LSE objectives: the suppression of the opposition party Movement for Democratic Change, and to evict the farmers and seize farm assets before competitors took them. Fifth, agents were far more concerned with the financial objective of stripping farms of valuable assets, than undertaking the espoused nationalist objective of seizing farm land. This research has two major implications for Zimbabwe and southern Africa. Evidence strongly demonstrates ZANU-PF's reliance on severe authoritarian strategies to retain power and eliminate present and future political opposition. For nations seeking to undertake a broad land reform programme, the Zimbabwe case demonstrates the serious political, economic, and social consequences of interfering with critical industries for the sake of political expediency.
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Saleem, Saleena Begum. "Preventing the press from engendering ethnic violence : press restraints and ethnic violence in Singapore." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/38448.
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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2005.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 129-137).
This thesis aims to find a solution to a commonly held problem of ethnic violence that is engendered by the press. Based on the premise that governmental influence on the press in the form of press restraints can prevent the recurrence of deadly ethnic violence, it argues for certain types of press restraints in societies that (1) are just emerging from ethnic conflict and (2) lack the societal norms and established institutions that stem from traditions of democracy, is formulated. Taking Singapore as a case study, it shows that race issues were progressively de-politicized from 1956 to 1972 as a consequence of governmental influence. The Singapore case is taken to illustrate the gains to be attained from press restraints, and also to point out some potential caveats that would need to be accounted for in policies regarding press restraints.
by Saleena Begum Saleem.
S.M.
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Khnifess, Amir. "Israel and the Druze political action : between politics of loyalty and politics of violence." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2015. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/22832/.
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The political actions of the Druze of Israel have formed the focus of a large body of research. Despite this, academic studies to date have failed to explain why so many Druze resorted to a politics of loyalty when Israel was first established but have, in more recent years, resorted to a politics of violence. The research herein proposes that a model of the politics of accommodation is able to explain the political actions of the Druze during the first three decades of the Israeli state. Data from The Israel State Archives and the archives of leading Druze families show that many Israeli-Druze resorted to a politics of loyalty. This loyalty was inextricably linked to the perception of the new state and its government's policy as creating a new structure of opportunity for the economic, social and political progress of the Druze community whilst also safeguarding the Israeli-Druze community as a distinctive cultural and religious group on its own land. Similarly, it is proposed that the ethnic state supremacy model is able to explain the recent rise in the politics of violence within the Israeli-Druze community. Data from personal interviews with state officials and Druze activists confirmed that many Israeli-Druze resorted to a politics of violence because they perceived the Israeli government's policy as a threat to their preservation as a cultural and religious group on its own land. This study of Druze political action is intended as a contribution to the debate surrounding the Israeli state's politics in relation to Israel's Arab minority. This research also seeks to address wider issues in that it proposes a model that is applicable to the general question of ethnic conflict resolution in divided societies and polarised states.
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Forbes, Meghan. "Nationalism and violence : the Basques, the Quebecois, and the Catalans /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p1421134.
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Barrera, Bassols Dalia, and Acosta Georgina Cárdenas. "Municipal presidents in Mexico: Harassment and Political Violence (2010- 2016)." Politai, 2016. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/92362.
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This article presents the results of an investigation concerning political harassment and violence towards female mayors in Mexico. It also aims to paint a picture of the social and political background of these phenomena in the context of authoritarian, clientelistic and male chauvinistic politics, which is told through the testimonies of female mayors collected from 1996 until 2009. Violence against mayors of both genders in Mexico starts with the so called war on drugs –a policy adopted in 2006 by the Federal government- which generates denouncements and proposals from political parties and municipalist associations, as well as manifestations of worry of deputies and senators. The climate of generalized violence in the country reached a critical state in January of 2016 with the assassination of the mayor of Temixco –in the state ofMorelos-Gisela Mota Ocampo, the first female mayor to be assasssinated by an armed comando.The present article synthesizes the results of an hemerographic tracing while presenting some of the most representative cases of political harassment and violence against female mayors in Mexico from 2010 until January of 2016, when said assassination took place.El artículo presenta resultados de una investigación en torno al acoso y la violencia política hacia las presidentas municipales en México. A través de testimonios y experiencias de las presidentas municipales, recabados entre 1996 y 2009, dibuja los antecedentes de los fenómenos mencionados, en el contexto de una cultura política autoritaria, clientelar y machista. Así, se presenta un panorama de la violencia política dirigida a los alcaldes y otros funcionariosmunicipales, que se desata a partir de la llamada guerra contra el narcotráfico (política adoptada por el Estado mexicano en 2006). Esta situación generó denuncias y propuestas de los partidos políticos y las asociaciones municipalistas, así como algunas manifestaciones de preocupación de algunos diputados y senadores. La violencia generalizada alcanza dimensiones críticas, incluyendo la dirigida hacia las mujeres en diversos espacios sociales. En enero de 2016, se llegó a un punto de quiebre con el asesinato de Gisela Mota Ocampo, alcaldesa de Temixco, Morelos, primera presidenta municipal en funciones asesinada por un comando armado. El artículo sintetiza los resultados de un seguimiento hemerográfico, presentando algunos de los casos más representativos de acoso y violencia política hacia las presidentas municipales en nuestro país de 2010 a 2016, finalizando con el caso de Gisela Mota Ocampo.
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McAllister, Kirsten Emiko. "Remembering political violence, the Nikkei Internment Memorial Centre." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ48349.pdf.
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Menaster, Kimberly (Kimberly Ann). "Political violence in the American South: 1882-1890." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/54604.
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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2009.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-61).
The racial status quo in the American South persisted through an unspoken detente between the federal government and the Southern state governments during the second half of the 19 th century. The political disenfranchisement of blacks took place in distinct stages following Reconstruction. In the 1880s, Jim Crowe had not yet been enacted but Reconstruction was over. Blacks were technically allowed to vote, but turnout was around five percent at any given election. The prevailing historical theory is that the threat of violence was a form of de facto disenfranchisement that prevented blacks from turning out to vote. Both historians and political scientists assume lynching to be the method through which the white population of the American South prevented political and social equality. Lynching is a form of ethnic violence, but there has not yet been a rigorous methodological examination of it as a potential form of political violence. In the following thesis I will examine the claims regarding the use of political violence within lynching in the southern United States. Under what circumstances would political violence be used or not be used in equilibrium? I begin with the assumption that lynching increases due to an impending election. Violence would be a function of the temporal proximity of a certain election. I will examine this claim using the dates of lynching and elections from 1880 to 1890. The second analysis of the paper examines whether or not political violence is due to factional politics. Violence would then be a function of the margin of the Republican or Democrat victory. The temptation to engage in political violence to manipulate election outcomes increases as the election draws closer. In this analysis, we examine the violence leading up to the election date with controls, including fixed effects (by state and county), census data and clustered standard error.
(cont.) When the United States Constitution was ratified in 1789, free male blacks could vote in Maine, Tennessee and Vermont. In 1865, free male blacks could vote in Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Vermont and Rhode Island. In 1866, only 5% of eligible blacks voted in former Confederate states. One year of extending the franchise to blacks and the percent rose to 80.5% (Valelly 2004, pg. 3). The black vote enraged elements of the white population, substantively crystallized in movements such as the KKK, which was founded in 1868. During the 5 3 rd Congress (1893-1895), 94% of the voting rights measures legislated during Reconstruction were repealed (Valelly 2004, pg. 1). The national rates of lynching fell shortly afterwards. Violence in the American South escalated throughout the second half of the 19 th century. The homicide rate in the South was the highest in the United States and among the highest for industrialized nations (Ayers 1992, pg. 155). From 1882-1931, 4,589 people were lynched with a peak in the 1890s of 154 victims per year (Horowitz 1983). Historians see lynching as a reassertion of white Supremacy in light of the abolition of slavery and the carpetbagger occupation of the South (Horowitz 1983). Political violence during Reconstruction vastly surpassed the political violence we note in our decade of interest (1880-1890). After 1877, Republican assassinations and the threat of violence had all but suppressed opposition to the Democratic Party (Kousser 1999, pg. 22). Republicans still garnered respectable vote shares throughout the 1880s, though there were drops in their vote share immediately following violence (Kousser 1999, pg. 23). Violence was as common a tool as miscounting Republican votes (Vallely 2004, pg. 50). While Kousser believes that the vote drop-off cannot be solely attributed to the violence, he does allege a connection between elections and violence, a claim consistently present in the following literature review. Political violence was not an effective long term deterrent, repetition was necessary in order to disenfranchise blacks.
(cont.) As "redemption" ended and the "restoration" of the South began (the time periods will be subsequently discussed) lynching decreased. The national rate of lynching dropped as disenfranchisement became permanent and legal (Vallely 2004, pg. 144). Again, regardless of the effectiveness of political violence or the direct correlation to turnout, lynching persisted throughout the 1880s. Lynching peaked in the 1890s, while Jim Crowe and other legal "reforms" were being instituted, only to fall by 1900 and decrease each decade after (noted in both our dataset and the historical literature). Blacks are being excluded from voting through intimidation. If violence increases before a federal election, the powers that be are attempting to prevent an influx of blacks voting for the Republican Party or third party movements, such as Populism or Greenbacks. In the brief period where adult male blacks had the right to vote, there was evidence that the social and political structure of the South would be irrevocably altered, as over 80% of the eligible black voting population voted, even electing black representatives to Congress. The Reconstruction configuration of elites allowed the disfranchisement of a large (in some areas, a majority) group. The disenfranchisement process created high voting penalties. The Australian ballot and other double edged election reforms lowered the cost of voting "incorrectly" by privileging one's vote; at the same time, the cost of voting increases as political violence is strategically implemented to prevent blacks from going to the polls. Any lynching causal mechanism returns to this historical claim of lynching increasing before elections. Whether the impetuses for violence are an attempt to prevent wealth redistribution or reduce Republican turnout, both allege violence to be politically motivated prior to elections.
by Kimberly Menaster.
S.M.
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McAllister, Kirsten Emiko 1963 Carleton University Dissertation Sociology and Anthropology. "Remembering political violence: the Nikkei Internment Memorial Centre." Ottawa.:, 1999.
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Lacey, David. "The Role of Humiliation in Collective Political Violence." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/7128.
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A humiliating event can generate powerful emotions that can become part of a group’s identity. The need for vengeance can erupt into violence decades later, even across generations, especially in situations where physical force is associated with respect or status. Humiliation is a neglected area of the violence literature, yet has the power to turn insult into retribution, and indignation into fury. When humiliation takes the form of extreme degradation, then the resulting fury washes away the shame of helplessness. I take the psychoanalytical theories of child development, social trauma, demonisation of the enemy and the entitlements of victimhood and show how they combine with humiliation to yield violence. Humiliation also interferes with the mourning process, making it difficult to come to terms with loss and leads to an obsession with the past events. Violence against a humiliator is usually paid back in the same currency, so a humiliated people will tend to humiliate their oppressors. Political leaders can manipulate this need for revenge, and if they have personal narcissistic tendencies will merge their personal need to avoid humiliation with that of society at large, potentially embarking on unnecessary conflicts. In societies where security or status relies on a reputation of toughness or a credible threat of violence, any potential challenge or insult must be confronted aggressively to avoid humiliation. These ideas are brought together in an analysis of Israeli Palestinian conflict in Gaza. Here two societies, each having undergone deep trauma and humiliation, remain locked in violent conflict. The thesis suggests that the daily humiliations of the people of Gaza helps to build a pool of resentful young men and women, and that this becomes a fertile recruitment ground for resistance organisations. Retaliation against aggression results in deeper humiliation and the cycle of violence continues.
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Schwarz, Elke. "The biopolitical condition : re-thinking the ethics of political violence in life-politics." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/760/.
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This project interrogates how the biopolitical rationale conditions our contemporary subjectivities, politics and ethics, in order to critique the ethical justifications of technology driven practices of political violence put forth in present counter-terrorism struggles. Employing the work of Hannah Arendt, and her insights into life-politics and technology to construct a biopolitical lens that adds to traditional Foucaultian analyses of biopolitics, my original contribution to knowledge is thus twofold in a) elaborating core aspects of an Arendtian theory of biopolitics, with which then to b) identify the theoretical underpinnings of biopolitically informed forms of ethics in emerging practices of technology-driven political violence. While a number of scholars have drawn on Arendt for the analysis of the biopolitical dimensions of contemporary violence, a systematic independent account of her work on biopolitical trajectories and technologies remains under-developed in current scholarship. In this work, I suggest that the Arendtian life-politics account allows us to recognise a duality at work in the biopolitical shaping of subjectivities: the politicisation and technologisation of zoe, on one hand, and the ‘zoeficiation’ of politics on the other. It is this duality that conditions the human, politics, and the role and justifcations of violence in modernity. Within these two umbrella categories, the project addresses the equally under-examined but pressing question of the ethics of technology-driven modalities of political violence in a contemporary context and argues that a biopolitically informed rationale of ethics occludes the possibility to engage with ethics as a perpetual and ever-anew arising and political demand that must be taken responsibility for. The analysis in this work unfolds in two parts to draw out and critically address the biopolitically informed ethical rationales of political violence. The first part engages closely with Arendt’s work to establish the theoretical framework of biopolitics for the project’s central analysis. The second part then departs from an exposition of Arendt’s work and draws on this framework to highlight and critique the implications of biopolitically infused subjectivities, politics, violence and ethics.
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Wattman, Jessica M. (Jessica Marie). "Dangerous diasporas : émigré nationalism and ethnic violence." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/62655.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2010.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 280-291).
The number of exceptionally brutal ethnic confrontations that followed the end of the Cold War brought with them question of diaspora contributions to violence. The unwritten assumption was that diaspora compatriots were natural allies, sharing a strong sense of nationalism and standing at the ready to support their cousins abroad. Indeed, members of ethnic diasporas have shown a propensity to get involved in homeland wars. This study focuses on the extreme elements of these communities, tackling the question of why diaspora nationalists persist in advocating for maximalist solutions to home country conflicts when rationality suggests that they should do nothing or assume a compromise position. The dissertation argues that such hard line positions are the result of strong and enduring emotions. It lays out a model whereby emotions serve as the mechanism through which destructive nationalistic feelings come to dictate diaspora leaders' political positioning. This dynamic results in unyielding stances that are hostile and aggressive. Noteworthy about such reactions is that the primary operating emotion--humiliation--is, in fact, anchored in past episodes of trauma and dishonor that remain significant to certain members of the diaspora community. It endures in the everyday lives of diaspora individuals as a type of potential energy--simmering under the surface but not leading to any kind of extreme action. Only in the face of a specific triggering event does this emotion reactivate and become a vehicle for the expression of zealous ethno-nationalism. While the focus of this dissertation is fairly narrow--diaspora reaction to homeland violence--the work done on framing a theory of emotional causality can provide a launching point off of which a more general theory of emotions and radicalization can be built. While not directly stated, emotions are often assumed in most explanations of errant or radical behavior. Whether it be frustration, humiliation, anger, or alienation that drives people to action that harms themselves and others, it is obvious that a greater understanding of the causes will need to heavily rely on theories of emotions and how, and under what conditions, they lead to extreme behavior.
by Jessica M. Wattman.
Ph.D.
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Sam, Bautista María Magdalena. "Gender and political violence in local governments in the Central Mexican Altiplano." Politai, 2016. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/92572.
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In Mexico they are still few studies describing in detail the political violence against women. The aim of this paper is to describe the political violence that have faced síndicas in a State of Central Mexican Altiplano after his rise to office in January 2014. It should be noted that before parity was approved nationally in the selection Candidate / os to elected office, such a mechanism was approved for the election of municipal authorities in Tlaxcala. The agreement by the local election authority that resulted in the 2014-2016 triennium, women were elected in almost all of the receiverships. Of the 60 receiverships in the state, 56 of them were represented by women and 5 men, that is, 91% of this elected office. This circumstance led to changes in the power relationships inside and outside the hall that led to conflicts between the mayor and the ombudswoman, which in several cases were characterized, as noted by the Association of Councillors of Bolivia (ACOBOL) by aggressive behaviors caused physical, psychological or sexual harm against a woman in the exercise of political representation, to prevent and restrict the exercise of his office or induce her to make decisions against its will, its principles and the law. This research describes the strategies followed by the Syndic of Tlaxcala to deal with such behavior. The reflection is done from a gender perspective, ie considering the roles assigned to women generate discrimination and inequalities, which result in differential access to resources, and therefore power. This work was based on several interviews with actors / as relevant (president / is acting municipal and / or were, síndicas, among other) allowing learn about their views, experiences and strategies. I also used the hemerographic review to document the characteristics of the conflict. The findings point to visualize the consequences of questioning the way in which power is exercised in local government, the results of the absence of operational structures for the operation of the law and the need for equal numbers include women in order to build from local democracy.En México, aún son escasos los trabajos que describen con detalle la violencia política hacia las mujeres. Precisamente, el objetivo de este artículo es describir la violencia política que han enfrentado las síndicas en un estado del Altiplano Central mexicano después de su ascenso al cargo en enero de 2014. Es necesario señalar que, antes de que se aprobara la paridad a nivel nacional en la selección de candidatas/os a cargos de elección popular, dicho mecanismo ya había sido aprobado para la elección de autoridades municipales en Tlaxcala. El acuerdo tomado por la autoridad electoral local tuvo como resultado que, en el trienio 2014-2016, se eligieran mujeres en casi la totalidad de las sindicaturas: de las 60 sindicaturas en la entidad, 56 quedaron representadas por mujeres y 5 por hombres, esto es, el 91% de este cargo de elección popular. Esta circunstancia generó transformaciones en las relaciones de poder dentro y fuera del ayuntamiento. Estos cambios provocaron conflictos entre el presidente municipal y la síndica, que en diversos casos, se vieron caracterizados, como lo señala la Asociación de Concejalas de Bolivia (ACOBOL), por conductas agresivas que causaron daño físico, psicológico o sexual en contra de la mujer en ejercicio de la representación política. El objetivo era impedir y restringirel ejercicio de su cargo o inducirla a tomar decisiones en contra de su voluntad, de sus principios y de la ley.La presente investigación describe las estrategias seguidas por las síndicas de Tlaxcala para enfrentar tales conductas. La reflexión se realiza desde la perspectiva de género, es decir, considerando cómo los roles asignados a las mujeres generan discriminación y desigualdades, que se traducen en un acceso diferenciado a los recursos, y por lo tanto, al poder. Este trabajo se sustentó en diversas entrevistas a actores/as relevantes (presidentas/es municipales en funciones y/o que lo fueron, síndicas, entre otras/os), lo que permitió conocer de cerca sus opiniones, experiencias y estrategias. También recurrí a la revisión hemerográfica para documentar las características del conflicto. Las conclusiones apuntan a visibilizar las consecuencias de cuestionar la forma en que se ejerce el poder en los gobiernos locales, los resultados de la ausencia de estructurasoperativas para el funcionamiento de la ley y la necesidad de incluir paritariamente a las mujeres con la finalidad de construir democracia desde lo local.
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de, Pretis Maura. "Women, politics and political violence in Northern Ireland : a study in historical feminist criminology." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368719.
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Gardner, Simon C. "Political violence in Eurasia : radical Islam or rational acting?" Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2000. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA387402.
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Youssef, Maisaa. "A violence properly political, discourse, discrepancy, and discursive agency." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ37423.pdf.
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Barrow, Sarah Elizabeth. "Peruvian cinema, national identity and political violence, 1988-2004." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2007. http://eprints.lincoln.ac.uk/2584/.
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The role of national cinema in shaping, reflecting and contesting a complex national identity that is the site of conflict and struggle is the central interest of this study of contemporary Peruvian cinema, 1988-2004. This project examines the relationship between cinema, state and identity in Peru, with a specific focus on the representation of the political violence between the state and Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path) that began in 1980. It looks in particular at portrayals of important events, characters and consequences of the bloody conflict that for a time threatened to destabilize the nation entirely. It considers these representations in the context of a time of great change for Peruvian society and of transition for Peruvian national cinema, and addresses the relationship between developments in film policy and the formation of Peruvian national identity in cinema. As such, it draws on debates about the nature and function of national cinemas, as well as on discussions between artists, cultural theorists and sociologists about the evolution of peruanidad since the declaration of independence from Spain in the early nineteenth century. Once the main elements of the cinematic and social crises have been explored and established in Chapters Two and Three, the remainder of the project consists of three sets of chronologically ordered analyses of individual films that somehow defied the national cinema crisis, and that provoked debate on both the conflict itself, and on broader questions pertaining to the relationship between national identity and violence. The conclusion considers these films as an interlinked body of cinematic works that share similar themes and concerns. It summarises the issues they tackle, the ideological and formal approaches they take to those issues, the potential social and cultural impact, and their contribution to the crystallization of a Peruvian national identity at the start of the twenty-first century.
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Day, Charles Stephen. "Political violence in the Newry/Armagh area 1912-1925." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324902.
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Rohner, Dominic. "Essays on the economics of conflict and political violence." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.612040.
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El, Masry Yara. "Representations of political violence in contemporary Middle Eastern fiction." Thesis, University of Essex, 2016. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/16563/.
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Today many Middle Eastern states are experiencing political violence, either in the form of foreign occupation, civil war, revolution or coup d’état. This regional violence is not dissociated from international politics. In fact many foreign states are directly involved through influencing, financing or manipulating the situation, and have subsequently been the target of violent attacks themselves. Responding to this situation, a plethora of academic and artistic output concerning Middle Eastern terrorism has emerged from the West. These efforts, especially in English-language fiction, have been mainly reductive and simplistic and have contributed to furthering an atmosphere of mistrust and Islamophobia that emerged after 9/11. Yet in the decade following 9/11 little attention has been given to Middle Eastern writers who have been treating the subject of political violence in their own fiction and whose works are available in a variety of languages. This thesis analyzes five Middle Eastern novels that depict major regional conflict zones. Alaa Al-Aswany, Orhan Pamuk, Assaf Gavron, Yasmina Khadra, and Mohsin Hamid’s novels describe the nuances of their respective contexts: Egypt, Turkey, Israel/Palestine, Iraq and Pakistan. The following analyses highlight the complexity of Middle Eastern political violence and shed light on how these authors perceive or respond to Terrorism discourse in their fictions.
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Linke, Andrew M. "The localized political geographies of Somalia's landscapes of violence." Connect to online resource, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1460863.
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Gallaher, Paul. "Political exclusion and violence : the Islamist movement in Egypt /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Sep%5FGallaher.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision-Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, Sept. 2004.Thesis advisor(s): Anne Marie Baylouny. Includes bibliographical references (p. 101-105). Also available online.
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Holland, Bradley. "Essays on Criminal Organizations, Violence, and Order." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:17467191.
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The essays in this dissertation examine the patterns through which illicit markets, and the criminal organizations that profit from them, impact local violence and order. The first essay draws on “stationary bandit” theories to argue that criminal gangs that maintain uncontested control of territory are more likely to promote broader social order. Using spatial data on gang territory and crime in Chicago, the paper shows that lower levels of gang competition are associated with lower levels of predatory violence like robbery. However, such groups may also use their capacities for violence to distort local markets by selectively preying on residents. Drawing on fine-grained qualitative and quantitative data from Los Angeles, the second essay argues that ethnic attacks on non-gang “civilians” are driven by attempts of gang leaders to ensure that coethnics, from whom they can extract rents, dominate profitable illicit drug markets. The third essay examines violence against the press in Mexico, showing that criminal organizations are more likely to resort to fatal attacks on journalists when they compete for territory, because such competition inhibits their ability to peacefully govern the information that reaches the public.Government
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Saha, Sparsha. "Iran's Situations: Military Violence, Protests, and Group Dynamics." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:13065029.
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Iran is a country with a rich history of successful social movements and not so successful ones. The two most recent ones---1979 and 2009---set up a very unique puzzle that sheds some light not only on the factors of micro-variation (in levels of violence against protesters) within states over time, but also on the factors that drive variation within a protest wave---factors that are related to the design of a state's security system (for example, multiple security force actors that provide options for protest policing). Explaining variation across and within these two cases requires that we think about the ensuing potential for violent conflict as inter-group related. In order to predict violence on protesters in Iran, it is necessary to measure the level of representativeness in the military organization, which I disaggregate at the level of the security force actor (Basij/IRGC/Artesh), and consider this in relation to the composition of the protesting crowd. The more representative a security force body within the military, the less likely is the outbreak of violence in any given protest event if that body is involved. This is because representative entities are less likely to view crowds as part of a threatening other.Government
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Seale, Josiah (Josiah Q. ). "Ethnic fractionalization and Sub-Saharan violence, 1970-1996." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/35545.
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Thesis (S.M. and S.B.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2006.Includes bibliographical references (leaf 51).
This study examines the statistical correlations between metrics of ethnic fractionalization and categories of violence in Sub-Saharan Africa from 1970 to 1995. By examining these correlations both prior to and after controlling for income, the study is able to determine whether or not various types of conflict are linked to patterns of ethnic grouping. The study uses newer, more refined measures to evaluate the correlations between specific categories of violence and specific measures of ethnic fractionalization. Using simple and multivariate linear regressions, the study examines each of the correlations between a total of twenty-two sub-metrics of four categories of violence, per capita income and metrics of ethnic fractionalization on three tiers. This allows the study to gauge the impacts (both separately and in interaction) of dichotomous top-tier cleavages in deeply divided societies, general ethnic fractionalization and nested ethnic sub-grouping. The study finds that the majority of the categories of violence used are not correlated with ethnic fractionalization, neither prior to nor after controlling for income.
(cont.) However, successful coups are highly correlated with the presence and distribution of the dichotomous top-tier cleavages in deeply divided societies, with the frequency of these successful coups increasing linearly as the divide approaches a 50/50 split. The frequency of riots is robustly correlated with general ethnic fractionalization, but that ethnic fractionalization has much less predictive power for this correlation. An implication of these findings for future research is that using these refined definitions allows for a fuller understanding of the behavior being examined: all categories of conflict are not uniformly correlated with all measures of ethnic fractionalization, and vice versa. Hypotheses regarding these correlations must thus enter into detail, both about the claims being made and the groups for which they are made. Additionally, the findings show that income's correlation with conflict and ethnic fractionalization is more complex than has been indicated in much of political science literature, and that further research on the topic is merited.
S.M.and S.B.
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Tatsuni, Kayoko. "Coalition politics, ethnic violence and citizenship : Muslim political agency in Meerut, India, c.1950-2004." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2556/.
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This dissertation examines the responses of the Muslim community in Meerut city, in western Uttar Pradesh, India, to the rise of militant Hindu nationalism and to the anti-Muslim violence that shook Meerut in April-May 1987. I show how Meerut Muslims engaged in adaptive economic and political strategies in the wake of the 1987 violence and how these strategies culminated in a new style of participatory politics. This emerged under the leadership of the hitherto low status Qureshi (butcher) community. I show how Qureshi political activism has worked to create a Muslim political community which can be mobilised in terms both of civic and Muslim identities. I also demonstrate how Muslim political leaders have engaged in an instrumental politics of vote-trading with Hindu low- caste political parties. Both communities are exploiting new possibilities for representation in an era of multi-party coalition politics at state and national levels. My account of the 'new Muslim politics' in Meerut examines how Islam is understood alongside civic, or even secular, accounts of what it means to be a Muslim in contemporary India. More generally, my discussion of the production of ethnic peace in Meerut since c.1990 allows me to contribute to an ongoing debate on the causes and differential geography of 'communal' violence in India. I do not attempt to adjudicate between the competing accounts of 'votes and violence' offered by Steven Wilkinson, Ashutosh Varshney, Paul Brass and others. Instead, I seek to build on their work by offering a more considered discussion of Muslim political agency in the face of provocative militant Hinduism. Behind concerted campaigns for security and survival, the 'new Muslim politics' mirrors a commitment to the goals of respect and dignity that is also to be found among the region's poorest Hindu communities and the Scheduled Castes (dalits).
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Ramirez, Luis Alvaro Mogollon. "Revolutionary violence and state legitimacy in Latin America." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.283041.
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Schaudt, Paul [Verfasser]. "The political economy of development and organized violence / Paul Schaudt." Hannover : Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Universität Hannover, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1186251336/34.
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Zimmerman, Andrea Luka. "Secreting history : the spectral and spectacular performance of political violence." Thesis, University of the Arts London, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.436787.
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NORONHA, JOANNA VIEIRA. "FROM DESDEMONA TO ALICE: GENDER, POLITICAL ACTION AND DOMESTIC VIOLENCE." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2010. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=16511@1.
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CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICOEssa dissertação busca analisar o papel da ação política centrada em uma identidade - aqui, o conceito mulher - para o acesso à esfera pública hegemônica e para utilizar o direito como ferramenta de paridade participatória e empoderamento. Tomando por base esses três conceitos-chave (identidade, ação política e direito) e suas interações, buscar-se-á explorar possibilidades e limites da ação política centrada em um conceito fechado de agente para garantir direitos ao grupo que se pretende representar. A partir da apresentação de importantes exclusões dadas dentro dos movimentos feministas, utiliza-se um recorte da obra da filósofa feminista Judith Butler para construir a lente teórica que guiará a análise. O processo de formulação e promulgação da lei Maria da Penha de 2006, que lida com a violência doméstica e familiar contra mulheres, assim como as exclusões que se pode enxergar no texto dessa lei, formam o contexto escolhido para ilustrar a análise, por fornecer tanto exemplos das possibilidades e dos limites tratados em teoria, como também para que se pudesse obter um recorte adequado do tema.
This dissertation aims at analyzing the role of political action based on identity - here, the concept of women - to gain the hegemonic public sphere and use law as a tool for participation parity and empowerment. Using these three key concepts (identity, political action and law) and their interactions, this work hopes to show some possibilities and limits of a political action based on a closed concept of agent. Departing from the presentation of important exclusions occurred within feminist movements, a part of feminist philosopher Judith Butler is used to form a lens that will guide further analysis. The formulation and enactment process of the Maria da Penha statute, concerning domestic and familiar violence against women, alongside the exclusions one may notice in this statute, form the chosen context of analysis, for it provides examples of both possibilities and limits presented in theory. It also allowed for adequate framing of such a complex theme.
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Dias, Ramos A. "Imageless Angola : photography and political violence in a transnational age." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2018. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10044642/.
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This thesis investigates the intersection of political violence and photography in contemporary art and visual culture, focusing on the transnational context around the liberation and civil war in Angola (1961-2002). Though the longest period of conflict in the twentieth century, and one of the deadliest and most internationalized to date, it has always been presumed to be without images. Structured around four case studies, this thesis explores, and brings together for the first time, the wide range of experimental strategies with which artists in Angola, Cuba, Portugal, South Africa, or the US, among other places, have been systematically responding to and dealing with such colossal events over the last decade, through the mutual interrogation of photography and history.
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da, Silva Raquel Beleza Pereira. "Giving them a voice : narratives of political violence in Portugal." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7023/.
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This dissertation examines the lives and experiences of former political violent activists in Portugal, who acted in three distinct periods surrounding the Carnation Revolution of April 25th (1974), which overthrew Estado Novo’s dictatorship and established democracy: a pre-revolution period (1964-1974), a counter-revolution period (1975-1976) and a post-revolution period (1980-1987). This research aims to explore the dynamics of engagement with, life within, and disengagement from, a political violent organisation from the point of view of the actors of the violence themselves, whose voices are traditionally silenced. This study is theoretically framed by the research produced by Critical Terrorism Studies’ scholars and underpinned by narrative inquiry as the paradigm that guides the entire research process. This is, thus, the first in-depth qualitative investigation of the phenomenon in Portugal, which employed life history interviews to collect first-hand accounts about their subjective experiences, meanings and perspectives. The findings suggest that there are robust connections between the stories people tell about their lives and the social, cultural, political, historical and human contexts that frame these same stories. The showcase of the empirical, theoretical and methodological implications of the research concludes this thesis, emphasizing what this study adds to knowledge in the field of political violence.
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Maguire, Keith. "Ethnic conflict and political violence : a theoretical and comparative analysis." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1994. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk/R?func=search-advanced-go&find_code1=WSN&request1=AAIU060518.
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The subject of this thesis is the relationship between ethnic conflict and political violence. The thesis examines the types of political violence that are most prevalent in liberal-democratic states, using case studies from the conflicts in Northern Ireland since 1968, the Basque country since 1952 and the United States in the post-1945 period. It is argued that it is in what will be described as secessionist conflicts that political violence is likely to be at its worst. It will be argued that a number of factors are present, where campaigns of terrorism have been most intense and have seen the highest level of fatalities. In the cases, where terrorist groups have become enduring in their communities, it is likely that they will provide a range of goods and services to their communities. It will also be argued that participation in the labour market is also an important determinant as to whether or not a community will be prepared to give support to terrorist groups. It will be argued that many ethnic conflicts have been made more intractable because policy-makers have diagnosed the problem in an unsatisfactory fashion. Evidence will be cited to argue that ethnic-specific policies have focused on the symptoms of problems while failing to deal with their root causes. Instead of ethnic-specific policies, it will be argued that labour-market policies are the key to reducing ethnic conflicts. Therefore the strategy of conflict resolution in this thesis is based on a mixture of both micro and macro level policies. At one level, policies will be needed to disrupt the groups involved in carrying out acts of violence, while at the same time policies are also designed by government to make the political and economic environment less hospitable for groups, espousing strategies based on the use of sub-state violence.
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Blocksome, Patricia J. "A ways and means analysis of sub-state political violence." Diss., Kansas State University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/36251.
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Doctor of PhilosophySecurity Studies
Sam R. Bell
This project examines the choices that rebel groups make between different types of sub-state political violence campaigns. I argue that rebels will choose a specific campaign type based on variations in the levels of state actions that cause grievances (referred to as coercion), and the capacity of both the state and the rebel group. This project develops a framework to explain the rebel decision-making process. The rebels seek to change the political behavior of the state by undertaking some form of violent campaign. Rebel campaigns are the ways in which rebels seek to obtain their ends; this project delineates between terrorist, insurgent, and civil war campaigns. However, rebels’ choice of campaign is affected by several factors: coercion, state administrative capacity, state military capacity, rebel administrative capacity, and rebel military capacity. I hypothesize that the different types of campaigns are affected differently by these factors. Additionally, I hypothesize that levels of coercion are more strongly related to the initial year of the campaign than subsequent years, regardless of campaign type. These hypotheses are analyzed via quantitative and qualitative methods. Quantitatively, this includes the development of novel latent variables for coercion and capacity prior to empirical testing of the hypotheses. Qualitatively, two case studies of rebel groups are examined; the Mau Mau in Kenya and the LTTE in Sri Lanka. The research finds limited support for the hypotheses regarding the relationships between coercion and capacity, and the rebels’ choice of campaign.
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Shojaei, Seyyedehsogand. "From Gendered Violence to Political Event: Women's Activism in Iran." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/38640.
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In 2014, a series of shocking and seemingly random acid attacks against women took place in the Iranian city of Esfahan. The attacks by unknown assailants sparked widespread reactions from the public, outside commentators, and especially social and political activists focused on women‘s issues. Subsequently, the tragic event also prompted thousands of people to take to the streets to protest the violence and demand the authorities to secure women‘s safety in the public spaces.
Drawing on historical and media research along with semi-structured in-depth interviews, this thesis investigates how the wave of acid attacks managed to inspire subsequent mass political mobilizations. Situating the Esfahan acid attacks within the historical and political history of Iran, this thesis suggests that heterogeneous forms of women‘s rights activism cannot be viewed as simply pro-Western or Islamic. Drawing on the detailed analysis of the post-revolutionary history, this thesis shows how women‘s rights and bodily presence in public space in Iran have often played a central role in contemporary political mobilizations. In that sense, protests generated by the Esfahan incident represent a continuation of the long history of politicization of women‘s bodies, which continues to take new forms to this day.
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Babalola, Andrew Abidemi Olugbenga. "Rights Abuse as Root Causes of Political Violence in Nigeria." ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/2519.
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Ethnic division fuelled by inadequate governance and uneven economic development has led some ethnic based groups to regard violence as a legitimate means to achieve political and social ends. The political disruption caused by ethnic militia related violence in Nigeria prevented the first 3 attempts at republican democracy. The purpose of this study was to analyze the role played by human rights abuse in Nigeria in the formation of the Oodua People's Congress (OPC) in 1994, and to also analyze the OPC turning to violence in 1999. The theoretical construct of the study is the constructivist philosophy, which purports that people develop meanings based on personal feelings, tastes, and opinions from their experiences. The conceptual framework of human rights theory is used to analyze whether human rights abuses and material deprivation created conditions that encouraged violence. The central research question addressed whether the militarization of politics in Nigeria so abused the citizens' political and personal rights that the human rights threshold was met, influencing the OPC to turn to violence as means to achieve political end. Interview data was collected from 15 founding members of the OPC to form themes and descriptions for the study. Results indicated that the incessant abuse of citizens' political and personal rights led to a violent reaction after the July, 1998 death of Chief MKO Abiola, who died in military detention. This research contributed to social change by documenting that human rights abuse in Nigeria created a condition that led violence by those abused. Further, research recommendations, if implemented, can facilitate social change through increased stability in governance, reduced human carnage from terror activities, and improved personal economy of Nigerians.
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Kaul, Sharika. "Sexual Violence Against Women in India: The Role of Public Policy and Social Media in the Persistence of Sexually Violent Crimes." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/739.
Full textAbstract:
Following the 2012 gang-rape of a 23-year-old paramedic student in New Delhi, India's rape culture received unprecedented global attention. The Central Government sought to reduce the incidence of sexually violent crimes against Indian women by implementing policy changes. However, crimes against women and reported rapes have continued to rise. This paper seeks to explain the persistence of sexually violent crimes in India by arguing that contemporary public policies and the dominating presence of men's rights organizations on social media platforms have reproduced rapability in unique and dangerous ways.