Journal articles on the topic 'Political violence – Turkey'
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1
Direk, Zeynep. "Confronting Domestic Violence in Turkey." Eco-ethica 8 (2019): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ecoethica202052718.
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In this paper, I discuss how Turkish feminists have approached the phenomenon of male violence in Turkey as a political problem by following the feminist precept that the private is public. In the last twenty years, feminist activists in media have made male violence increasingly visible, by criticizing the framing of femicides as fatalities of jealousy and love. I argue that Turkish feminists do not consider male violence as just a “situation” or a structure of “oppression.” They problematize it as systematic political violence, which calls for a critique of the anti-feminist state policies that restitute masculine supremacy by the promotion of patriarchal values. The political consolidation of masculinity by the rejection of gender equality is a key aspect of authoritarianism. Turkish government does not frame domestic violence as a women’s problem but as a family problem. In contrast, feminist arguments invite the government to confront domestic violence as male violence. I suggest that the male violence that women experience in Turkey can be seen as a manifestation of bio-power at the age of the crisis of neo-liberalism.
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Ozgur Donmez, Rasim. "Nationalism in Turkey: Political Violence and Identity." Ethnopolitics 6, no. 1 (March 2007): 43–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449050601161340.
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Arat, Yeşim. "Violence, Resistance, and Gezi Park." International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, no. 4 (October 15, 2013): 807–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813000962.
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As a student of politics whose primary research interest is in women's political participation in Turkey, my engagement with the study of violence is through the lens of gender. In gender studies, “violence” is arguably the most important critical concept for the articulation of the personal as the political. Women's recognition that violence in their personal lives and intimate relationships needed to be problematized in the political realm and transformed through public debate was a revolutionary development. Bringing this recognition into the canon of political thought has been a major contribution of feminist theorists.
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Gülel, Devran. "A Critical Assessment of Turkey’s Positive Obligations in Combatting Violence against Women: Looking behind the Judgments." Muslim World Journal of Human Rights 18, no. 1 (August 19, 2021): 27–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mwjhr-2021-0016.
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Abstract After almost two decades in power, R. T. Erdoğan and his Justice and Development Party (AKP) have established authoritarian and Islamist governance in Turkey, which has adversely affected gender equality and women’s rights. So much so, that in 2009 the European Court of Human Rights acknowledged that there is a climate conducive to domestic violence in Turkey (Opuz v. Turkey). Despite Erdoğan withdrawing Turkey unconstitutionally from the Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (Istanbul Convention), the government cannot withdraw from the state’s duty to protect its citizens from the criminal acts of private individuals. By using international and regional organisations’ approaches to positive obligations and due diligence as a measure, the article addresses whether Turkey is fulfilling its duty of protecting women from the violent conduct of others. It is concluded that the government is failing in its positive obligations and instead, is reinforcing the climate through its discourse and practices that strengthen a national tolerance of violence against women and the national authorities’ reluctance to address it, thus allowing for impunity of its perpetrators.
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Al Qurtuby, Sumanto. "Interethnic Violence, Separatism and Political Reconciliation in Turkey and Indonesia." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 71, no. 2 (June 2015): 126–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928414568619.
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Reyhan, Servet. "Football in Turkey from 1960 to Present Day: Unpreventable Violence." Journal of Education and Training Studies 7, no. 9 (June 27, 2019): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/jets.v7i9.4351.
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This study seeks to investigate the issue of violence in football in Turkey from 1960 up to present day along with incidents, riots and stampedes that occurred related to violence in football. The study was conducted considering three main periods, which are from 1960 to 1980, 1980 to 2000 and finally 2000 and today. The reason why these particular periods were chosen was that each period had its own characteristics related to football-related violence and other aspects that affected it. To collect data, 15 members of fan groups were interviewed related to the football-related violence. Furthermore, the study took into account not only physical aspect of violence but also social and psychological aspect of it. Findings revealed that Turkey has been a country where football-related violence has never been completely prevented due to reasons such as coups, coup attempts, political issues, social behaviors shaped by these political issues, regulations and media considering these periods. And based on the participant opinions, it was found that main actors responsible for the violence are top officials in the football federation, politicians and media. As a result, football-related violence remains to be a major problem in football games not only on the pitch but also off the pitch.
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Şahin, Devrim, and Safiye Kocadayı. "Turkey’s Syrian Refugees Dilemma between the Triangle of Violence." Migration and Diversity 1, no. 1 (November 19, 2022): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/md.v1i1.2874.
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This paper studies the worsening relations between the Syrian refugees and the citizens of Turkey and argues that the current state of relations can be understood as an example of the renowned pacifist Johann Galtung’s negative peace concept. While no military dispute exists in Turkey, the relationship between refugees and the people of Turkey lacks the behaviour, institutions, and organizations sine qua non (essential) to make and survive the peace that Galtung identifies as positive peace. Turkey is not a kind of advanced democracy with cosmopolitan culture. Maintaining this kind of all-embracing peace in Turkey requires a comprehensive settlement including efforts to get the international community to be involved more, avoiding political rhetoric that securitizes the issue, furthering training and education programs for the orientation of the refugees, clarifying the statute of the refugees and preparing the ground for the return of refugees to their country, if possible.
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Ergin, Murat, Bruce Rankin, and Fatoş Gökşen. "Education and symbolic violence in contemporary Turkey." British Journal of Sociology of Education 40, no. 1 (November 29, 2018): 128–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01425692.2018.1500274.
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Sayari, Sabri. "Political Violence and Terrorism in Turkey, 1976–80: A Retrospective Analysis." Terrorism and Political Violence 22, no. 2 (March 9, 2010): 198–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546550903574438.
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Sahin, Selver B. "Combatting violence against women in Turkey: structural obstacles." Contemporary Politics 28, no. 2 (October 22, 2021): 204–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2021.1992131.
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Sarıoğlu, Esra. "Vigilante Violence against Women in Turkey: A Sociological Analysis." Kadın/Woman 2000, Journal for Women's Studies 19, no. 2 (October 10, 2017): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.33831/jws.v19i2.277.
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This study examines one of the disturbing political developments over the last years and one that has not received scholarly attention: the rise of vigilantism against women in Turkey. Building on the empirical data on vigilante incidents, I show that vigilantism in Turkey is an exclusively masculine practice carried out by individual men or small groups of men who, calling upon a moral order or higher moral sovereignties, target nonpious-looking women navigating the public places in densely populated big cities. By locating vigilantism in the larger dynamics of gender politics, I argue that vigilantism delineates the emergent dynamics of the current backlash against women’s agency in Turkey, a backlash that manifests itself as a masculinist enforcement of morality in public.
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Studies, Kurdish. "Book Reviews." Kurdish Studies 6, no. 2 (October 29, 2018): 246–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v6i2.459.
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Thomas Schmidinger, Rojava: Revolution, War and the Future of Syria’s Kurds, London: Pluto Press, 2018, 298 pp., (ISBN: 9780745337722).Nazand Begikhani, Aisha K. Gill and Gill Hague, Honour-Based Violence: Experiences and Counter-Strategies in Iraqi Kurdistan and the UK Kurdish Diaspora, Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, 2015, 189 pp., (ISBN: 9781409421900).Mehmet Orhan, Political Violence and Kurds in Turkey: Fragmentations, Mobilizations, Participations and Repertoires, Oxon: Routledge, 2016, 294 pp., (ISBN: 978-1-317-42044-6) & H. Akin Ünver, Turkey’s Kurdish Question: Discourse and Politics since 1990, Oxon: Routledge, 2015, 196 pp., (ISBN: 978-1-138-85856-5).Veli Yadirgi, The Political Economy of the Kurds of Turkey – From the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish Republic, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017, pp. 334, (ISBN: 9781316848579).Burak Bilgehan Özpek, The Peace Process between Turkey and the Kurds: Anatomy of a Failure, London: Routledge, 2017, 80 pp., (ISBN: 9781138564107).
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Weiss, Nerina. "Falling from grace: Gender norms and gender strategies in Eastern Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 42 (2010): 55–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600005574.
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AbstractThis article calls for a critical scholarly engagement with women's participation in the Kurdish movement. Since the 1980s, women have appropriated the political sphere in different gender roles, and their activism is mostly seen as a way of empowerment and emancipation. Albeit legitimate, such a claim often fails to account for the social and political control mechanisms inherent in the new political gender roles. This article presents the life stories of four Kurdish women. Although politically active, these women do not necessarily define themselves through their political activity. Thus they do not present their life story according to the party line, but dwell on the different social and political expectations, state violence and the contradicting role models with whom they have to deal on a daily basis. Therefore, the status associated with their roles, especially those of the “new” and emancipated woman, does not necessarily represent their own experiences and subjectivities. Women who openly criticize the social and political constraints by transgressing the boundaries of accepted conduct face social as well as political sanctions.
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Gunter, Michael M. "Kurdish Hizbullah in Turkey: Islamism, Violence and the State." Middle East Policy 26, no. 1 (March 2019): 157–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12410.
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Yeşilada, Birol. "New Political Parties and the Problems of Development in Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 1 (1987): 35–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/s0896634600000054.
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Since the beginning of liberal pluralist politics in 1950, Turkey has experienced three military coups in 1960, 1971, and 1980. Of these military incursions the ones in 1960 and 1980 were the most serious in scope. Each time the armed forces remained in power for a short time, 1960–1961 and 1980–1983, and completely revised the existing constitutional framework. These were unlike the 1971 intervention which did not result in a complete revision of the political system, but only in an amendment of the constitution to provide the state with more powers in dealing with domestic violence. In this respect, the 1960 coup marks the end of the First Republic. The subsequent period, 1961–1980 is the Second Republic.
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Işık, Ayhan. "Pro-state paramilitary violence in Turkey since the 1990s." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 21, no. 2 (March 31, 2021): 231–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2021.1909285.
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Kocacık, Faruk, Aziz Kutlar, and Feray Erselcan. "Domestic violence against women: A field study in Turkey." Social Science Journal 44, no. 4 (December 1, 2007): 687–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.soscij.2007.10.016.
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Tambar, Kabir. "Brotherhood in Dispossession: State Violence and the Ethics of Expectation in Turkey." Cultural Anthropology 31, no. 1 (October 23, 2015): 30–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.14506/ca31.1.03.
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The category of minority has been constitutive of the concept of the people in Turkey, distilling those who do not belong to the history and destiny of the nation from those who do. Minority, in this sense, is not simply a demographic classification, nor merely a matter of legal recognition. It carries the weight of a historical judgment, which scaffolds political community by delineating which populations, languages, and religions remain beyond the framework of collective obligation and responsibility. This essay examines comments delivered by a pro-Kurdish political party and a largely Kurdish mothers-of-the-disappeared group during Turkey’s Gezi Park protests of 2013. These moments of public address participated in the broader spirit of state critique on display during those demonstrations. They were noteworthy, however, for recasting the Gezi events as a late occurrence in a longer history of state violence, prefigured by a century of dispossession experienced by those who have been classed as minorities or threatened with that designation. The essay asks how these invocations of history enabled interventions into imagined futures. The commentaries were not primarily aimed at repudiating the historical judgment of minority as discriminatory or contrary to law, but instead sought to delocalize the judgment vested in the category of minority, to see in that judgment an increasingly generalized economy of state violence, and to view it as prefiguring a political community to come.
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Cayli, Baris, Philip Hodgson, and Dave Walsh. "Social Unrest in the uk and Turkey: Rethinking Police Violence against Dissident Communities." Comparative Sociology 17, no. 2 (April 4, 2018): 159–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341455.
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AbstractThe present study explores police violence during the riots in London and Gezi Park protests in Istanbul. This study puts forth that the rise of social injustice in theukand the erosion of plural democracy in Turkey clarify the paradox of state intervention because the two states prioritized rapid repression of uprising without consolidating public trust and social justice in the society. This comparative study reveals that the liberal and non-religious elements of the capitalist ruling system in theukcontain similar fractions of state repression when compared to the authoritarian and religious elements of the capitalist ruling system in Turkey. The authors conclude that police violence endures the social control of dissident communities while it maintains the sustainability of different capitalist ruling systems in the periods of social unrest.
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Altınbaş, Kürşat, Gülçin Altınbaş, Ahmet Türkcan, E. Timuçin Oral, and James Walters. "A survey of verbal and physical assaults towards psychiatrists in Turkey." International Journal of Social Psychiatry 57, no. 6 (September 8, 2010): 631–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020764010382364.
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Background: Assaults on health professionals have been an area of burgeoning clinical and political interest in recent years. There is now a body of literature suggesting that violence towards psychiatrists is more common than to other doctors. Thus far the vast majority of research in this area has been conducted in Western European and North American clinical settings. For the first time, this study examines this issue in the context of Turkish psychiatric settings. Objective: (i) The study aims to detect the prevalence of verbal and physical assaults towards psychiatrists in Turkey. (ii) It aims to compare the experience of verbal and physical assaults according to the gender and training experience of psychiatrists. (iii) The paper intends to investigate how psychiatrists reacted to and appraised the experience of violence. Methods: A questionnaire was prepared to evaluate violence towards psychiatrists (adapted from the Overt Agression Scale). The questionaire was administered to psychiatric specialists and residents working in state hospitals, research and training hospitals, mental health hospitals and university psychiatry clinics. A response rate of 93% was achieved with 186 out of 200 psychiatrsits approached completing the study questionnaire. Results: Of all the psychiatrists who responded, 71% reported having experienced verbal or physical assaults during their professional life (verbal assaults only (19.9%), physical assaults only (2.7%) and both (48.4%)). Of these, 26% suffered injury to at least a mild degree. There was no statistically significant difference in terms of gender and workplace. In spite of the extremely high rates of aggression and violence towards psychiatrists, roughly 50% perceived these acts a normal part of their job and only 5% formally reported the violent incident. Conclusion: The majority of psychiatrists described having been victims of verbal and physical assaults although half perceived aggression and violence as a normal part of their job. Levels of reporting of violence were very low in the context of this study. Studies such as this provide evidence to inform the development of improved management of violence and may encourage psychiatrists to report violence.
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McDowall, David. "The PKK: a report on separatist violence in Turkey, 1973–1992." International Affairs 69, no. 4 (October 1993): 807–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620683.
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Şengül, Ceren. "The Formation of Kurdishness in Turkey: Political Violence, Fear and Pain, by Ramazan Aras." Middle Eastern Studies 51, no. 2 (September 26, 2014): 330–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2014.930026.
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Tezcür, Güneş Murat. "Violence and nationalist mobilization: the onset of the Kurdish insurgency in Turkey." Nationalities Papers 43, no. 2 (March 2015): 248–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.970527.
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According to theories of nonviolent resistance, violence is counterproductive and undermines the ability of a movement to achieve mass support. At the same time, studies of ethnic insurgencies suggest that violence is the only available method of mobilization in political systems characterized by entrenched ethnic hierarchies. Engaging with these arguments, this article addresses a historical puzzle: What factors explain the timing and ability of the PKK's (Partiye Karkerên Kurdistan) rise as the hegemonic Kurdish nationalist organization in Turkey between the late 1970s and 1990? The article argues that studies that identify Kurdish nationalism as a reaction to repressive policies of the Turkish state without paying attention to prevailing social conditions and oppositional strategies fail to provide a satisfactory response. It argues that the rise of the PKK was primarily a function of its ability to gain support among the peasantry in deeply unequal rural areas through its strategic employment of violence. It also identifies four causal mechanisms of PKK recruitment based on rich archival and field research: credibility, revenge, social mobility, and gender emancipation.
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Darıcı, Haydar. "“ADULTS SEE POLITICS AS A GAME”: POLITICS OF KURDISH CHILDREN IN URBAN TURKEY." International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, no. 4 (October 15, 2013): 775–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813000901.
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AbstractThis article explores the political subjectivity of Kurdish children in urban Turkey. Often referred to as “stone-throwing children,” since the early 2000s Kurdish children have entered Turkish public discourse as central political actors of the urban Kurdish movement. I suggest that the politicization of children can be understood in the context of transformations in age and kinship systems within the Kurdish community that were shaped by the forced migration of Kurds in the early 1990s. Focusing on the experiences of Kurdish children in the city of Adana, I argue that memories of violence transmitted by displaced parents, combined with the children's experiences of urban life, including exclusion, discrimination, poverty, and state violence, necessitate a reevaluation of how childhood is conceived and experienced within the Kurdish community. In a context where Kurdish adults often have trouble integrating into the urban context, their children frequently challenge conventional power relations within their families as well as within the Kurdish movement. In contrast to a dominant Turkish public discourse positing that these children are being abused by politicized adults, I contend that Kurdish children are active agents who subvert the agendas and norms of not only Turkish but also Kurdish politics. The article analyzes the ways Kurdish children are represented in the public discourse, how they narrate and make sense of their own politicization, and the relationship between the memory and the postmemory of violence in the context of their mobilization.
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Singer, Amy, and Chris Martin. "Studying Turkey through a Graphic Lens." Review of Middle East Studies 55, no. 1 (June 2021): 124–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2021.46.
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AbstractIn Turkish Kaleidoscope, social anthropologist and novelist Jenny White has expanded her repertoire to the graphic novel format to create an account of the violence and political chaos that pervaded Turkey in the late 1970s.2 White builds here on her academic work and her own student experience at Hacettepe University in Ankara. Artist Ergün Gündüz has created visual interpretations of place, space, events, and emotions that bring the story to life. This review is a collaborative class exercise for “Turkey: From Atatürk to Erdoğan” at Brandeis University in the Spring 2021 semester. It reflects on the novel as a text for Turkish history; the format of the work; the aesthetic choices of artist and author; and the experience of encountering this work in the contemporary historical moment. The review incorporates student comments as direct quotations. It was co-authored by Chris Martin, a student in the course.
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Cosar, Simten, and Gulden Ozcan. "A Feminist Analysis of Security in Turkey." Journal of World-Systems Research 27, no. 1 (March 20, 2021): 35–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2021.1034.
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This article analyzes the securitization of the political space under the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party, AKP) governments in Turkey with a critical feminist lens. We argue that a feminist reading unpacks the connection between AKP’s discursive strategies in the spheres of social and national security. We focus on the AKP’s proposals that address social policy and defense policy spheres—namely, the “Women’s Employment Package;” “Family Package;” and “Internal Security Package.” In our analysis, we start from the argument that the AKP’s terms in office represent the last phase of neoliberal transformation in the country. Packages in this phase also speak to the patchwork style of neoliberal policy making. They function as means for checking, and then, manipulating public opinion. Analysis of the packages provides insight into the AKP’s increasing resort to violence vis-á-vis opposition as well as the deepening of the economic crisis in the country in the last two decades.
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Baird, Theodore. "Human smuggling and violence in the east Mediterranean." International Journal of Migration, Health and Social Care 10, no. 3 (September 9, 2014): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijmhsc-06-2013-0010.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to outline a typology of violent acts used against migrants using human smugglers. This paper relates the experiences of violence, coercion, and exploitation to migrants’ experiences of being smuggled across borders. Design/methodology/approach – Data were collected using participant observation and semi-structured interviews among undocumented migrants and refugees who used human smugglers to enter Turkey and Greece. Fieldwork was conducted in Athens, Greece and Istanbul, Turkey over spring and summer 2011 and 2012. Findings – This paper presents an adapted typology of violence using four categories of coercive violence: threats and pressure, physical force, deception and fraud, and coercion/advantage taking. Movement with human smugglers may involve the violation of consent and forms of exploitation resembling, but not equating to, human trafficking. Research limitations/implications – The findings are based on a non-probability snowball sample, and are not generalizable. Further research should engage with other methods such as respondent driven sampling to gain more accurate estimates of violent events among smuggled migrants. Practical implications – Governments must respond appropriately when apprehending or detaining migrants, as many of them have been victimized by violence and may remain vulnerable because of continued threats from human smugglers. Originality/value – This paper presents a typology of violent acts against migrants using human smugglers, and can be used to develop further research and improve professional practice.
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Boyraz, Cemil, and Ömer Turan. "Silent Violence: Neoliberalism, Islamist Politics and the AKP Years in Turkey." Turkish Studies 14, no. 1 (March 2013): 186–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2013.770645.
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Doná, Giorgia, and Helen Taylor. "The ‘Peaks and Troughs’ of Societal Violence: Revisiting the Actions of Turkish and Kurdish Shopkeepers during the 2011 London Riots." Sociological Research Online 20, no. 1 (February 2015): 83–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.3534.
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This article examines an instance of contained violence during the 2011 riots in London, when Turkish and Kurdish ‘shopkeepers’ in Dalston, East London prevented rioters from entering the area. Introducing a ‘peaks’ and ‘troughs’ approach to the sociological study of violence, the article argues that we need to look at the troughs of non-violence in order to understand the peaks of violence and vice-versa. Based on a small-scale empirical study, this article also shows that contrary to the dominant representation of social actors playing fixed roles during social unrest, we found shifting positions and blurred boundaries in the drama of the 2011 riots. The paper demonstrates that the instance of contained violence in Dalston was informed by three types of reverberations. Firstly, we identified anticipatory reverberations, as the shopkeepers were aware of concurrent events elsewhere in London and, as a result, anticipated rioting in Dalston. Secondly, we saw experiential reverberations, as they used their own experience of unrest in Turkey to inform their behaviour. Finally, the representation of the action of the shopkeepers in traditional and social media may have contributed to the containment of violence elsewhere in England, suggesting representational reverberations.
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HAVA KÖPRÜLÜ, Melek, and Sezer AVCI. "ECONOMIC VIOLENCE AND WOMAN'S LIFE." GOBEKLİTEPE Saglik Bilimleri Dergisi 5, no. 7 (March 15, 2022): 56–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.55433/gsbd.115.
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iolence against women is an issue that should be addressed as one of social problems of a society because the phenomenon of violence is a factor that takes away their right to live and prevents them from being involved in the society. The phenomenon of violence is a social reality that exists in Turkey, similar to that in other societies. When people think of violence against women, they often think of physical violence. However, both national (Turkish) and international platforms indicate that violence can be physical, sexual, psychological, and economic as well. Economic violence is one of the types of violence that women are exposed to. The economic violence refers to the use of money and economic resources on women as a means of sanction, power, and threat which impoverishes women and makes them dependent on individuals. The fact that economic violence, which is accepted as one of major barriers to economic and social development and development of countries, is accepted by a great majority of women, contributes to the fact that the existence of economic violence in that society is not noticed and is regarded normal. Women are exposed to economic violence not only by their husbands at home, but also outside the home. This exposure is based on the traditionalism of the society and the idea that men should be more dominant and have the right to decide in the political, legal and economic decision mechanisms of the society. The fact that women and men have equal rights and this can be implemented not only on paper but also in practice in order to prevent economic violence against women depends on increasing the education levels and raising awareness in the society for this sensitivity. All women in the world have the possibility to experience gender-based violence regardless of religion, language, race, economic and financial freedom, and professional status. Because of all these reasons, the fight against violence phenomenon is important not only in Turkey, but also at the global level for the welfare of all women. In this study, the problems encountered by women in business life and the effect of economic violence on women are discussed.
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Bhatia, Monish, Gemma Lousley, and Sarah Turnbull. "Introduction to the Special Issue: Migration, Vulnerability and Violence." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 9, no. 3 (August 5, 2020): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v9i3.1631.
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The contributions to this special issue within this double issue tackle some of the pressing, contemporary issues across the migration landscape. Paying attention to stratifying factors including race, gender and class, the six articles that make up this special issue critically analyse migrant vulnerability as well as resilience and resistance. Adopting different theoretical and methodological approaches, they engage with a variety of contexts and geographical sites (Portugal, Spain, Turkey and the United Kingdom [UK]). The collection cuts across various disciplines but retains a strong commitment to uncovering the violence of denial, exclusion and deprivation while at the same time making visible migrant struggles and lived experiences.
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Jabbarinasir, H. R. "Factors of Transformation of Political Islam in World Politics: Origins of Violence and Terrorism." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 102, no. 3 (September 23, 2021): 125–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2021-102-3-125-146.
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The article studies factors of transformation of political Islam and reasons for its “tightening” in the modern context. On the basis of the ideas of social constructivism, the author traces the main milestones in the evolution of political Islam and the formation of its radical branches that orient towards violence and terrorism. The article examines nine mega-events that ultimately determined the specifics of the modern union of Islam and poli tics — the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, the Islamic revolution in Iran, the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, the collapse of the Soviet Union, the September 11 attacks (2001), the overthrow of Saddam Hussein’s regime, the “Arab Spring”, and the establishment of political Islam with a “Turkish face”. The author demonstrates that after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Islam began to gradually transform from the social phenomenon into the world-political factor. Initially, this tendency was observed in the intellectual and ideological spheres, but then penetrated practical politics. The article identifies four models of modern political Islam — Shiite, Salafi-jihadist, Takfirist-jihadist and moderate political Islam. According to the author’s conclusion, the attitude towards violence within these models is largely determined by the peculiarities of the formation, geographic ambitions and goals of the respective branches. The Shiite branch of political Islam that has established in Iran justifies violence for solving defensive tasks and appeals mainly to the categories of justice and protection of the oppressed. Salafijihadist and Takfirist groups, in essence, see violence as a key instrument for implementing the commandments of Allah and rebuilding the world on the principles of Sharia. The moderate political Islam (as shown by analyzing the case of Turkey) completely rejects violence, and religion remains largely a social phenomenon, although it is used for political purposes, in particular, to attract the electorate. On the basis of his analysis, the author comes to the conclusion that the idea of violence as an inherent element of political Islam is erroneous, but at the same time he points out risks of the increasing significance of this factor.
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Dogan, Recep. "The Usage of Excommunication (Takfir) in the Ideology of Justice and Development Party (the AKP), Political Islamists of Turkey." Issues in Social Science 6, no. 2 (July 13, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/iss.v6i2.13290.
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The usage of excommunication goes back to the early history of Islam for the extreme Kharijite sect declared for the first time all other Muslims who did not agree with them as apostates and killed them brutally in the 7th century. The extreme mentality of the Kharijites has been witnessed in various extreme sects throughout Islamic history. More recently, Justice and Development Party (the AKP), the political Islamists of Turkey, has been using the concept of takfir (excommunication) against its opponents. In this essay, we will examine the concepts of faith (iman) and disbelief (kufr) and then attempt to analyze the ruling AKP’s usage of excommunication (takfir) on the basis of primary Islamic sources. The essay will seek the relation between the takfir and extremism as well as its connection with violence and terrorism by examining the ideology of the ruling AKP in Turkey.
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Sonmez, Abdulkerim. "The Effects of Violence and Internal Displacement on Rural-Agrarian Change in Turkey*." Rural Sociology 73, no. 3 (September 2008): 370–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1526/003601108785766534.
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Sezgin, Ibrahim Can. "The link between the foreign policy of states and escalating political violence: Turkey and the PKK." Critical Studies on Terrorism 6, no. 1 (April 2013): 167–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2013.765705.
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Belge, Ceren. "Civilian Victimization and the Politics of Information in the Kurdish Conflict in Turkey." World Politics 68, no. 2 (February 22, 2016): 275–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887115000398.
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During the 1990s, thousands of Kurdish settlements in Eastern Turkey were forcibly evacuated, resulting in the displacement of more than one million Kurdish villagers. This article examines why some villages survived while the populations of others were forcibly displaced. It also addresses the broader question of why particular groups of civilians become more vulnerable to coercion in the course of armed conflict, and how their vulnerability is shaped by the extent and quality of information that states possess about population groups, particularly minorities deemed dangerous to the regime. The author argues that state practices to categorize the identity of minority groups and to collect information about their behavior and allegiances are integral to the dynamics of violence. Such practices make certain categories of citizens more vulnerable to victimization and often introduce biases into the information gathered. Focusing on Turkey's population census, elections, and the use of informants embedded in communities, the author examines information-gathering practices from the national to the local level. The author uses original data on displacement, Kurdish insurgent violence, and election results, as well as interviews with displaced persons and progovernment militia members, tochallenge the view that civilian victimization in counterinsurgency wars stems primarily from states' inability to distinguish civilians from insurgents.
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Schon, Justin. "Motivation and opportunity for conflict-induced migration: An analysis of Syrian migration timing." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 1 (December 27, 2018): 12–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318806044.
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How do civilians decide when to leave their homes during conflict? Existing research emphasizes the role of violence in driving civilian migration decisions. Yet, migration timing often does not correspond with the timing of violence. To explain this discrepancy, I argue that violence fits within broader considerations of motivation and opportunity to migrate. Witnessing violence triggers post-traumatic growth that delays narrative ruptures and the subsequent migration that they motivate. Civilians who have ‘wasta’ – an advantaged social position resulting from some combination of money and connections – have the opportunity to migrate safely. Civilians who possess both motivation and opportunity migrate earlier. I use over 170 structured interviews with Syrian refugees in Turkey to test this argument. Descriptively, respondents who did not witness violence (early motivation) left their homes seven months earlier, on average. Respondents with wasta (opportunity) left their homes one full year earlier, on average. Respondents who both did not witness violence (early motivation) and had wasta left their homes approximately one and a half years earlier, on average. Cox proportional hazard models reveal that respondents only migrated earlier in the conflict if they had both early motivation and opportunity. Open-ended responses from the interviews support the quantitative results and help explain their causal mechanisms. These findings contribute to understandings of conflict-induced migration, civil war, and the Syrian conflict.
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Kesici, Mehmet Rauf. "The Visibility of an Invisible Community’s Labour Exploitation in an Ethnic Economy: A Comparative Study on Kurdish Movers in the United Kingdom." Migration Letters 17, no. 3 (May 8, 2020): 461–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v17i3.844.
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Kurdish movers from Turkey are usually considered as Turkish by researchers. Therefore, very little is known about the experiences of Kurdish movers in the labour market in the United Kingdom. Drawing on field research I conducted in 2014 and 2015 about the ethnic economy and labour market conditions of Kurdish, Turkish, and Turkish-Cypriot movers in London, this study contributes to the literature on migration through analyses of the labour exploitation of Kurds who moved to the UK from Turkey. It demonstrates that the reasons underlying the difference between Kurds and Turks and Turkish-Cypriots in terms of status and working conditions are complex. First of all, Kurdish movers in the UK are relative newcomers, have a limited grasp of English and share a strong sense of solidarity, and also a significant percentage of those Kurds left Turkey in order to escape discrimination and political violence, which makes the possibility of return “impossible”.
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Gunes, Cengiz. "Developments in the Kurdish Issue in Syria and Turkey in 2017." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 16, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 211–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117_01601010.
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This article explores the main political developments taking place in Kurdish politics in Syria and Turkey in 2017. It first focusses on the developments taking place in Syria and provides an account of the Kurds’ ascendency there, including the establishment of a de facto Kurdish-led autonomous region in Syria’s north and northeast. Then an account of Turkey’s Kurdish conflict is provided, highlighting the positive developments during the 2000s and the first half of the 2010s that transformed it. However, since the summer of 2015 these positive developments have been reversed with an acceleration of violence in the conflict. In conclusion, I briefly assess the future prospects for the Kurds in Syria and Turkey in light of the developments connected to the ongoing Syrian conflict and the wider region.
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Maksudyan, Nazan. "“Revolution is the Equality of Children and Adults”: Yaşar Kemal Interviews Street Children, 1975." International Journal of Middle East Studies 54, no. 1 (December 17, 2021): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074382100088x.
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AbstractIn 1975, the world-famous novelist Yaşar Kemal (1923–2015) undertook a series of journalistic interviews with street children in Istanbul. The series, entitled “Children Are Human” (Çocuklar İnsandır), reflects the author's rebellious attitude as well as the revolutionary spirit of hope in the 1970s in Turkey. Kemal's ethnographic fieldwork with street children criticized the demotion of children to a less-than-human status when present among adults. He approached children's rights from a human rights angle, stressing the humanity of children and that children's rights are human rights. The methodological contribution of this research to the history of children and youth is its engagement with ethnography as historical source. His research provided children the opportunity to express their political subjectivities and their understanding of the major political questions of the time, specifically those of social justice, (in)equality, poverty, and ethnic violence encountered in their everyday interactions with politics in the country. Yaşar Kemal's fieldwork notes and transcribed interviews also bring to light immense injustices within an intersectional framework of age, class, ethnicity, and gender. The author emphasizes that children's political agency and their political protest is deeply rooted in their subordination and misery, but also in their dreams and hopes. Situating Yaşar Kemal's “Children Are Human” in the context of the 1970s in Turkey, I hope to contribute to childhood studies with regard to the political agency of children as well as to the history of public intellectuals and newspapers in Turkey and to progressive representations of urban marginalization.
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Doğangün, Gokten. "Gender Climate in Authoritarian Politics: A Comparative Study of Russia and Turkey." Politics & Gender 16, no. 1 (January 3, 2019): 258–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000788.
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AbstractIn Russia and Turkey, the pro-authoritarian regimes have largely relied on nationalistic narratives appealing to cultural authenticity, tradition, and religion for legitimacy and cultural resonance at the mass level. Within this narrative, as it is argued, traditional notions of family and femininity are endorsed so as to represent national power against the West and to invigorate social unity and morality in Russian and Turkish societies. The revival of traditional gender norms and patterns that characterize the prevailing gender climates in Russia and Turkey is visible in the restructuring of gender equality mechanisms, the organization of reproduction in accordance with pronatalist policies, women's employment patterns, and state policy on combating domestic violence. This analysis relies on empirical data obtained through in-depth interviews with academics, representatives of international organizations and nongovernmental organizations, feminist activists, experts from women's shelters, and public officials based in Russia and Turkey. It is supplemented with a review of relevant examples from political discourse employed by political leaders, legal regulations, and public policies on these four areas. The article concludes that the revival of traditional gender categories and stereotypes aggravates the inferior position of women and unleashes discriminatory attitudes toward them at home, in society, and in the labor market.
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Unal, Didem. "“Are You God? Damn Your Family!”: The Islam–Gender Nexus in Right-Wing Populism and the New Generation of Muslim Feminist Activism in Turkey." Religions 13, no. 4 (April 16, 2022): 372. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13040372.
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This article examines young Muslim women’s dissident mentalities, practices, and subjectivities that confront the epistemological conditions whereby right-wing populist (RWP) gender politics operates in Turkey. Relying on frame theory in social movement research and the Foucauldian approach to resistance, dissent, and protest, it explores Muslim feminist critique of RWP gender discourse mainly with a focus on the following issues: (i.) Instrumentalization of the headscarf, (ii.) familialist policies, and (iii.) violence against women and the Istanbul Convention (the Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence). As a result, it demonstrates that young Muslim women’s dissident mentalities and subjectivities generate a new “political project”, i.e., a set of new meanings and social goals directed at bringing about social change, which comes into being through the act of resistance against RWP gender grammar and carves out new forms of knowledge reclaiming the Islam–gender nexus for a progressive feminist agenda.
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Santana de Andrade, Glenda. "Beyond Vulnerability: Syrian Refugees in Urban Spaces in Turkey." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 9, no. 3 (August 5, 2020): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v9i3.1589.
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Since 2011, 5.6 million people have fled Syria due to ongoing conflict. In Turkey alone, 3.6 million Syrians are confronted with a series of constraints once in the host country. This paper analyses, within the context of urban exile in Turkey, the different experiences and survival strategies of Syrians who are modulated by particular relations of race, class and gender. It aims to explain how refugees manage to create their own visibility in this new space full of limitations, and further explores how their newfound participation in these urban areas can deconstruct dominant representations of refugees, who are otherwise seen as threats or as voiceless victims. In all, this paper aims to go beyond the vulnerability of refugees, without neglecting the violence they endure. To do so, the study was conducted using a series of semi-structured interviews, complemented by an ethnological approach.
oach.
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Sündal, Fatma. "WHAT HAS HAPPENED IN AKP YEARS IN TURKEY: THE CONDITION OF ISLAMISM, TURKISH ISLAM SYNTHESIS, AND ISLAMIST VIOLENCE." ARAB AND ISLAMIC WORLD - THE VIEW FROM INSIDE 2, no. 1 (June 1, 2008): 13–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0201013s.
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AKP (Justice and Development Party) can be accepted as the last and most powerful representative of Islamism in Turkey. The party came to power alone, after the general elections in 2002 and in 2007. Within its fi rst period of power, AKP claimed divergence from its extreme Islamist views and it gained trust among the majority of intellectuals. Furthermore, some socialist and liberal intellectuals supported most claims of AKP, in its fi rst period of power. In the second period, AKP’s discourse began to have references to şeria law, more frequently; and fi nally, it lost the support of liberals and socialists. We witnessed some important and mysterious assassinations in the years 2006 and 2007 before the 2007 elections; and pre-elections period of 2007 was characterised by legal issues, which put AKP in a ‘suff ering’ position, once more. This essay is an eff ort in re-evaluating the tension between Islamism and laicism and some political issues of AKP years of Turkey, including four chosen acts of violence against laicite defenders or non-Muslims.
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Çaylı, Eray. "Making Violence Public: Spatializing (Counter)publicness through the 1993 Sivas Arson Attack, Turkey." International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 43, no. 6 (April 17, 2019): 1106–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2427.12764.
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O’Connor, Francis. "Radical political participation and the internal Kurdish diaspora in Turkey." Kurdish Studies 3, no. 2 (October 31, 2015): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v3i2.412.
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This article analyses the political mobilisation of the Kurdish internal diaspora outside of the Kurdish region in Turkey. The paper engages with the long held proposition that diasporas tend to support more radical political actors. It discusses the PKK’s mobilisation in western Turkey and the manner in which it has contributed to the revival of a broader Kurdish collective identity. The paper considers historic patterns of Kurdish migration before detailing the role of state repression, ethnic alienation and socio-economic marginalisation on recent Kurdish migrants. It concludes by proposing that it was the specific ideological and spatial strategies deployed by the PKK rather than broader contextual factors which permitted the PKK to win mass support among Kurds in western Turkey. Keywords: Kurdish migration; the PKK; political violence; diaspora; social movements.Beşdariya siyasî ya radîkal û diyasporaya kurdî ya navxweyî li TirkiyeyêEv nivîsar vekolînek e li ser çalakgeriya siyasî ya diyasporaya navxweyî ya Kurdên li derveyî herêma kurdnişîn a Tirkiyeyê. Ev gotar tevî wê fikr û pê$niyaza kevn dibe ya ku dibêje meyla diyasporayan bêtir li ser bizavên siyasî yên nisbeten tundrewtir e. Nivîsar berê xwe dide çalakgeriya PKKyê li rojavayê Tirkiyeyê û lê dikole ka wê çalakgeriyê bi çi rengî tesîr li vejandina nasnameyeka Kurdî ya cemawerî û berfirehtir kiriye. Di vê xebatê de, pê$iyê şikl û corên koçberiya Kurdan ji nezera tarîxî ve hatine pê$kê$kirin, pa$ê, rola fakterên wek zordestiya dewletê, nebankirina (vederkirina) qewmî û perawêzxistina civakî-aborî ya li ser koçberên heyamên dawî bi hûrgilî hatine nîqa$kirin. Wekî encam, ev xebat pêşniyar dike ku piştgiriya girseyî ku PKK ji Kurdên li rojavayê Tirkiyeyê wergirtiye, ne ew qas ji $ert û mercên gi$tî û çarçoveya berfireh, lê zêdetir bi saya wan stratejiyên taybet yên îdeolojîk û mekanî ne ku PKKyê dane ber xwe. بەشداری سیاسییانەی رادیكاڵ و تاراوگەی ناوخۆیی كورد لە توركیائەم گوتارە شیكردنەوەیەكە لە سەر مۆبایلیزە كردنی سیاسییانەی تاراوگەی ناوخۆیی كورد لە دەرەوەی دەڤەرە كوردییەكان لە توركیا. ئەم لێكۆڵینەوەیە لەو پێشنیازە دەكۆڵێتەوە كە دەلێت، تاراوگە پشتیوانی لەو ئەكتەرە سیاسییانە دەكات كە زیاتر رادیكاڵن. ئەم گوتارە باس دەکا لە مۆبایلیزە كردن لە لایەن پ.ك.ك وە لە رۆژاوای توركیا و ئەو شێوانەی کە ئەو ڕێکخراوەیە بە ڕەچاوکردنیان توانیویەتی ناسنامەیەکی بەرفراوانی كۆمەڵی كوردی ببووژێنێتەوە. ئەم لێكۆڵینەوەیە بەر لەوەی تاوتوێی رۆڵی چەوساندنەوە لە لایەن دەوڵەتەوە بکات و سەرنج بداتە هەڵاواردنی ئینتنیکی و پەراوێز خستنی ئابووری-كۆمەڵایەتی لە سەر كۆچبەرە كوردەكانی ئەو ساڵانەی دوایی، شێوازە مێژووییەكانی كۆچ كردنی كورد راڤە دەكا. لە كۆتاییدا، ئەم گوتارە پێشنیار دەكات كە ھۆكاری بە دەستھێنانی ئەو پشتگیریە جەماوەرییەی پ.ك.ك لە ناو كوردی رۆژئاوای توركیا دەگەڕێتەوە بۆئەو ستراتیژییە تایبەتە فەزایی و ئایدیۆلۆژییانەی كە ئەو ڕێکخراوەیە پەیڕەوی كردووە، نەك فاكتەرە بەربڵاوە ژینگەییەکان (contextual).
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Aka, Assiye. "Reading woman subject from the point view of neoliberalism in Turkey: #sendeanlat (tell your story) case study." Journal of Human Sciences 14, no. 1 (March 22, 2017): 857. http://dx.doi.org/10.14687/jhs.v14i1.4511.
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Neoliberalism is a concept is used to explain the changes in capitalism such as saving crisis and profitability in the early 1970s. While referring to the difference between government and governance, it also fortifies a state's influence on administrative processes by minimizing it. Namely, neoliberalism problematizes the state concept and delimits it by calling individual choices. On the other hand, it includes administrative forms which support normalizations of both institutions and individuals according to market. In this study, 600 K tweets sent under #sendeanlat (tellyourstory) hashtag in which women tell their personal violence experiences will be analyzed to inspect security, violence and woman subject from the point view of neoliberalism, and their positioning to each other. As a result, the question what kind of solutions could be producible against violence mechanisms which are both reason and result of neoliberal political economy. The method of this study includes both quantitative and qualitative techniques. For qualitative analysis 1200 ranked tweet and for quantitative analysis, 600K tweets are inspected. Tweets are archived by using R Statistical Software via Twitter Rest API and quantitative techniques are applied by using the same software environment. Ranked tweets are coded with MAXQDA qualitative analysis software by using open coding approach.
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Al-Ali, Nadje. "Feminist Dilemmas: How to Talk About Gender-Based Violence in Relation to the Middle East?" Feminist Review 122, no. 1 (July 2019): 16–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0141778919849525.
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The article charts my trajectories as a feminist activist/academic seeking to research, write and talk about gender-based violence in relation to the Middle East. More specifically, I am drawing on research and activism in relation to Iraq, Turkey and Lebanon to map the discursive, political and empirical challenges and complexities linked to scholarship and activism that is grounded in both feminist and anti-racist/anti-Islamophobic politics. While reflecting on my positionality, the article aims to challenge the binary of activism and academia as well as Western and Middle Eastern contexts in terms of knowledge production.
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Bodó, Béla. "Favorites or Pariahs? The Fate of the Right-Wing Militia Men in Interwar Hungary." Austrian History Yearbook 46 (April 2015): 327–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237814000216.
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The dissolution of theAustro-HungarianEmpirein the fall of 1918 inaugurated a period of rapid change in East Central Europe. Independent Hungary, which emerged as one of the “successor states” to the Dual Monarchy, experienced two revolutions in ten months. However, neither the democratic regime, born in the October Revolution of 1918, nor the more radical Council Republic, founded in March 1919, was able to solve the country's pressing economic and social problems and defend its sovereignty. The collapse of the Council Republic and the occupation of Budapest and the eastern half of the country by the Romanian Army in early August 1919 provoked a right-wing reaction. The next seven months experienced a rapid rise in paramilitary and mob violence. The militias targeted the supporters of the Left, poor workers, and peasants, as well as apolitical and middle-class Jews. Political violence in the second half of 1919 and the early 1920s took the lives of between fifteen hundred and five thousand people in Hungary. The rise of paramilitary and mob violence was part of a larger European phenomenon. From Germany to Turkey, and from Hungary to Poland and the Baltic states, paramilitary groups played a major role in establishing borders and shaping the postwar social and political order domestically.
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Atak, Kıvanç. "Beyond the western crime drop: Violence, property offences, and the state in Turkey 1990–2016." International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice 60 (March 2020): 100373. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijlcj.2019.100373.
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