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Journal articles on the topic 'Political violence – Europe'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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1

KERSHAW, IAN. "War and Political Violence in Twentieth-Century Europe." Contemporary European History 14, no. 1 (February 2005): 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777304002164.

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This article takes the obvious link between war and political violence in twentieth-century Europe to ask three questions. Did the cause of such a massive upsurge in violence have roots extending beyond the technologies of modern warfare? What shapes the relative propensity of states and societies towards violence? And what is specifically ‘modern’ (other than the technology of destruction) about mass killing in the twentieth century? It finds answers in the use of popular sovereignty to justify unprecedented ethnic conflict, in a mix of ingredients linked to political culture and contested state legitimacy, and in the role of bureaucracy and technology in the orchestration of large-scale and state-sponsored violence.

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2

Solomos, John. "Racist violence in Europe." International Affairs 71, no. 2 (April 1995): 416. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623514.

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3

Pargeter, Alison. "North African Immigrants in Europe and Political Violence." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 29, no. 8 (November 23, 2006): 731–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576100600701990.

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4

Body-Gendrot, Sophie. "Urban Violence in Contemporary Europe." European Journal of Crime, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice 13, no. 1 (2005): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571817053558284.

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5

Häberlen, Joachim C. "Political violence and democracy in Western Europe, 1918–1940." Modern & Contemporary France 24, no. 4 (July 12, 2016): 451–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2016.1188790.

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6

Skordos, Adamantios Theodor. "Ethno-Political Violence in Southeast Europe – The Cyprus Case." Austrian Review of International and European Law Online 19, no. 1 (March 2, 2017): 171–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15736512-01901027.

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7

Schumann, Dirk. "Europa, der Erste Weltkrieg und die Nachkriegszeit: Eine Kontinuität der Gewalt?" Journal of Modern European History 1, no. 1 (March 2003): 24–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944_2003_1_24.

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Europe, the First World War, and its Aftermath: A Continuity of Violence? This essay summarizes the contributions of this volume and suggests paths for further research. Political and other violence, rather than resulting from a general «brutalization» of the soldiers on all sides, followed a pattern consistent with Theodor Schieder's threefold typology of the formation of nation-states in modern Europe. Violence was most pronounced in those parts of Eastern Europe where, after the collapse of authoritarian governments, new ideological conflicts exacerbated deep-rooted ethnic tensions. The visual aspect of politics needs further scrutiny, while the question how the redefinition of gender roles during and after the war affected politics and political violence is also important. Concepts of «modernization » may be helpful in determining the nature of postwar violence, provided that they are selective.

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8

Eggert, Jennifer Philippa. "Researching Terrorism and Political Violence." Exchanges: The Interdisciplinary Research Journal 6, no. 1 (November 1, 2018): 11–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/eirj.v6i1.266.

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Professor Louise Richardson is a political scientist focusing on terrorism and political violence. She became Vice-Chancellor of the University of Oxford in January 2016, having previously served at the Universities of St. Andrews and Harvard. She has written widely on international terrorism, British foreign and defence policy, security, and international relations. Professor Richardson holds a BA in History from Trinity College Dublin, an MA in Political Science from UCLA as well as an MA and PhD in Government from Harvard University. She visited the University of Warwick in November 2017 to deliver a talk on her career and being a female leader, as part of the University’s ‘Inspiring Women’ series. In this interview, she speaks about research on terrorism and political violence; how approaches to terrorism studies differ between the US and Europe; how the discipline has changed since the 1970s; the importance of interdisciplinary approaches to the study of terrorism and political violence; whether terrorism studies are a distinct discipline; differences between terrorism and conflict studies; and what makes a good university teacher. Photograph credit: OUImages/John Cairns

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9

Pfeiffer, Christian. "Juvenile Crime and Violence in Europe." Crime and Justice 23 (January 1998): 255–328. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/449272.

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10

Lutz, Brenda J., and James M. Lutz. "Political Violence in the Republic of Rome: Nothing New under the Sun." Government and Opposition 41, no. 4 (2006): 491–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2006.00201.x.

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AbstractAt various times the Roman Republic faced outbreaks of domestic political violence, including riots and intimidation, assassinations and conspiracies to overthrow the government. Violence was particularly noticeable in the Early Republic and the Late Republic. These activities were quite similar to the terrorism and violence used by mobs and groups during the French Revolution and the tactics of fascists and leftists in Europe in the 1920s or 1930s. More accurately, the actions of mobs and others during the French Revolution and leftists and fascists in Europe were very similar to the techniques used in the Roman political system in the last five centuries BCE.

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11

SMITH, STEVE. "Comment on Kershaw." Contemporary European History 14, no. 1 (February 2005): 124–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777304002176.

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In his wide-ranging and thought-provoking analysis of war and political violence in twentieth-century Europe, Ian Kershaw contrasts the immense violence wrought in Europe in the first half of the century with its relatively pacific history in the second half. Resisting the temptation to think of the violence of the first half of the century as a dysfunctional interruption to an underlying tale of economic, social and political progress, the author poses three astute questions concerning: (i) the causes of state-sponsored violence; (ii) the reasons why some states presided over low levels of violence while others presided over levels that ‘soared into the stratosphere’; and (iii) whether there was something qualitatively new – or ‘modern’ – about that violence. Kershaw describes his piece as ‘thinking aloud’ and I read it in that spirit. I find myself in broad agreement with what he has to say, although we probably disagree over matters of emphasis – for example in respect of the significance of violence perpetrated by European states in their colonies, or the propensity for violence of liberal democratic states. I suspect that there is more principled disagreement about the salience of ‘ideology’ in fomenting the mass violence of the twentieth century. I have organised my responses according to the three stages of his argument; I end by considering the nature of ‘peace’ in Europe in the second half of the century and by offering a few reflections on the conceptualisation of political violence.

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12

GERWARTH, ROBERT, and JOHN HORNE. "The Great War and Paramilitarism in Europe, 1917–23." Contemporary European History 19, no. 3 (June 29, 2010): 267–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777310000160.

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AbstractIn this comparative conclusion, the authors consider some of the most influential trends in the historiography of political and paramilitary violence, with particular reference to the relationship between wartime and post-war violence. The heuristic value of the ‘aftershocks’ metaphor is considered, as are the advantages (and potential pitfalls) of the contributors’ transnational approach. Finally, the authors suggest an agenda for future research on paramilitary violence, which looks at the phenomenon in a global perspective.

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13

Holland, Alisha C., and Margaret E. Peters. "Explaining Migration Timing: Political Information and Opportunities." International Organization 74, no. 3 (2020): 560–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002081832000017x.

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AbstractHow do migrants decide when to leave? Conventional wisdom is that violence and economic deprivation force migrants to leave their homes. However, long-standing problems of violence and poverty often cannot explain sudden spikes in migration. We study the timing of migration decisions in the critical case of Syrian and Iraqi migration to Europe using an original survey and embedded experiment, as well as interviews, focus groups, and Internet search data. We find that violence and poverty lead individuals to invest in learning about the migration environment. Political shifts in receiving countries then can unleash migratory flows. The findings underscore the need for further research on what migrants know about law and politics, when policy changes create and end migrant waves, and whether politicians anticipate migratory responses when crafting policy.

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Kury, Helmut, Joachim Obergfell-Fuchs, and Gunda Woessner. "The Extent of Family Violence in Europe." Violence Against Women 10, no. 7 (July 2004): 749–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801204265550.

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15

Subotić, Jelena. "Out of Eastern Europe." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 2 (May 2015): 409–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325415569763.

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What is the contribution of Eastern European scholarship to the study of human rights and transitional justice? This essay takes stock of the most significant empirical and theoretical contributions of the study of Eastern Europe, specifically the study of the difficult case of the former Yugoslavia, to the scholarship on transitional justice. I identify three main challenges the scholarship on the former Yugoslavia has presented to the larger field of transitional justice: the political challenge of multiple overlapping transitions, the inability of international institutions to effect domestic social change, and the dangers of politicization of past violence remembrance.

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16

Smail, Daniel Lord. "Violence and Predation in Late Medieval Mediterranean Europe." Comparative Studies in Society and History 54, no. 1 (January 2012): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417511000570.

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In the full-text databases of Latin sources from Europe from the period between 400 and 1500, the Latin word for violence crops up around two thousand times, about as often as “justice” (2,400) though not as often as other interesting words like “envy” (6,000) or “vengeance” (3,800). The frequency of use of the word, adjusted for the vagaries of survival, reveals an interesting trend. From the tenth to the eleventh centuries, an age of predatory castellans and violent territorial expansion, the frequency nearly doubles in the extant literature, and remains high for several centuries to come. The word often appears in texts alongside nauseating tales of violence, of hands lopped off and eyes plucked out and intestines dragged from their hidden recesses. There is the story told by Guibert of Nogent about the predatory castellan Thomas de Marle, who hung his captives by their testicles until the weight of their own bodies tore them off. These were exempla. They painted verbal pictures of the behavior of those who were surely doomed to hell. In the hands of clerical authors like Guibert, they served as a goad to kings and princes who, in their indolence, might allow this stuff to go unavenged.

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17

Ebner, Michael. "Donald Bloxham and Robert Gerwarth, editors. Political Violence in Twentieth-Century Europe." American Historical Review 117, no. 4 (September 21, 2012): 1288–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/117.4.1288.

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18

Kalyvas, S. N. "Political Violence in Twentieth Century Europe, ed. Donald Bloxham and Robert Gerwarth." English Historical Review 128, no. 531 (January 18, 2013): 470–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ces396.

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19

Steege, Paul. "Donald Bloxham and Robert Gerwarth (eds), Political Violence in Twentieth Century Europe." Journal of Contemporary History 47, no. 4 (October 2012): 894–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009412450827e.

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20

Legvold, Robert, and John Borneman. "Settling Accounts: Violence, Justice, and Accountability in Postsocialist Europe." Foreign Affairs 77, no. 3 (1998): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20048932.

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21

Rodriguez Martinez, Pilar. "Intimate Partner Violence against Women in Scandinavia and Southern Europe." Comparative Sociology 18, no. 3 (July 10, 2019): 265–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341500.

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Abstract This article will focus on the significant differences shown by the data found by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) survey of women who may or may not have suffered physical Intimate Partner Violence against Women (IPVAW). The authors present the model and result of the discriminant function analysis that they carried out separately for the countries from southern Europe (Spain, Italy, Greece, Portugal, Cyprus, and Malta) and Scandinavia (Denmark, Finland, and Sweden). Their hypotheses were that women with less income, lower educational level, who are divorced, who have children, are from rural areas, who are housewives, with bad health, older aged, immigrants, and those who had suffered some physical violence from other people – apart from the partner or ex-partner –, will suffer more violence than the rest of women. One of the most relevant conclusions from their analysis was this: the more often a woman experienced physical violence from someone other than a partner/ex-partner beginning at the age of 15 years old, the more probable it will be that she will suffer IPVAW. The authors discuss this and other significant findings here.

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22

Asal, Victor, and Brian J. Phillips. "What explains ethnic organizational violence? Evidence from Eastern Europe and Russia." Conflict Management and Peace Science 35, no. 2 (November 27, 2015): 111–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894215614504.

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Why do some ethnopolitical organizations use violence? Research on substate violence often uses the state level of analysis, or only analyzes groups that are already violent. Using a resource mobilization framework drawn from a broad literature, we test hypotheses with new data on hundreds of violent and non-violent ethnopolitical organizations in Eastern Europe and Russia. Our study finds interorganizational competition, state repression and strong group leadership associated with organizational violence. Lack of popularity and holding territory are also associated with violence. We do not find social service provision positively related to violence, which contrasts with research on the Middle East.

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23

Gledhill, John. "States of Contention: State-Led Political Violence in Post-Socialist Romania." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 19, no. 1 (February 2005): 76–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404270967.

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Throughout the 1990s, Romania's transition from authoritarianism was witness to repeated instances of intense collective violence. Specifically, miners from the country's Jiu Valley region descended on Bucharest—attacking civilians, offices of the free press, and the headquarters of opposition parties. This article attends to the strikes of June 1990 and, in so doing, addresses the broader issue of political violence during the early phases of a political transition. As one of the few cases of (nonethnic) transitional violence in Central and Eastern Europe, the miners' strikes have been put forward as evidence of an oft-cited Romanian “exceptionalism.” However, this article's focus on the perceived extrainstitutional threat to the weakly legitimate National Salvation Front government, and the violent response to that threat by the government (which coordinated the miners' attacks), leads to a conclusion in which Romania's posttransition violence is seen as a rational—albeit devastating—manifestation of regular politics, by “other means.”

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24

Dancygier, Rafaela M., and David D. Laitin. "Immigration into Europe: Economic Discrimination, Violence, and Public Policy." Annual Review of Political Science 17, no. 1 (May 11, 2014): 43–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-082012-115925.

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25

Malmenvall, Simon. "Magnus Erlendsson, Medieval Ruler Martyrs and Realization of Christian Ideals amid (Political) Violence." Diacovensia 30, no. 1 (2022): 13–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31823/d.30.1.1.

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The phenomenon of ruler martyrs was common between the tenth and twelfth centuries in the recently Christianized lands on the eastern and northern periphery of Europe—one of them were the Orkney Islands with jarl Magnus Erlendsson (died in 1115/1117). Like Christ, who gave his life for the peace and redemption of the world, Magnus gave his life for the peace and redemption of the people of the Orkneys. This also explains why the earliest texts produced on the peripheries of medieval Europe were all about local saints. Wherever God’s presence was manifested through a saintly ruler, his people were, despite their late adoption of the new faith, integrated into the symbolic center of the Christian world. Consequently, the conduct of exceptional rulers to persevere in peace amid political violence was a manifestation of the creation of a new Christian community.

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26

Banke, Cecilie Felicia Stokholm. "Kustode – et essay om skønhed og udyr i Europas erindring." Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, no. 60 (March 9, 2018): 16–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/sl.v0i60.103985.

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During the past two decades, memory culture surrounding the Second World War has developed from a narrow focus on “when we were at war” to the current broader focus on complex and universal issues such as human rights, reconciliation, justice, and atonement. This development has given the war and Holocaust museums a dynamic position within the current political culture of Europe. But what do we actually remember when we insist on keeping alive the memory of the Holocaust, genocide, and political mass violence: The lives which were lost during these atrocities? Or the violence that created the losses? In this essay, the author presents a series of reflections on memory culture around the Holocaust and other mass atrocities that has developed in Europe since the fall of communism.

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27

Latter, Richard. "Policing the rising tide of violence in Europe." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 2, no. 3-4 (1994): 179–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181194x00111.

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28

Mareš, Miroslav. "Strategies for Creating Insurgencies and Civil Wars in Europe :." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 2, no. 1 (October 1, 2012): 90–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i1.33.

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The article assesses the role of violent acts committed by extremist forces in Europe. Through an understanding of contemporary social, ideological and political background it analyses selected strategies of insurgencies and civil wars that will remain an important element of Europe’s future security development. Islamist strategies and responses to left wing West European political and military power are described. From the perspective of extremist forces, the author concludes with a vision of Europe deeply dissected into extreme left and right wing politics of control underscored with threats of violence.

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29

Panu, Mihai Adrian. "The biopolitics of violence: Instances of Anti-Semitism in interwar Romania." Journal of Education Culture and Society 6, no. 2 (January 1, 2020): 43–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20152.43.52.

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The primacy of totalitarian ideologies in interwar Europe represents even nowadays a major historiographical challenge due to its multicausal character and various forms of appearance. This paper attempts to analyze the anti-Semitic phenomenon in interwar Romania primarily by taking into account its determinant factors. We assume that the emergence of radical ideologies in Central and Eastern Europe can optimally be understood if both regional and systemic causes are properly highlighted. The regional causes include local societal predispositions, ethno-cultural cleavages and specific political movements. On the other hand the systemic causes imply predominantly geopolitical factors and the repartition of power in the international system. Moreover we assume that the emergence and manifestations of extremism can be considered a direct result of political disputes between ethno-cultural groups which were systematically exposed to ideological and propaganda pressure.

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30

Markwick, Roger D. "Violence to Velvet: Revolutions—1917 to 2017." Slavic Review 76, no. 3 (2017): 600–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2017.167.

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From their inception, the 1917 Russian Revolutions, specifically the October Revolution, have been synonymous with Bolshevik violence. In the course of the last century, almost all observers have believed that violence was inherent in the Russian revolutions and revolutions generally. Such views have obscured what a revolution actually is. Closer examination of the October Revolution confirms violence was not its defining feature. Further, the Bolsheviks conceived October as the opening salvo of international, socialist revolution; expectations largely crushed by overwhelming counter-revolutionary violence. The discrediting of war and political violence since World War II has seen the conception of revolution as a “velvet” process of political transformation emerge, particularly in Latin America, the US, Britain, and Europe. While such movements rarely look back to the Russian Revolutions, they echo the democratic, egalitarian, and emancipatory impulses bequeathed by 1917, and raise the possibility of near non-violent socialist revolutions.

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31

Goodey, Jo. "Racist violence in Europe: Challenges for official data collection." Ethnic and Racial Studies 30, no. 4 (July 2007): 570–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870701356007.

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32

Hardy, Samuel Andrew. "Narratives of the provenance of art and antiquities on the market and the reality of origins at the source." Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 32, no. 18 N.S. (September 13, 2021): 117–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/acta.9022.

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This essay presents the findings of the International Conference on Handling of Cultural Goods and Financing of Political Violence and introduces provenance research that examines the market in Europe for antiquities from Asia and the market in North America for antiquities from Europe. It summarises findings, such as the involvement of violent political organisations, transnational organised criminals and politically-exposed persons (PEPs) in illicit trafficking of cultural objects. It also highlights some foundations for progress, such as enhanced traceability and due diligence in the art market, plus action and cooperation to respond to illicit flows as regional problems. On cover:ANNIBALE CARRACCI (BOLOGNA 1560 - ROME 1609), An Allegory of Truth and Time c. 1584-1585.Oil on canvas | 130,0 x 169,6 cm. (support, canvas/panel/str external) | RCIN 404770Royal Collection Trust / © Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II 2021.

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33

Burds, Jeffrey. "Sexual Violence in Europe in World War II, 1939—1945." Politics & Society 37, no. 1 (March 2009): 35–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1059601108329751.

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34

Zahra, Tara. "Going West." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 25, no. 4 (November 2011): 785–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325411398917.

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“Going West” explores the potential of integrating East European History into broader histories of Europe and the world. Placing the history of Eastern Europe in a European context, I argue, may enable us to challenge the tropes of backwardness, pathology, and violence that still dominate the field. I also suggest that historians explore the extent to which conceptions of minority rights, development, and humanitarianism first developed in Eastern Europe radiated beyond the region in the twentieth century.

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35

Caruso, Raul, and Friedrich Schneider. "The socio-economic determinants of terrorism and political violence in Western Europe (1994–2007)." European Journal of Political Economy 27 (December 2011): S37—S49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2011.02.003.

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36

Gilby, Lynda. "Roggeband, C. & Krizsán, A. (2021) Politicizing gender and democracy in the context of the Istanbul Convention. Palgrave MacMillan." Intersections 7, no. 4 (2021): 177–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v7i4.925.

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The Council of Europe Convention on Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence, commonly referred to as ‘the Istanbul Convention,’ came into force in 2014, and is one of the most extensive legal and policy instruments on tackling violence against women (p. 2). However, opposition to the Istanbul Convention has become a focal point of broader opposition to gender equality in the European Union. This book explores the emergence and dynamics of this opposition. It investigates its implications for policies combating violence against women and contributes to scholarship of social movements, particularly their transnational qualities and their interaction with opponents and the state.

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37

Morrissey, Susan K. "Terrorism and Ressentiment in Revolutionary Russia*." Past & Present 246, no. 1 (September 20, 2019): 191–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtz027.

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Abstract During the late nineteenth century, revolutionary terrorism emerged as a political tactic in Europe and across the world, where it formed one part of anti-colonial, anti-capitalist and national liberation movements. While its public spectacle took advantage of the new media landscape to communicate affective and political messages, terrorism was ultimately a ‘weapon of the weak’, a means for individuals and small groups to fight against the increasingly powerful modern state. The turn to insurgent violence was consequently imbricated with the experience of state violence. Focusing on a period of revolutionary unrest and heightened political violence in early twentieth-century Russia, this article takes a micro-historical approach to examine how individuals and radical parties came to explain, justify, and incite terrorist acts through narratives of vengeance and ressentiment. Drawing on recent scholarship by anthropologists and historians of emotion and bypassing psychological modes of explanation, it tracks specific articulations of political subjectivity that combine claims to (popular) sovereignty, universalism, dignity and rights with the language of honour and shame. The terrorist act was frequently justified as a sovereign right derived from the experience of state violence upon the body.

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38

Verge, Tània. "Legislative reform in Europe to fight violence against women in politics." European Journal of Politics and Gender 4, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 459–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510821x16149579296781.

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39

Briddick, Catherine. "COMBATTING OR ENABLING DOMESTIC VIOLENCE? EVALUATING THE RESIDENCE RIGHTS OF MIGRANT VICTIMS OF DOMESTIC VIOLENCE IN EUROPE." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 69, no. 4 (August 20, 2020): 1013–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589320000317.

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AbstractThe treatment of third-country nationals (TCNs) under EU law falls far short of the EU's commitments to eliminate gender inequality and to ‘combat all kinds of domestic violence’. Not only does Article 13(2)(c) of the EU Citizens’ Directive, as interpreted by the CJEU in Secretary of State for the Home Department v NA, fail to ‘safeguard’ the rights of TCNs, it may also enable domestic violence. When presented with an opportunity to remedy its disadvantageous treatment of TCNs by fully ratifying the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combatting Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence (the Istanbul Convention), the Council of the EU chose instead to pursue a selective and partial ratification which leaves TCN victims without recourse to the very provisions designed to assist them. The European Parliament stated that it ‘regrets’ this approach, recommending instead ‘a broad EU accession … without any limitations’. This article's analysis of the EU Citizens’ Directive and Istanbul Convention supports this recommendation.

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40

Clark, Henry C. "Violence, “Capitalism,” and the Civilizing Process in Early Modern Europe." Society 49, no. 2 (January 19, 2012): 122–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12115-011-9515-7.

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41

Starodubrovskaya, Irina. "Europe and the Muslims: Debating the Foundations of State Policy." State Religion and Church in Russia and Worldwide 39, no. 1 (2021): 146–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-7203-2021-39-1-146-174.

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This article discusses theoretical issues behind the current shift in the policy of European states towards Islamic communities. The shift is driven by the idea that the values of political Islam are incompatible with Western values; that the main driver behind radicalization is ideology and that even non‑violent Islamists gradually prepare the Muslim youth to embracing violence. Based on current academic discussions as well as the results of the author’s own research, the author concludes that the opponents of these ideas have serious counter‑ arguments. In their views, radicalization can be explained by a wide range of different factors. Violent and non‑violent Islamists compete for the audience, and therefore, not only can non‑violent Islamists embrace jihadist views but also, vice versa, some jihadists can change their position to non‑violence. Moreover, Muslim values, as well as those of the Islamists, are not necessarily antagonistic in all their aspects with the values of Western democracies. Various theoretical approaches form the basis for an alternative program of practical measures that could be implemented in the future.

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42

Mourre, Martin. "L’Armée, la haute function publique et le massacre de Thiaroye en 1944 au Sénégal." French Politics, Culture & Society 40, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 107–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2022.400105.

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This article focuses on the Thiaroye massacre on 1 December 1944. Senegalese tirailleurs returning from Europe were killed by their officers simply for claiming the money they were owed. In this article I do not focus on the course of events, nor even on their political consequences, but rather on the way the events were explained by French authorities just after the tragedy. I take as my subject the biographies of several figures from the French state who were involved in the narration of these events. I try to see how these men were socialised in similar spaces. I am more specifically interested in the methods used by these administrations to write about the massacre. This article helps to better understand the French imperial state and the violence in the colonies and the link between military violence and political violence.

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Grecic, Vladimir, and Srdjan Korac. "Political discourse of extreme right in Western Europe: The immigration issue." Medjunarodni problemi 64, no. 2 (2012): 202–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1202202g.

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The paper is an attempt to identify the basic characteristics and changes in the European migration flows in the last twenty years and to point to their possible implications on the changes in support to far right in West European countries. The analysis shows that it is almost impossible to generalize the characteristics of the migration flows and their effects since the general picture differs from country to country in the number of foreign population and their share in the total number of inhabitants of the EU members which are mostly receiving countries, the net immigration rate and the number of applications for asylum. Although the rounds of EU enlargement in 2004 and 2007 have not caused mass migrations within the Union, the political discourse of far right is just focused on immigration policy. The authors point to the fact that such a social milieu has been gradually created that can induce a part of followers of far right to resort to violence and to weaken consensual mechanisms of the multi-cultural West European societies for a long term.

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Nemes, Robert. "Hungary's Antisemitic Provinces: Violence and Ritual Murder in the 1880s." Slavic Review 66, no. 1 (2007): 20–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20060145.

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The subject of this article is the Tiszaeszlár blood libel, one of several sensational Jewish ritual murder cases to unfold in central and eastern Europe in the last decades of the nineteenth century. By focusing on a region far removed from Tiszaeszlár, the article underscores the rapidity with which antisemitic violence traversed Hungary in the early 1880s. In examining the causes, function, and impact of this violence, Robert Nemes demonstrates the centrality of the provinces for understanding the depth and dynamism of political antisemitism in Hungary. Nemes also argues that Tiszaeszlár acted as a formative political experience for many people in the provinces and explores the wider consequences of this event, both in the near and in the long term.

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Legvold, Robert, and Roger D. Petersen. "Understanding Ethnic Violence: Fear, Hatred, and Resentment in Twentieth-Century Eastern Europe." Foreign Affairs 82, no. 2 (2003): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033549.

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Bartha, Ákos. "Terrorists and freedom fighters : Arrow Cross Party militias, "Ragged Guard" and "KISKA" auxiliary forces in Hungary (1938–1945)." Studia historica Brunensia, no. 2 (2022): 67–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/shb2022-2-3.

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This study analyzes the correlations of three Hungarian right-wing organizations between 1938 and 1945 focusing on a political party (Arrow Cross Party), a paramilitary unit ("Ragged Guard") and a military auxiliary force (KISKA). After clarifying the meaning of key-word racialism, the paper aims to show the origins, the similarities, the differences, and the transitions of these organizations interpreting their connections to political violence and their different approaches to the German-led "New Europe".

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Proshyn, Denys. "Breaking the Waves: How the Phenomenon of European Jihadism Militates Against the Wave Theory of Terrorism." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 17, no. 1 (December 30, 2015): 91–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ipcj-2015-0007.

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David Rapoport’s Wave theory of terrorism is one of the most oftencited theories in the literature on terrorist violence. Rapoport is praised for having provided researchers with a universal instrument which allows them to explain the origin and transformation of various historical types of terrorism by applying to them the concept of global waves of terrorist violence driven by universal political impulses. This article, testing the Wave theory against the recent phenomenon of homegrown jihadism in Europe, uncovers this theory’s fundamental weaknesses and questions its real academic and practical value.

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Godwin, Matthew, and Elisabeth Trischler. "Reimagining the Medieval: The Utility of Ethnonational Symbols for Reactionary Transnational Social Movements." Politics and Governance 9, no. 3 (August 27, 2021): 215–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i3.3979.

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Scholars have explored the rise of far-right reactionary political parties in Europe over the last decade. However, social movements reflecting similar political orientations have rarely been conceptualized as “reactionary.” To better understand the political orientations of reactionary transnational social movements such as the Identitarians and the Defence Leagues, we explore how and why ethnonational symbols derived from the medieval period are utilized by adherents. This interdisciplinary investigation argues that, through processes of mediated political medievalism, ethnonational symbols are used as strategic framing devices to reimagine an idealized “golden age” of distinct European nations, to assign blame for the erosion of ethnonational identity through multiculturalism, immigration and “Islamization,” to establish an intergenerational struggle against the supposed incursion of Islam in Europe, and to proscribe and justify the use of violence as a means of re-establishing the primacy of European nations.

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Zagorin, Perez, and Yves-Marie Berce. "Revolt and Revolution in Early Modern Europe: An Essay on the History of Political Violence." American Historical Review 94, no. 1 (February 1989): 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1862109.

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Kjøstvedt, Anders G. "Chris Millington and Kevin Passmore, eds, Political Violence and Democracy in Western Europe, 1918–1940." European History Quarterly 46, no. 4 (September 2016): 768–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691416658234ai.

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