Journal articles: 'Political violence – Cyprus'

1

Skordos, Adamantios Theodor. "Ethno-Political Violence in Southeast Europe – The Cyprus Case." Austrian Review of International and European Law Online 19, no. 1 (March 2, 2017): 171–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15736512-01901027.

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Demetriou, Chares. "Political Violence and Legitimation: The Episode of Colonial Cyprus." Qualitative Sociology 30, no. 2 (May 22, 2007): 171–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11133-007-9060-2.

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Demetriou, Chares. "Political Radicalization and Political Violence in Palestine (1920–1948), Ireland (1850–1921), and Cyprus (1914–1959)." Social Science History 36, no. 3 (2012): 391–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200011871.

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The connection between political radicalization and political violence is often thought to follow “organic stages.” That is, radicalization is considered to be a progression leading to violence, after which time radicalization and violence evolve together dialectically. This ideal-typical process does correspond to historical evidence, and this article presents such evidence from the political contention in Palestine during the Mandate period. However, other historical evidence points to deviations from this ideal type. Evidence from political contention in pre-1921 Ireland and in pre-1960 Cyprus suggests two forms of such deviations. Irish history suggests that violence may be effectively introduced by political forces that at an earlier stage had not been part of the process of political contention at large; Cypriot history suggests that violence may be introduced through forces that were autonomous from the ongoing process of political contention even though organizationally part of it. The historical comparison at hand, furthermore, points to the increased role of historical contingency in the instances where the relation between political radicalization and political violence deviates from the ideal-typical form.

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Holland, Rob. "Political Violence in Late Colonial Cyprus: The Balance of Risk." Round Table 106, no. 5 (September 3, 2017): 557–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2017.1368920.

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Novo, Andrew R. "The God Dilemma: Faith, the Church, and Political Violence in Cyprus." Journal of Modern Greek Studies 31, no. 2 (2013): 193–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2013.0019.

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Parlalis, Stavros K. "Women aged 45-64 and IPV in Cyprus." Journal of Adult Protection 18, no. 3 (June 13, 2016): 184–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jap-11-2015-0033.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore and understand the reasons for which middle-age women report highest percentages of intimate partner violence (IPV) than other age groups. Design/methodology/approach – This is a qualitative study in which grounded theory method was adopted, through the use of interviews. Findings – The findings revealed that the main reason for which women of the specific age group report intimate partner incidents more that other age groups is because they can recognize violence actions and behaviors. The findings suggest that frequent awareness campaigns should be organized, in order to keep women informed regarding IPV. Originality/value – The value of the current study is the fact that it offers a greater insight in the findings of the first national study conducted in the Republic of Cyprus by the Advisory Committee for the Prevention and Combating Family Violence.

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Demetriou, C. "Political Radicalization and Political Violence in Palestine (1920-1948), Ireland (1850-1921), and Cyprus (1914-1959)." Social Science History 36, no. 3 (August 6, 2012): 391–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01455532-1595399.

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Alptekin, Hüseyin. "A theory of ethnic violence: ethnic incorporation and ethno-political mobilization in Bulgaria and Cyprus." Ethnic and Racial Studies 40, no. 15 (December 8, 2016): 2672–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2016.1266008.

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Mavrikiou, Petroula M., Martha Apostolidou, and Stavros K. Parlalis. "Risk factors for the prevalence of domestic violence against women in Cyprus." Social Science Journal 51, no. 2 (June 1, 2014): 295–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.soscij.2014.02.002.

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Šidlauskienė, Virginija, and Rasa Pocevičienė. "The Comparative Analysis of Sexual Violence and Harassment at the piloting Universities of Cyprus and Lithuania." Informacijos mokslai 92 (July 2, 2021): 90–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2021.92.53.

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The sociocultural contexts of higher education institutions form the background for gender-based violence in professional structures and environment of academia. The article presents the comparative analysis of sexual violence and the reasons for its (non-)disclosure at the universities in Lithuania and Cyprus. The findings of focus group interviews conducted within the framework of the Ending Sexual Harassment and Violence in Third Level Education (ESHTE) project, co-funded by the European Union, have been summarized in the present research. The focus group participants from each partner university involved university teachers, administrative staff, counselors and university students. The research was conducted during a 3-month period between 2017 and 2018. The main aim was to investigate university staffs’ and students’ experiences in the disclosures of the cases of sexual violence and harassment (SVH) in university environment and campus, as well as their awareness of existing procedures and policies in handling the cases of SVH. Their personal experiences, attitudes and beliefs of SVH, as well as any suggestions they have towards the improvement of disclosures of SVH are discussed in the article.

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Bryant, Rebecca. "Partitions of Memory: Wounds and Witnessing in Cyprus." Comparative Studies in Society and History 54, no. 2 (March 22, 2012): 332–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417512000060.

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The image has become an iconic one: five young men in dirty uniforms kneel in the middle of a dusty plain with their hands behind their heads. They squint in the blinding midday sun, their faces expressing anxiety and a measure of fear. A Turkish soldier leans to talk to one of them, appearing calm, even friendly. To one side another Turkish soldier whose face we do not see stands guard. This photograph has become one of the most famous images to come out of the Cyprus conflict. The men's kneeling posture, the fright in their eyes, and the apparent calm of the soldiers all evoke a vulnerability to violence. And like the bloody photo of a woman and her children murdered in their Nicosia home that was used for decades by the Turkish Cypriot administration, or like certain photographs of distraught women crying for losses that we can only imagine, the image of these five young men has been reprinted in pamphlets and brochures, newspapers and books, in ways that take for granted its power to evoke their uncertain fate.

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Constantinou, Costas M. "Why Greeks and Turks Fight." Current History 120, no. 824 (March 1, 2021): 105–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2021.120.824.105.

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The bicentennial of the Greek Revolution against Ottoman rule is an opportune time to ask why conflict between Greeks and Turks has continued for over two hundred years. Greek and Turkish national narratives reveal deeper reasons for the persistence of mutual belligerence, including common emphasis on national emancipation through violence, perceptions of iniquitous treatment in previous political settlements, and the influence of “banal imperialism” embedded in everyday national symbols. These mindsets continue to fuel disputes over Cyprus and maritime rights.

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Rubin, Aviad, and Ehud Eiran. "Regional maritime security in the eastern Mediterranean: expectations and reality." International Affairs 95, no. 5 (September 1, 2019): 979–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz146.

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Abstract Recent developments in the eastern Mediterranean, such as significant gas finds; disagreements over the demarcation of maritime boundaries; large-scale violence and political instability following the Arab Spring; mass migration via sea routes; Great Power dynamics in the region; and environmental hazards, make the political entities along the shores of the eastern Mediterranean part of a regional security complex and create strong incentives for regional coordination on maritime security. Material international relations theories predict that growing security challenges (realism) coupled with expected gains (liberalism) will facilitate regional cooperation. Yet, the political entities in the region rely mainly on unilateral actions, or limited quasi-alliances in response to these challenges. The article shows the puzzling gap between the theoretical expectation and practical outcome in the region and explains why regional cooperation in the maritime domain fails to occur. It argues that cooperation on a regional scale fails to take place due to three complementing reasons: 1) lack of shared ideational features like cultural traits, set of values and regime type; 2) enduring rivalries between political entities in the region (Israel–Palestine; Turkey–Greece–Cyprus) coupled with internal strife within other regional political entities (Libya; Syria); and unequal political standing and lack of sovereignty of some of the political entities in the region (Northern Cyprus; the Palestinian Authority and the Gaza Strip).

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Rodriguez Martinez, Pilar. "Intimate Partner Violence against Women in Scandinavia and Southern Europe." Comparative Sociology 18, no. 3 (July 10, 2019): 265–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341500.

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Abstract This article will focus on the significant differences shown by the data found by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) survey of women who may or may not have suffered physical Intimate Partner Violence against Women (IPVAW). The authors present the model and result of the discriminant function analysis that they carried out separately for the countries from southern Europe (Spain, Italy, Greece, Portugal, Cyprus, and Malta) and Scandinavia (Denmark, Finland, and Sweden). Their hypotheses were that women with less income, lower educational level, who are divorced, who have children, are from rural areas, who are housewives, with bad health, older aged, immigrants, and those who had suffered some physical violence from other people – apart from the partner or ex-partner –, will suffer more violence than the rest of women. One of the most relevant conclusions from their analysis was this: the more often a woman experienced physical violence from someone other than a partner/ex-partner beginning at the age of 15 years old, the more probable it will be that she will suffer IPVAW. The authors discuss this and other significant findings here.

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15

Holland, Robert. "Never, never land: British colonial policy and the roots of violence in Cyprus, 1950–54." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 21, no. 3 (September 1993): 148–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086539308582911.

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16

Miller, Leon Monroe. "Negotiating conflict resolution from “the eye of the storm”." International Journal of Conflict Management 28, no. 2 (April 10, 2017): 166–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijcma-09-2015-0059.

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Purpose This paper aims to explain how peace research has influenced a re-conceptualization of the international relations (IR) notion of security and conflict, the nature of the global arena, how to effectively negotiate conflict resolution and strategies for peacebuilding. The paper argues that – although peace research had contributed to reducing the threat of interstate conflict – IR scholars have failed to recognize the need for a more inclusive theoretical strategy for dealing with the new challenge imposed by intrastate conflict. Design/methodology/approach The paper uses Cyprus as a case to compare the conflict management strategies of the liberal peace agenda and the integrative, multi-level, multi-dimensional approach to peacebuilding that is proposed by peace research. The Cyprus case is also used as an example of how the alternative approach to participatory political communication has moved the Cyprus situation off deadlock and in the direction of more promising outcomes. Findings The research reveals that although the liberal peace agenda (i.e. the state-centric and established diplomatic approach to conflict management) is effective in getting the two sides of the conflict to the negotiating table, it is inadequate in addressing the underlying cause of conflict; thus, in many instances, there is a reoccurrence of conflict and violence. Research limitations/implications The paper is limited in its ability to place peace research within the context of theoretical developments in the field of IR (e.g. this is even more-so true in regard to researching international politics). Although peace research has made enormous contributions in reducing the threat of interstate conflict (e.g. it is acknowledged that peace research contributed to ending the Cold War, thus bringing about new perspectives on how the global arena is defined, the nature of conflict and the role of communicative action in global relations), there has not been a corresponding development in the theory and practice of IR. Practical implications The paper explains how recent developments in communication theory and information communication technology have altered the nature of the global arena and the factors impacting global social movements. Thus, the paper indicates factors that are vital to cross-border interactions, cross-border social movements and alternative approaches to interstate social-political activities that deserve further research. Social implications The research analyzes the contribution to participatory political communication in conflict management, reconciliation and peacebuilding processes. The paper also highlights the role of alternative media as a component of the infrastructure for peace (e.g. in the Cyprus context, it provides a forum in which agents from an otherwise divided community can participate in establishing shared values and common objectives). Originality/value Cyprus represents one of the longest running conflicts and, in addition, one of the longest running peacekeeping missions of the UN. This paper explains how unique features of the peace research approach to peacebuilding contributes to producing more positive results in what has heretofore been a deadlock in the divided community of Cyprus. Thus, this paper provides an indication of how the lessons learned by peace researchers in the Cyprus micro context contribute to addressing macro-level IR challenges (e.g. north-south and east-west challenges that occur because of outlooks in the proverbial other).

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17

Panayiotopoulos, Christos. "Mandatory reporting of domestic violence cases in Cyprus; barriers to the effectiveness of mandatory reporting and issues for future practice." European Journal of Social Work 14, no. 3 (September 2011): 379–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13691457.2010.490936.

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18

Kıralp, Şevki. "A history of resentment and violence: The fight for status and ethnic conflict in Cyprus (Bir hınç ve şiddet tarihi: Kıbrıs’ta statü kavgası ve etnik çatışma)." Turkish Studies 21, no. 3 (June 8, 2019): 494–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2019.1629817.

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19

Hynd, Stacey. "Small Warriors? Children and Youth in Colonial Insurgencies and Counterinsurgency, ca. 1945–1960." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 4 (September 29, 2020): 684–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000250.

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AbstractChild soldiers are often viewed as a contemporary, “new war” phenomenon, but international concern about their use first emerged in response to anti-colonial liberation struggles. Youth were important actors in anti-colonial insurgencies, but their involvement has been neglected in existing historiographies of decolonization and counterinsurgency due to the absence and marginalization of youth voices in colonial archives. This article analyses the causes of youth insurgency and colonial counterinsurgency responses to their involvement in conflict between ca. 1945 and 1960, particularly comparing Kenya and Cyprus, but also drawing on evidence from Malaya, Indochina/Vietnam, and Algeria. It employs a generational lens to explore the experiences of “youth insurgents” primarily between the ages of twelve and twenty. Youth insurgents were most common where the legitimate grievances of youth were mobilized by anti-colonial groups who could recruit children through colonial organizations as well as family and social networks. While some teenagers fought due to coercion or necessity, others were politically motivated and willing to risk their lives for independence. Youth soldiers served in multiple capacities in insurgencies, from protestors to couriers to armed fighters, in roles that were shaped by multiple logics: the need for troop fortification and sustained manpower; the tactical exploitation of youth liminality, and the symbolic mobilization of childhood and discourses of childhood innocence. Counterinsurgency responses to youthful insurgents commonly combined violence and development, highlighting tensions within late colonial governance: juveniles were beaten, detained, and flogged, but also constructed as “delinquents” rather than “terrorists” to facilitate their subsequent “rehabilitation.”

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Keleta-Mae, Naila. "Black Girl Thought in the Work of Ntozake Shange." Girlhood Studies 12, no. 2 (July 1, 2019): 32–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2019.120204.

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In this article I examine the performances of black girlhood in two texts by Ntozake Shange—the choreopoem “for colored girls who have considered suicide when the rainbow is enuf” (1977) and the novel Sassafras, Cypress and Indigo (1982). The black girls whom Shange portrays navigate anti-black racism in their communities, domestic violence in their homes, and explore their connections with spirit worlds. In both these works, Shange stages black girls who make decisions based on their understanding of the spheres of influence that their race, gender, and age afford them in an anti-black patriarchal world dominated by adults. I draw, too, from Patricia Hill Collins’s work on feminist standpoint theory and black feminist thought to introduce the term black girl thought as a theoretical framework to offer insights into the complex lives of black girls who live in the post-civil rights era in the United States.

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"Pyla: A Mixed Borderline Village under UN Supervision in Cyprus." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 4, no. 3-4 (1996): 353–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718119620907238.

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AbstractThis paper considers ethnic conflict within Cyprus involving Greeks, Turks and the United Nations. The focus for discussion is the village of Pyla on the 'Green Line' and the key question to be answered is: to whom does the border belong? The answer is that everyone in the village including the UN is involved in maintaining the boundary and thereby preventing ethnic violence breaking out. Procedures of everyday peace-making are carefully observed which prevent outsiders from stirring up trouble. However, this mutual responsibility is fraught with continuing tension between the three parties (Greek, Turkish and UN) created by the wider context of ethnic conflict at national and international levels. The best which the local people can hope for in current political conditions is the continuation of an uneasy balance between the three parties and a precarious containment of the endemic ethnic tension.

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Lehrs, Lior. "Give Peace a Plan: Peace Plans as Diplomatic Tools and Textual Agents in Conflict Areas." International Studies Quarterly, October 27, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa077.

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Abstract Various conflict areas have faced situations of deadlock after repeated rounds of violence and failed negotiations. In such cases, international actors have used the strategy of drafting, presenting, and promoting a peace plan that addresses the main issues in the conflict and formulates a basis for negotiation and agreement. The article analyzes peace plans as a strategy in peacemaking, international intervention, and mediation processes in conflict areas, using four case studies: The Contact Group's plan for Bosnia (1994); US President Bill Clinton's plan for Israel–Palestine (2000); United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan's plan for Cyprus (2004); and United Nations Envoy Martti Ahtisaari's plan for Kosovo (2007). The article examines the peace plans as a diplomatic strategy and international practice and explores their influence as a “textual agency” in the long term. It finds that peace plans, though shaped by a specific context, can under certain conditions take on an independent life and have a long-term impact, even if they were rejected and had failed in the short term. The research traces the influence of the plans in various spheres and identifies the main factors that explain the variance in their afterlives. Distintas zonas de conflicto se han enfrentado a situaciones de estancamiento tras varias olas de violencia y negociaciones fallidas. En tales casos, la estrategia de los actores políticos internacionales ha consistido en elaborar, presentar y promover un plan de paz que aborde los principales temas del conflicto y formule una base para la negociación y el acuerdo. El presente artículo analiza los planes de paz como estrategia de pacificación, intervención internacional y procesos de mediación en zonas de conflicto, mediante el uso de cuatro estudios de caso: El plan del Grupo de Contacto para Bosnia [The Contact Group's plan for Bosnia (1994)]; El plan del presidente de los Estados Unidos Bill Clinton para el conflicto palestino-israelí [US President Bill Clinton's plan for Israel–Palestine (2000)]; El plan del secretario general de las Naciones Unidas, Kofi Annan, para Chipre [United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan's plan for Cyprus (2004)]; y el plan del enviado especial de las Naciones Unidas, Martti Ahtisaari, para Kosovo [United Nations Envoy Martti Ahtisaari's plan for Kosovo (2007)]. El presente artículo analiza los planes de paz como estrategia diplomática y práctica internacional, y examina su influencia como “agente de cambio textual” a largo plazo. Se concluye que los planes de paz, si bien están condicionados por un contexto específico, pueden, en determinadas situaciones, tener vida propia y producir un efecto a largo plazo, aunque sean rechazados y hayan fracasado a corto plazo. La presente investigación analiza la importancia de los planes en diversas áreas e identifica los principales factores que explican la variación de sus vidas posteriores. Diverses zones de conflit ont été confrontées à des impasses suite à des séries répétées de violences et d’échecs de négociations. Dans de tels cas, des acteurs internationaux ont eu recours à une stratégie consistant à ébaucher, présenter et promouvoir un plan de paix traitant les principaux problèmes du conflit tout en formulant une base pour une négociation et un accord. Cet article analyse les plans de paix en tant que stratégie des processus de pacification, d'intervention internationale et de médiation dans les zones de conflit en s'appuyant sur quatre études de cas: le plan du Groupe de contact pour la Bosnie (1994), le plan du Président américain Bill Clinton pour le conflit israélo–palestinien (2000), le plan du Secrétaire général des Nations unies Kofi Annan pour Chypre (2004) et le plan de l'Envoyé des Nations unies Martti Ahtisaari pour le Kosovo (2007). L'article examine les plans de paix en tant que stratégie diplomatique et que pratique internationale et explore leur influence en tant « qu'agents textuels » à long terme. Il constate que bien qu'ils soient façonnés par un contexte spécifique, les plans de paix peuvent, sous certaines conditions, survivre de manière indépendante et avoir un impact à long terme, même s'ils ont été rejetés et ont échoué à court terme. Cette recherche retrace l'influence des plans dans diverses sphères et identifie les principaux facteurs qui expliquent la variance de leur survie.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Political violence – Cyprus'

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