Academic literature on the topic 'Political violence – Cyprus'

The connection between political radicalization and political violence is often thought to follow “organic stages.” That is, radicalization is considered to be a progression leading to violence, after which time radicalization and violence evolve together dialectically. This ideal-typical process does correspond to historical evidence, and this article presents such evidence from the political contention in Palestine during the Mandate period. However, other historical evidence points to deviations from this ideal type. Evidence from political contention in pre-1921 Ireland and in pre-1960 Cyprus suggests two forms of such deviations. Irish history suggests that violence may be effectively introduced by political forces that at an earlier stage had not been part of the process of political contention at large; Cypriot history suggests that violence may be introduced through forces that were autonomous from the ongoing process of political contention even though organizationally part of it. The historical comparison at hand, furthermore, points to the increased role of historical contingency in the instances where the relation between political radicalization and political violence deviates from the ideal-typical form.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore and understand the reasons for which middle-age women report highest percentages of intimate partner violence (IPV) than other age groups. Design/methodology/approach – This is a qualitative study in which grounded theory method was adopted, through the use of interviews. Findings – The findings revealed that the main reason for which women of the specific age group report intimate partner incidents more that other age groups is because they can recognize violence actions and behaviors. The findings suggest that frequent awareness campaigns should be organized, in order to keep women informed regarding IPV. Originality/value – The value of the current study is the fact that it offers a greater insight in the findings of the first national study conducted in the Republic of Cyprus by the Advisory Committee for the Prevention and Combating Family Violence.

The sociocultural contexts of higher education institutions form the background for gender-based violence in professional structures and environment of academia. The article presents the comparative analysis of sexual violence and the reasons for its (non-)disclosure at the universities in Lithuania and Cyprus. The findings of focus group interviews conducted within the framework of the Ending Sexual Harassment and Violence in Third Level Education (ESHTE) project, co-funded by the European Union, have been summarized in the present research. The focus group participants from each partner university involved university teachers, administrative staff, counselors and university students. The research was conducted during a 3-month period between 2017 and 2018. The main aim was to investigate university staffs’ and students’ experiences in the disclosures of the cases of sexual violence and harassment (SVH) in university environment and campus, as well as their awareness of existing procedures and policies in handling the cases of SVH. Their personal experiences, attitudes and beliefs of SVH, as well as any suggestions they have towards the improvement of disclosures of SVH are discussed in the article.

Conflict in deeply divided societies often has a profound impact both on the societies in which the conflict is located, and on the surrounding states and societies. Constitutional engineers working in such societies are inevitably attracted to power-sharing as a means of stabilising inter-group relations. Consociational democracy is a form of power-sharing democracy which is particularly attractive for a divided society, because its demands on the society are relatively few. It aims to separate the communities in the conflict as much as possible, while emphasising elite co-operation in the formal institutions of government. A difficulty with consociational democracy, however, is that the elite co-operation it requires to function is also required for the system to be adopted, yet will not necessarily be present. Cyprus is an excellent example of the difficulty of gaining agreement on a consociational regime for a divided society. In 1963, the consociational Republic of Cyprus collapsed as a result of mistrust between Greek and Turkish Cypriots. In 2004, a consociational system of government was designed for Cyprus by a team of UN experts under the direction of then-Secretary-General, Kofi Annan. The system of government was rejected in April 2004 at a referendum, and, consequently, was not adopted. This thesis examines why Cyprus has thus far been unable to adopt a political settlement. Failure is as hard to explain as success. Success may have many fathers and failure none, but there are as many possible causes of a failure as of a success. There is also the difficulty of the counter-factual: what facts would need to be different to produce success where experience is only of failure. The thesis systematically examines possible causes of failure, including the idea of consociational democracy itself, the particular consociational designs proposed for Cyprus, and the influence of historical aspirations and experiences. Particular attention is paid to the idea that there may be key factors which must be present before a consociational solution can be adopted. The factors, selected for this case study for their apparent relevance to Cyprus, are elite co-operation, segmental isolation, a balance of power between the disputant groups, and the ability of the international community to offer incentives for compromise. It is argued that these factors, especially elite relations and the complex web of causes which determine these, are central to an explanation of the Cyprus experience.

Cette Thèse est un travail de réélaboration et de synthèse à partir de l’expérience de l’auteur acquise lors :● de sa participation active à la récente réforme psychiatrique en Grèce (mise en place et fonctionnement d’un foyer d’hébergement pour patients asilaires et ensuite d’un centre de jour pour enfants autistes) ;● de sa réflexion clinico-théorique sur la maltraitance et les adolescents (auteurs et victimes de violence), à savoir ce que l’auteur propose d’appeler transitions violentées ;● de ses recherches étalées sur trente ans au sujet du devenir du deuil des personnes disparues à Chypre (lors de l’invasion de l’île par la Turquie en 1974) et des interférences individuelles, sociales et politiques de ce deuil impossible ;● de ses études sur les extensions du concept du travail du deuil (en tant que prototype du travail psychique dans son rapport au travail culturel), des limites et des obstacles que le deuil rencontre au sein de la culture et de la société contemporaines.Le long de ces développements l’approche pluridisciplinaire adoptée met en dialogue la Psychanalyse, l’Anthropologie et la Littérature grecque ancienne. La pluridisciplinarité permet à la fois de multiplier les approches, afin de mieux saisir les phénomènes dans leur complexité et leurs rapports avec leurs environnements, d’examiner ce qui se développent sur les interfaces, de mettre en relief nos limites conceptuelles et méthodologiques, enfin de mettre en perspective des voies de dégagement et de dépassement. (L’étude de la primauté présumée de la mère en Psychanalyse et en Anthropologie, ainsi que l’étude de la culture postmoderne comme métacadre anti-deuil, en sont l’exemple).2En multipliant les expressions des souffrances psychiques à étudier, les environnements où elles se manifestent et les perspectives de leur examen, l’auteur s’efforce de montrer que la structure et les processus psychiques du sujet singulier, d’autant plus ses souffrances, ne peuvent être suffisamment comprises et encore moins soutenues et soulagées, que si on les rapporte aux charges et aux contenus qu’ils prennent pour d’autres sujets, que si on les articule et les met en communication avec les opérations psychiques de ceux-ci, ainsi qu’avec les cadres et métacadres dans lesquels les sujets s’inscrivent, en tant que partie prenante et partie constituante d’un ensemble transsubjectif.Des hypothèses sur les processus, les fonctions et les contenus intersubjectifs de transfert, de charge, de transit, d’encadrement transsubjectif, de reprise et de resymbolisation sont au premier plan de ce travail
This Thesis is the reworking and re-composition of a study based on the experience acquired by the author from the following:• his active participation in the recent psychiatric reform in Greece (establishment and functioning of a shelter for asylum-seeker patients and later a daycentre for autistic children);• his clinical theory reflections on maltreatment and adolescents (offenders and victims of violence), what the author proposes to call violated transitions.• this research stretching over thirty years on the topic the continuing mourning of the missing persons in Cyprus (on account of the invasion of the island by Turkey in 1974) and the individual, social and political interferences with this impossible mourning;• his studies on the extension of the concept of the work of mourning (as a prototype of the psychic work in his report on the cultural work), the limits and obstacles that the mourning encounters in the context of culture and contemporary society.In the course of these developments, the adopted pluridisciplinary approach gives rise to a dialogue involving the Psychoanalysis, Anthropology and Literature of ancient Greece. Pluridisciplinarity allows, at the same time, the multiplication of approaches, in order to better seize of the phenomena in their complexity and relation to their environments, examine that which is developing on the interfaces, bring out in relief our conceptual and methodological limitations, in order to place into perspective the ways of disengagement and overtaking. (The study on the presumed primacy of the mother in Psychoanalysis and Anthropology, as well as the study on postmodern culture as an anti-mournful meta-frame, are examples of this).4In multiplying the expressions of psychic suffering that have to be studied, the environments where they manifest themselves and the perspectives of their examination, the author is forced to show that the structure and the psychic processes of the individual subject, especially their sufferings, cannot be sufficiently understood and even less so sustained and alleviated, whether one relates them to the loads and contents they take for other subjects, or one articulates and places them in communication with other psychic functions of the latter, also with the frames and meta-frames in which the subjects fall, in their capacity as accepting party and constituent party of a trans-subjective unit.Hypotheses on the inter-subjective processes, functions and contents of transfer, load, transit, trans-subjective framing, recovery and re-symbolization are at the forefront of this work

Just a few years ago, Greece appeared to be a politically secure nation with a healthy economy. Today, Greece can be found at the center of the economic maelstrom in Europe. Beginning in late 2008, the Greek economy entered a nosedive that would transform it into the European country with the most serious and intractable fiscal problems. Both the deficit and the unemployment rate skyrocketed. Quickly thereafter, Greece edged toward a pre-revolutionary condition, as massive anti-austerity protests punctuated by violence and vandalism spread throughout Greek cities. Greece was certainly not the only country hit hard by the recession, but nevertheless the entire world turned its focus toward it for a simple reason: the possibility of a Greek exit from the European Monetary Union, and its potential to unravel the entire Union, with other weaker members heading for the exits as well. The fate of Greece is inextricably tied up with the global politics surrounding austerity as well. Is austerity rough but necessary medicine, or is it an intellectually bankrupt approach to fiscal policy that causes ruin? Through it all, Greece has staggered from crisis to crisis, and the European central bank’s periodic attempts to prop up its economy fall short in the face of popular recalcitrance and negative economic growth. Though the catalysts for Greece’s current economic crises can be found in the conditions and events of the past few years, one can only understand the factors that helped to transform these crises into a terrible political and social catastrophe by tracing Greece’s development as an independent country over the past two centuries. In Greece: What Everyone Needs to Know, Stathis Kalyvas, an eminent scholar of conflict, Europe, and Greece, begins by elucidating the crisis’s impact on contemporary Greek society. He then shifts his focus to modern Greek history, tracing the nation’s development from the early nineteenth century to the present. Key episodes include the independence movement of the early nineteenth century, the aftermath of World War I (in which Turkey and Greece engaged in a massive mutual ethnic cleansing), the German occupation of World War II, the brutal civil war that followed, the postwar conflict with Turkey over Cyprus, the military coup of 1967, and-finally-democracy and entry into the European Union. The final part of the book will cover the recent crisis in detail. Written by one of the most brilliant political scientists in the academy, Greece is the go-to resource for understanding both the present turmoil and the deeper past that has brought the country to where it is now.

This chapter focuses on Catalonia, an exemplar of the democratized movement. Using a substantial number of interviews, the chapter discusses the tactics that the Catalan secessionists have used, and highlights the possibilities and limitations of a fully institutionalized movement. It argues that the Catalan secessionist movement is truly a public debate and much more likely in advanced democracies. Up close it can appear quite different from the efforts in West Papua, Bougainville, and Northern Cyprus, and yet they are playing the same strategic game insofar as they all need to work through the home state and enlist the international community. By this context, the chapter investigates how the democratized movement utilized the political apparatus of the state to achieve its ends — rather than resort to violence — and appeal to norms of democratic legitimacy. Ultimately, the chapter discusses the Catalan secessionist leadership's attempt to get external governments to apply pressure on Madrid to negotiate.