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Journal articles on the topic 'Political theory'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

Han, Kwangtaek. "Aporias of Habermas’s Political Philosophy." Criticism and Theory Society of Korea 28, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 363–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.19116/theory.2023.28.2.363.

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The aim of this essay is to critically examine the aporias in Jürgen Habermas’s concept of “universal consensus,” which has played a central role in the discussion of deliberative democracy. The first section analyzes the constitutive lacuna and exception, the fundamental dilemma in political ontology that impede the realization of practical universal consensus due to the enduring and irreconcilable political conflicts embedded in democratic conditions and contexts. The second section delves into the fallacy of universal consensus and its psychoanalytic significance, illuminating how Lacanian notion of fantasy constructs illusory plenitude, manipulates causality, and validates the substantive pursuit of elusive substance. Drawing upon Immanuel Kant’s notion of aesthetic consensus and common sense, which posit an imaginary common consensus shaped by affective reactions, the following section serves to examine an intersection between Kantian aesthetics and the conceptual and practical aporias of Habermas’s philosophical and political notion. Lastly, this essay concludes by suggesting affective hegemony as a new framework for comprehending the intricate dynamics of modern affective politics.

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2

Kang, Woosung. "The Political Claim of Deleuzean Shame." Criticism and Theory Society of Korea 29, no. 1 (February 29, 2024): 229–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.19116/theory.2024.29.1.229.

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The primary aim of this paper is to present the political implication of Deleuze’s idea of shame as the affect of resistance through masochistic withdrawal. Shame, for Deleuze, is clearly distinct from the feeling of guilt in that it does not concern with the pleasure of suffering and self-punishment caused by the breach of prohibition. Indeed, Deleuze makes lots of efforts to save the affect of shame from being co-opted by the psychoanalytic notion pairing off with the feeling of guilt and the pleasurable pain ensued from the Oedipal punishment. Deleuze’s separation of shame from guilt coincides with his lifelong struggle with the pleasure principle of psychoanalysis and its constant Oedipalization. Another crucial dimension of Deleuze’s deterritorialization of psychoanalysis in terms of shame is the break-up of the pathological bind between sadism and masochism. Especially, Deleuze unties the ontological affect of masochism and the literality of pain from sadistic, reactive, and sexualized aggressivity which is primarily dependent on the guilt and the pleasure of punishment. Masochistic shame is newly valorized by Deleuze as the powerful resistant weapon of the minorities whose act of withdrawal from the demand of capitalist discourse constitutes the very basis of political resistance. The political implication of Deleuze’s notion of masochistic shame becomes doubly significant when it is connected to the rhythm of pain in passive synthesis; masochist contraction, like Bartleby’s inaction, against ego, pleasure, and globalization helps us to secure and re-establish free, little, local differences in the overall micropolitical resistance to the global law of injunction to enjoyment.

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3

Lagerspetz, Eerik. "Is Political Theory Politically Interesting?" Redescriptions: Political Thought, Conceptual History and Feminist Theory 6, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/r.6.1.1.

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4

Karachun, Yuliia G., and Nataliia V. Davydenko. "POLITICAL CORRECTNESS IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE: THEORY OF IDEOLOGICAL ASPECT." Alfred Nobel University Journal of Philology 2, no. 26/2 (December 26, 2023): 139–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.32342/2523-4463-2023-2-26/2-9.

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The article aims to highlight the ideological aspect of functioning politically correct vocabulary in today’s political discourse. Realization of the set goal requires solving the following objectives: 1) to expand scholarly ideas about the interpretation of the linguistic phenomenon of political correctness as sociocultural and linguistic-behavioral ideology in political discourse; 2) based on the introduction of the concept “ideologeme”, to consider the classification of politically correct lexical units, used in political discourse. The study employs general scientific methods (analysis, generalization, systematization of scholarly literature on the issue under consideration), and special linguistic methods (method of distributional analysis, used to highlight the main semantic groups of politically correct vocabulary; elements of the component analysis, necessary to identify components of the meaning of politically correct vocabulary; method of linguostylistic analysis, used to study the functional features of politically correct vocabulary based on ideology). The study emphesizes that the phenomenon of political correctness can be considered as a set of linguistic and discursive components of the organization of the ideological life of modern society. It is able to ensure the creation of a system of values, the worldview, and in general, it involves the construction of reality. It also contributes to the dissemination and imposition of an opinion on one or another issue in society, mostly within the framework of political discourse. Political correctness deals with a situation in society where implicit rules of decency direct the ways of behavior in interactions between people of different races, genders, religions, and other potentially charged groups. It seems that political correctness in political discourse concerns all those areas where the interests of different groups of society collide on the issue of what is considered true or false, and who is considered “friend” or “stranger”. Political correctness as an ideology offers a polar view on social life, highlighting in it “good” (“right”) and “evil” (“bad”). Consequently, at the most abstract level, there are concepts that define the basic values of political correctness, as well as their “antipodes,” i.e., undesirable, unacceptable phenomena and attitudes that must be eradicated from social life (e.g., tolerant / intolerant, inclusive / exclusive). In general, it can be presented as a “good – evil” model of social life, which works and effectively serves the ideology of political correctness. Admittedly, the structure of the language of political correctness is not as homogeneous as it is commonly believed. Two broad layers of politically correct lexis that perform qualitatively different roles are considered: politically correct vocabulary, which includes the “acceptable” names of sociocultural phenomena, and politically correct ideologemes that are used to directly form a politically correct worldview. Ideologemes, as a result of the interaction of language and ideology, represent the optimal means for establishing the dominant worldview in the country, influence the transformation of the addressee’s already existing political worldview, explicitly or implicitly represent the basic ideological and value attitudes of a society. If politically correct vocabulary itself is an example of the “acceptable” language concerning different matters of life, then the ideologemes of political correctness set standards for assessing heterogeneous sociocultural phenomena. In turn, the attitudes and principles embedded in the ideologemes are implemented in the creation of politically correct vocabulary. Thus, ideologemes form the core of the linguistic representation of the ideology of political correctness. Their most common word-formation models involve exploiting the suffix -ism, the -free and -phobia components, the words “bias” and “sensitivity”. It can be argued that the ideologeme is a characteristic element of the global political context, since it is a kind of reference to a particular era, its meaning is detached from the direct meanings of the lexical units that make it up. An adequate understanding of the ideologeme is possible only in the context of the corresponding ideology and the context of a certain period of history.

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5

Brown, Chris. "Thinking politically: Essays in political theory." Contemporary Political Theory 8, no. 2 (May 2009): 240–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cpt.2008.53.

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6

Benn, Piers. "Political theory." History of European Ideas 18, no. 3 (May 1994): 448–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(94)90527-4.

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7

Ferreira, J. V., and K. L. Tuteja. "Political Theory." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 41, no. 3-4 (July 1985): 412–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848504100308.

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8

Zolkos, Magdalena. "Book Review: Political Theory: Nonviolence in Political Theory." Political Studies Review 12, no. 2 (April 7, 2014): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12053_4.

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9

Barry, Caroline. "Book Review: Political Theory: Women in Political Theory." Political Studies Review 13, no. 3 (July 7, 2015): 400–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12100_13.

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10

Favarato, Claudia. "Palavras lusófonas na Comparative Political Theory." Revista Portuguesa de Ciência Política / Portuguese Journal of Political Science, no. 15 (2021): 19–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.33167/2184-2078.rpcp2021.15/pp.19-37.

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The discipline of comparative political theory (CPT) rose within the Anglo-Saxon context in the 1990s; rejecting the existing epistemological hegemony, it aims to integrate non-western theories and thought in political theory. Following a brief overview of CPT, this paper intends to report that CPT in nigh existent in the scholarship of political theory available in Portuguese. The overall scarcity of CPT in Portuguese scholarship texts epitomizes not only the lack of response to comprehensive, globalized or cosmopolitan canons of political theory, as referred in anglophone literature, but also a failure in providing space and representation for authors, texts, ideas and concepts beyond the canons. Among the areas of interests of CPT, political theorizations endogenous of Africa are the least considered ones. In the Portuguese literature of political theory, sub-Saharan and Luso-African political thought and theory are underrepresented. Keywords: comparative political theory; comparative political thought; PALOP; political theory in Africa; Portuguese literature in political theory

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11

Jardine, Murray. "Political Theory and Political Theology." Tradition and Discovery: The Polanyi Society Periodical 37, no. 3 (2010): 59–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/traddisc2010/201137338.

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12

Walzer, Michael. "Political Theory as Political Practice." Raisons politiques N° 84, no. 4 (January 20, 2022): 165–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rai.084.0165.

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13

Geise, Jack P. "Political Rhetoric as Political Theory." Social Philosophy Today 4 (1990): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/socphiltoday1990479.

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14

Graham, Gordon. "Political Theory and Political Practice." Journal of Applied Philosophy 16, no. 2 (January 1999): 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5930.00114.

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15

Frazer, Elizabeth. "Mary Wollstonecraft's Political Political Theory." Review of Politics 82, no. 1 (December 20, 2019): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670519000767.

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AbstractThis paper separates Wollstonecraft's critical concept of “machiavelian” power and the capacity for domination, from a neutral concept of politics as the complex processes surrounding the power to govern, from her normative account of popular sovereignty which emphasizes collective political power to ensure the discharge of natural duty by way of civil and political rights and duties. Wollstonecraft's voice as political judge—which is audible throughout her work, but particularly clearly in her book on the French Revolution—articulates the ways that political power can be abused and misused, and can also be effective. Her theory is political in several ways: she interrogates the nature of political power and its explanatory importance; she consistently articulates political judgment about matters both conventionally political and social; she offers a theoretical justification for the expansion of the scope of politics to cover relations that hitherto were thought to be outside its domain; and finally her work itself constitutes a political intervention.

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16

Corbett, Ross J. "Political Theory within Political Science." PS: Political Science & Politics 44, no. 03 (June 28, 2011): 565–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096511000679.

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17

ESQUITH, STEPHEN L. "Political Theory and Political Education." Political Theory 20, no. 2 (May 1992): 247–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591792020002003.

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18

McCormick, John P. "Political Theory and Political Theology." Political Theory 26, no. 6 (December 1998): 830–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591798026006006.

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19

Edyvane, Derek. "Book Review: Political Theory: Evil in Contemporary Political Theory." Political Studies Review 10, no. 3 (August 7, 2012): 399. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-9302.2012.00271_10.x.

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20

Walsh, Mary. "Political Theory, Political Freedom and the Political." Australian Journal of Political Science 44, no. 3 (September 2009): 537–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140903100788.

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21

O'Sullivan, Liam. "Political theory today." International Affairs 68, no. 3 (July 1992): 524–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622992.

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22

Potseluev, S. P. "Political Modernization Theory." Политическая концептология: журнал метадисциплинарных исследований, no. 3 (October 5, 2022): 198–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2218-5518.2022.3.198215.

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The published text is a slightly abridged version of one of the chapters of the textbook (2021) dedicated to the theory of politics. The article deals with political motives and stages of the evolution of the theory of social and political modernization. Separately, the author dwells on the characteristics of the classical theory of modernization, including its criticism in non-classical versions of this theory. The article proposes a typology of political modernization, as well as an assessment of the theoretical models of Russian political modernization.

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23

Zene, Cosimo. "Indian Political Theory." CASTE / A Global Journal on Social Exclusion 1, no. 1 (February 14, 2020): 237–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.26812/caste.v1i1.3.

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24

Forst, Rainer. "Critical Political Theory." Raisons politiques N° 84, no. 4 (January 20, 2022): 69–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rai.084.0069.

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25

Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty. "Not Political Theory." Raisons politiques N° 84, no. 4 (January 20, 2022): 149–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rai.084.0149.

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26

Boudou, Benjamin, and Astrid von Busekist. "Political Theory Today." Raisons politiques N° 84, no. 4 (January 20, 2022): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rai.084.0019.

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27

Aronson, Ronald. "Sartre’s Political Theory." Radical Philosophy Review of Books 8, no. 8 (1993): 25–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/radphilrevbooks1993814.

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28

Kruks, Sonia. "Sartre’s Political Theory." International Studies in Philosophy 26, no. 1 (1994): 124–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil199426149.

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29

Baron, Bat-Ami. "Reconstructing Political Theory." International Studies in Philosophy 37, no. 4 (2005): 163–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil200537432.

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30

March, Andrew F. "Political Islam: Theory." Annual Review of Political Science 18, no. 1 (May 11, 2015): 103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-082112-141250.

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31

Hendley, Steve. "Sartre’s Political Theory." American Catholic Philosophical Quarterly 66, no. 1 (1992): 111–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acpq199266149.

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32

Sawant, Ankush B. "Contemporary Political Theory." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 45, no. 2-3 (April 1989): 254–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848904500207.

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33

Gunnell, John G. "Reorienting political theory." European Journal of Political Theory 13, no. 4 (September 7, 2014): 480–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885114538354.

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34

Mottier, Véronique. "feminist political theory." European Political Science 3, no. 2 (March 2004): 79–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/eps.2004.8.

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35

Saurette, Paul. "Questioning Political Theory." Political Theory 32, no. 5 (October 2004): 723–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591703261776.

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36

Johnson, Gregory R. "Rethinking Political Theory." New Vico Studies 16 (1998): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/newvico19981620.

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37

Gunnell, John G. "Professing Political Theory." Political Research Quarterly 63, no. 3 (August 4, 2010): 674–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912910367497.

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38

romero, ricardo montoro. "pitkin’s political theory." European Political Science 17, no. 2 (December 14, 2016): 311–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41304-016-0094-3.

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39

Rehfeld, Andrew. "Offensive Political Theory." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 2 (June 2010): 465–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710001209.

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Penn State's decision to eliminate political theory set off existential angst about the status of political theory in the discipline. The organized, defensive responses to that decision failed to answer the central question it posed: Is “political theory” social science, and if not, why does it belong? I argue that social scientific political theory is political science and its many strains—conceptual, normative, and explanatory—belong in the discipline on their own terms. Humanistic research, like dermatology or music theory, is not political science and as such it should find another home. By explaining why (and what kinds of) political theory is political science this article may wind up being offensive in both senses of the word. But it is meant to be in service to a more secure, stable, and productive interdisciplinary future for all kinds of political theory going forward.

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40

O’Neill, Daniel, and Michael Bernhard. "Perspectival Political Theory." Perspectives on Politics 17, no. 4 (November 13, 2019): 953–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759271900375x.

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41

Kohen, Ari. "Tumbling Political Theory." Politics 34, no. 4 (March 31, 2014): 405–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.12051.

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42

Parekh, Bhikhu. "Theorising Political Theory." Political Theory 27, no. 3 (June 1999): 398–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591799027003005.

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43

Abulof, Uriel, and Shirley Le Penne. "Cosmic Political Theory." Political Theory 51, no. 1 (February 2023): 6–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00905917221127644.

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Modern political thought arrived on the heels of two revolutionary realizations: We are not at the center of the universe (Copernicus), which was not created for us (Darwin). How might political theory respond to a third revolutionary realization, that we are not alone, that other creatures, sentient and highly intelligent, share our vast universe? We explore answers through a dialogue between two political theorists, a human and an alien. Rather than superimposing astropolitics upon anthropolitics, we use the encounter to ask new questions, e.g., should PT foster bridges between humans and aliens, or harden the boundaries? Pitting Dark Forest Theory against the Campfire Theory, we outline the coming existential and existentialist turns in political theory, complementing Earth politics with exopolitics.

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44

Runciman, David. "Review: Jeremy Waldron’s Political Political Theory." European Journal of Political Theory 18, no. 3 (October 17, 2016): 437–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885116671137.

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This collection seeks to ground political theory in the study of institutions, particularly the constitutional relationship between different branches of government. It makes the case that ‘constitutionalism’ has become a thin doctrine of political restraint. Waldron wants to identify a fuller conceptual understanding of how the functions of government can be empowered and articulated. In doing so, he sets out a position that is distinct from both moralism and realism in contemporary political theory. I explore how well the later distinction holds up: how successfully does Waldron’s approach marry realist concerns with the rigour of analytical political theory? I also discuss the role it leaves for the history of political thought and whether it can deal with the populist strain in contemporary politics.

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45

GRANT, RUTH W. "Political Theory, Political Science, and Politics." Political Theory 30, no. 4 (August 2002): 577–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591702030004007.

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46

Barry, Brian. "Why Political Science Needs Political Theory." Scandinavian Political Studies 25, no. 2 (June 2002): 107–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.00065.

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47

Beetz, Jan Pieter. "Political political theory: Essays on institutions." Contemporary Political Theory 16, no. 4 (November 16, 2016): 553–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41296-016-0081-z.

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48

WALDRON, JEREMY. "Political Political Theory: An Inaugural Lecture." Journal of Political Philosophy 21, no. 1 (December 6, 2012): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jopp.12007.

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49

Lee, Taek-Gwang. "Literature as a Global Theory." Criticism and Theory Society of Korea 28, no. 3 (October 31, 2023): 245–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.19116/theory.2023.28.3.245.

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This essay discusses the globalization of literature and its political implications, arguing that literature is not timeless or ahistorical but a modern invention deeply rooted in its historical, linguistic, and cultural context.I begin my arguments by pointing out that “literature” is not universal but a specifically European concept. In Japan, for example, the word “bungaku” (文学), which is translated as “literature”, had a different meaning before Soseki encountered English literature. Soseki confessed that he found it challenging to subsume Chinese classics and English literary works under a single definition of literature. This discrepancy between Chinese and English literature, Soseki argued, is because literature is not simply a collection of writings but a specific style of writing associated with modernity. Literature is not self-explanatory but requires a certain level of cultural literacy to understand. Therefore, the globalisation of literature is not simply a process of spreading European literary culture to other parts of the world. Instead, it adapts European literary forms and concepts to different cultural contexts. This process is often fraught with political implications, as it can involve imposing hegemonic cultural values on marginalized cultures. I conclude by arguing that there is no such thing as political literature, but only literary politics. The style of writing as such is the ambiguous process of modernisation. This means that literature is not simply a tool for political propaganda but rather a complex and multifaceted phenomenon that can be used to explore and challenge a wide range of political issues.

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50

Gu, Jakwang. "A Study on Charles Bernstein’s ‘ethical, aesthetical, political’ (anti)poetics." Criticism and Theory Society of Korea 23, no. 3 (October 30, 2018): 5–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.19116/theory.2018.23.3.5.

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