Dissertations / Theses: 'Political staffs'

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CAMMINO, PELLEGRINO. "All the president's men and women. Prime ministerial staffs in Italy, 1998-2018." Doctoral thesis, Università di Siena, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11365/1113426.

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This study has three main objectives. First, it suggests a novel theoretical framework that bridges advice-related literature with the recent developments in the study of political leadership. Second, it fills a knowledge gap in the study of the Italian executive by providing a comprehensive recognition of the appointed personnel at the direct disposal of prime ministers. Third, it tries to explain the uncertain and non-linear consolidation of prime ministerial staffs in Italy by addressing the political and psychological motivations accounting for different staffing arrangements. Political staffs are perceived as increasingly consequential actors in modern democracies. Yet, the literature has long been dominated by accounts of advisory structures in countries of the Anglo-Saxon model, and of their alleged impact on the neutrality of the civil service. More recent analyses have tried to go beyond the normative-prescriptive approach by focusing instead on different typologies and definitions of advisory work. Overall, neither of these works provide a consistent account of advisers within the broader narration of political leadership. By adopting a relational, resource-dependent approach, this work challenges the dominant framework(s) and focuses on both ends of political advice. Its theoretical contribution unfolds along with a systematic definition of staffing stages, strategies, motivations, and factors. Namely, it: (i) postulates that staffing strategies differ with regard to the selection, internal organisation, and external deployment of appointed personnel; (ii) frames those differences in terms of mirroring or compensation – i.e. aiming at either reinforcing or expanding the prime minister’s expertise, informational, and relational capacity; (iii) motivates either strategy as need- or preference-based; (iv) draws needs and preferences from the incumbent’s political constraints and personal inclinations. The descriptive effort relies on extensive documental analysis, qualitative interviews, and data triangulation, and offers a first-time outlook of the background and work of political staffs: who are the members of prime ministerial staffs? What do they do? And how do they perceive their role and functions? – are some of the questions addressed in the first empirical section. The analytical part focuses on the political constraints and personal preferences that may lead to different staffing strategies in each of the three dimensions of advice. Through a Qualitative Comparative Analysis of prime ministers’ political capital, personality traits, and observed strategies of selection, organisation, and networking, it finds that a) constitutional prerogatives are neither sufficient nor necessary to explain the failed consolidation of prime ministerial staffs; b) the political context alone does not account for all the observed variations; c) personality matters, but in a way which is sometimes counter-intuitive. Namely, certain personality traits seem to operate as enablers for prime ministers to pursue their preferred arrangements even when the political constraints would suggest otherwise.

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Camacho, David E. "Chicano Urban Politics: The Role of the Political Entrepreneur." University of Arizona, Mexican American Studies and Research Center, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/218632.

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Pattershall, Jennifer. "Promotion, Prevention, and Politics: Linking Regulatory Focus to Political Attitudes and Ideology." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2008. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/PattershallJ2008.pdf.

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Mayo-Bobee, Dinah. "Politics, Love and Longing: The Political Marriage of Sarah Crowninshield." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/734.

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García, John A., Gabriel R. Sanchez, and J. Salvador Peralta. "Latino politics: a growing and evolving political community (a reference guide)." University of Arizona Libraries (Tucson, AZ), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/622149.

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Table of Contents: Frontmatter / Chapter One: Latino Politics: Both a Growing and Evolving Political Community / Chapter Two: Methodology and User Guide / Chapter Three: History, Demographics and Mass Media / Chapter Four: Latino Identity / Chapter Five: Books Focused on Ethnic Studies / Chapter Six: Political Attitudes and Political Behavior / Chapter Seven: Latino Elites, Representation, and Institutions / Chapter Eight: Inter-group Relations / Chapter Nine: Public Policy Issues / Chapter Ten: Methodology and Measurement Issues / Chapter Eleven: Reference Sources / Appendixes

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Mason, Drew. "The political effect of casework on Congress : the congressman and the American political system /." Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1987.

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Boulding, Carew Elizabeth. "Protest, voting and political change the effects of NGOs on politics in developing democracies /." Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2007. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3258708.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2007.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed June 4, 2007). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 184-197).

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Li, Wei. "The role of the mishu (staff) institution in Chinese politics." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/40560.

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Smith, Joseph Lloyd. "Judicial procedures as instruments of political control /." Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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Streator, Campbell. ""Pig-Sawce" and Politics: The History of Barbecue as a Political Institution in the United States." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1920.

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This thesis examines the history of barbecue as a political institution in the United States. It pulls from a wide variety of cultural and political sources to trace the story of barbecue’s evolution in America from cooking structure to social gathering, and addresses barbecue’s varied political meanings and implementations from before the American Revolution through the twentieth century. Along the way, it discusses the ways in which barbecue as a political institution has been used to cultivate an American identity, played a role in the development of personality driven politics in the United States, and found itself at the center of debates over race and equality in America.

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Bouressa, Andrea Kelly. "Conspicuous Consumption and American Political Behavior." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2005. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4817/.

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The following premise is based on the ideas of social theorists who have contributed to understanding the importance of image in society. This proposal argues that political participation is susceptible to exploitation in the form of conspicuous consumption as defined by Thorstein Veblen. The analyses that follow will test the degree to which Americans who demonstrate more traditional forms of conspicuous consumption also tend to show more activity in political venues. While the correlation of these two variables is not sufficient to demonstrate cause and effect, it may be significant enough to attract more researchers to this question: are Americans using political involvement to positively influence the way that their social status is perceived by others?

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García, John A. "Mexicanos and Chicanos: Examining Political Involvement and Interface in the U.S. Political System." University of Arizona, Mexican American Studies and Research Center, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/218654.

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Tulloch, Scott. "Mapping U.S. Civic Engagement Discourse: A Geo-Critical Rhetorical Wandering." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2008. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/TullochS2008.pdf.

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Clarke, Nikia R. "Of people, politics and profit : the political economy of Chinese industrial zone development in Nigeria." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:194625ba-9a35-408c-851c-9f2078547de5.

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This project approaches ongoing debates over the impact of increased Chinese engagement in African countries through the lens of production and industrialisation. Emerging market FDI into Africa is growing rapidly, and an increasing proportion of this investment is into manufacturing and productive sectors. This trend is led by the commercial expansion of private Chinese manufacturing firms across the continent. The goal of this project is to examine the differentiated impacts on African industrialisation attempts of this phenomenon. It takes as its case study industrial zone development projects in Nigeria, namely, the two official economic and trade cooperation zones being developed as large-scale FDI projects by Chinese firms, with Chinese and Nigerian government support, in Lagos and Ogun states. Analytically, four dimensions of this process are identified for study: the home country context, the host country context, the zone structures and institutions, and the firms themselves. Special attention is paid to the interface between foreign actors and the particular political economy of Nigerian manufacturing, as well as the at times substantial gaps between policy and practice in terms of industrial planning, investment and production. The thesis argues that SEZ projects in general, including the Chinese ETCZs, are industrial policy tools that operate on particular assumptions regarding the organisation of global production. As such, they incentivise the insertion of export-oriented firms into established global networks supplying international markets. However, a closer examination of industrial policy in China, the production environment in Nigeria and the behaviour of internationalising firms reveals that these assumptions are not always accurate. Thus, the SEZ institution as it is currently conceived in Nigeria is ill-suited to lend support to the trend towards Chinese relocation of producer firms, as well as to the reality of Nigerian production—both of which are predicated on domestic and regional markets as the primary driver of African industrialisation and productive sector growth.

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Smith, Benjamin King. "Cross-Cutting Concerns: The Varying Effects of Partisan Cues in the Context of Social Networks." PDXScholar, 2014. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1952.

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The theory of motivated reasoning predicts that partisan cues in the media will affect political attitudes, by encouraging individuals to align their views with those of their party's elites. The effect has primarily been tested by looking at issues which have pre-established partisan positions (e.g. immigration reform, gay rights, etc.). This study looks at the effects of partisan cues in the media on attitudes toward a non-partisan issue, the NSA's collection of American's meta-data. Additionally, the study extends research on partisan cues by exploring the moderating role of an individual's political communication network and, specifically, exposure to cross-cutting political communication. Findings are mixed: although there was no main effect of exposure to partisan cues in general, strong partisans were more affected by exposure to partisan cues than weak partisans. Additionally, although frequency of political discussion was not found to moderate the effect of partisan cues, individuals with high exposure to cross-cutting communication were significantly less affected by partisan cues than those with low exposure to cross-cutting communication. Limitations, implications, and future directions are discussed.

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Jogerst, Meredith Brandes. "Political Culture in the United States: A Reexamination of Elazar's Subcultures." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500578/.

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This thesis discusses the use of Daniel Elazar's theory of political subcultures in the United States. The first chapter is an introduction to the concept of political culture. The second chapter discusses Elazar's theory and method. The third chapter points out the problems in Elazar's theory and his method with a discussion of recent studies. The fourth chapter outlines the present analysis and the method used. The fifth chapter sets out the conclusions and offers avenues of new direction in the study of political culture.

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Ernst, Timothy C. "Toward a grounded normative theory of strategies of political communication used in politics disadvantages in policy debate." Scholarly Commons, 2011. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/768.

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This study examines politics disadvantages used in competitive policy debate. Specifically, this research examines politics disadvantages for their role and relevance in deliberation, an important form of political communication. Deliberation is the means by which citizens can engage in discussions of salient policy issues, and make political judgments about policies. This study developed a grounded theory about the type of deliberation manifest in politics disadvantages. Pre-constructed politics disadvantages from websites such as PlanetDebate.com, Cross-X.com, as well as from summer policy debate workshops were analyzed to develop a grounded theory. Through the process of coding and theoretical memoing, categories of political communication emerged from the disadvantage shells. The theory indicated that politics disadvantages develop an acontextual, narrowly adversarial view of deliberation. This theory was juxtaposed against already established theories of deliberation to reveal that politics disadvantages show serious deficiencies in the ways in which deliberation is taught to policy debaters.

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Mullery, Colleen Bridget. "A Structural Analysis of Corporate Political Activity: An Application of Euclidean Modeling to the Study of Intercorporate Relations." PDXScholar, 1991. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1303.

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During the past two decades business has become increasingly active in the political process, and scholars continue to debate the extent to which this activity is organized. This fundamental issue is addressed by examining corporate political activity within the context of resource dependence and class cohesion theories. Political action committee (PAC) campaign contributions, this study's measure for corporate political activity, are structurally analyzed to determine if either resource dependence or class cohesion theory explains the forces which drive business participation in the U.S. public policy process. The rationale which forty-two diverse corporate PACs exercise when selecting which congressional campaigns to support during two election cycles is explored. Resource dependence theory contends .that a firm's behavior is a function of its dependence on the environment for resources. Successful firms attempt to manage this external dependence by controlling or manipulating their environment corporate involvement in politics, therefore, will reflect a firm's dependence on the government for sales, subsidies or regulation. The regulatory environment in which a firm operates is this study's measure of resource dependence. Conversely, class cohesion theory argues that a firm's political activity is a function of its top management's inclusion in a network of corporate elites. Board members and chief executives from the nation's largest corporations coalesce to advance a political agenda which is compatible with the overarching goals of the business community rather than the parochial goals of an individual firm or even industry. Interlocking directorates, professional association memberships, shared educational experience and geographic proximity of headquarters locations are this study's indicators of a corporate elite network. Two categories of analytical methodology are applied. Multidimensional scaling maps corporate patterns of support for congressional candidates based on a PAC contribution proximity measure. These patterns are subsequently subjected to discriminant analysis, canonical correlation, regression and chi-square analysis to test for Resource Dependent and Class Cohesive political behavior. The results are conclusive: Support of selected congressional campaigns is more likely fueled by fragmented business interests, as resource dependence theory suggests, rather than the collective motives of a corporate elite. In fact, no support emerged for class cohesion theory as an explanation for the observed patterns of intercorporate relations. Further, a corollary proposition that PAC activity will vary with the ideology of White House administrations is not supported. Rather, PAC contribution patterns do not vary significantly between the Carter and Reagan administrations. This research renders four significant contributions to scholarship: 1. It provides empirical evidence to clarify a central issue in business-government relations, i.e., the atomistic or collective nature of corporate political activity. 2. It introduces a rigorous mathematical technique to the business-government relations discipline. 3. It indirectly addresses an ongoing scholarly debate over the role of interest groups in a democracy. 4. It indirectly addresses the current public policy debate over campaign finance reform.

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Aldao, Sharlin. "Women candidates and television advertising : an examination of the 2006 mid-term elections /." View online, 2008. http://repository.eiu.edu/theses/docs/32211131464733.pdf.

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Green, Carol M. "An exploration of negative and aggressive reporting descriptors on the perceived credibility and voter support of a female politician." Scholarly Commons, 2005. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/614.

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This study sought to determine if the use of negative and aggressive reporting descriptors of female political candidates by the media influences the perception of candidate credibility and voter support. Other researchers have found that female politicians are more likely than male politicians to be subjected to negative and aggressive reporting descriptors during political campaigns by the news media. Two hypotheses were addressed in the study. Hypothesis one predicted that negative and aggressive reporting descriptors of female politicians would result in lower perceptions of candidate credibility in terms of competence and character as compared to neutral descriptors of female politicians. Hypothesis two predicted that negative and aggressive reporting descriptors of female politicians would result in reduced voter support as compared to neutral reporting descriptors of female politicians. An experimental design was employed to test the hypotheses. One experimental group was exposed to a five minute radio news program with negative and aggressive reporting descriptors of a female political candidate while the second experimental group was exposed to the same news reports with neutral reporting descriptors. Both hypotheses were tested utilizing a two-tailed t-test. Results showed a statistically significant difference between the two groups on the perception of candidate credibility in terms of competence. The data would indicate that negative and aggressive reporting descriptors have a detrimental effect on female politicians in terms of perceptions of expertise. The data did not show a statistically significant difference between the two groups in terms of candidate support. The results show that female politicians, who are already less likely to have access to political experience, are further hindered in terms of perceptions of competence by the negative and aggressive reporting descriptors used by the media.

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Fournier, Patrick. "Heterogeneity in political decision-making : the nature, sources, extent, dynamics, and consequences of interpersonal differences in coefficient strength." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ56544.pdf.

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Robinson, Vanessa M. "College students and voter mobilization campaigns : a grounded communication theory for increasing political efficacy and involvement." Scholarly Commons, 2007. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/667.

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This study examined which channels, messages, and sources were most effective in increasing political involvement among college students. Political participation among college students has decreased in every election since eighteen year- olds were given the right to vote. Numerous campaigns targeted to increase political participation among college students have been implemented but there is no evidence that these campaigns have been effective. This study developed a grounded theory for increasing political participation among college students l;!ased on several focus group interactions. Students were asked to report on which channels, messages and sources they currently received political information from and were then asked to collaborate on which channels, messages, and sources they predicted would increase political participation among college students. The grounded theory indicated that simplicity and convenience in information acquisition and reform in political dialogue regarding message formation, credibility, trustworthiness, and honesty from message sources were necessary in increasing political participation among college students. Previous research has stopped short of making predications based on prior research and qualitative analysis of what is truly effective in increasing political involvement among college students. This study sheds important insights toward increasing political involvement among college students from a comprehensive communication perspective.

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Sawbridge, Muriel. "The politics & practice of staff development for British academics." Thesis, Durham University, 1995. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1429/.

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MaltÃ¨re, Hugues. "The socio-political dimension of film noir." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/44231.

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After World War II, Hollywood produced a series of low budget pictures characterized by a dark mood, bleak urban landscapes and fierce violence. French critics called them films noirs (black films). These movies presented a critical vision of the social injustice present in the American capitalist society. This thesis examines the socio-political dimension of film noir firstly through its social, literary and filmic origins, then through a piecework study of shots and dialogues from six noir pictures: Body and Soul (1947), Force of Evil (1948), Knock On Any Door (1949), Kiss of Death (1947), I Walk Alone(1948) and The Set-up (1949). It is shown how the Marxist convictions of their makers influenced their style and their content. Even films noirs made by apolitical or moderate filmmakers follow a similar pattern. It is concluded that film noir contains expressions of anti-capitalist struggle toward social justice and moral redemption. The appeal of these ideas to many Americans is shown by the box-office success of these pictures, while many noir writers, actors and directors were the victims of the reactionary repression of the early fifties.

Master of Arts

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Meyer, Nancy Jean. "Vance Hartke : a political biography." Virtual Press, 1987. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/530361.

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The focus of this dissertation is the political career of R. Vance Hartke, Democratic Senator from Indiana 1958-1976. The areas of emphasis include Hartke's role in the creation of the Veterans' Affairs Committee of the Senate and his chairmanship of the Committee, several of the controversies of his career, and his political style and philosophy.Books and articles written by Hartke were used extensively as were various newspapers and the Conqressional Record. Information was also obtained from interviews with Hartke and Frank Brizzi, who was staff director of the Veterans' Affairs Committee during Hartke's term as chairman.That Hartke philosophically was a liberal and politically was a risk-taker are among the conclusions reached in this study. Hartke's strongest asset in winning election to the Senate three times in a relatively conservative state was an energetic and personalized political style. Despite the controversies which surrounded Hartke and some apparent conflicts of interest," there is no evidence he committed illegal or unethical acts. Hartke used his power as chairman of the Veterans' Affairs Committee of the Senate to infuse his liberal ideology into public policy for American veterans. Furthermore, he expanded veterans' benefits during his tenure.
Department of Political Science

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Arevalo, Bencardino Julian Javier. "Three essays on political economy." Thesis, Boston University, 2011. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/34432.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University
PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
A frequent discussion in the Political Economy literature is that of the directionality in the relationship between economic and political variables. Are our society's ideas, political orientation, concepts of morality and values conditioned by our economic development or, on the contrary, are our ideas, values and worldview what determine our political and economic attitudes, and, thereby, our economic performance and political development? This thesis comprises two parallel projects that address these two different approaches. The first project studies the effect of having land or housing property rights on the decisions of households' members of whether or not to participate in civil society organizations; I develop this idea in a paper called "Civil Society and Land Property Rights: Evidence From Nicaragua". For doing this I use household level panel data for the years 1998, 2001 and 2005. I conclude that contrary to what happens in more developed countries, in developing societies a household receiving formal property rights reduces the incentives to participate in civil society. The second project is aimed at studying the relationship between religion and welfare states: given the different possibilities available in terms of data sources and methodologies, this project is integrated by two papers. In the first one. "Religion, Political Attitudes and Welfare States" I use data from the World Values Survey in order to study the effect of individual religiosity on attitudes towards the welfare state and, thus, its aggregate impact on welfare state policies. In the second paper of this project, "Political Elites, Religion and Welfare States in Latin America" I continue studying this relationship but instead of using data from ordinary citizens I focus on the study of legislators in Latin America. I combine quantitative and qualitative data and show that more religious legislators have less progressive attitudes towards the welfare state. Similarly. I find important differences across religions in the attitudes of their members towards the relationship of religion wits state, politics, society and the economy.
2031-01-01

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Paschal, Lori L. (Lori Lynne). "The Differences in the Media Constructions of the Narratives of Male and Female Political Candidates." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278704/.

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This study views the media as a powerful agent which constructs the narratives of political candidates. In order to determine whether the media constructs the narratives of male and female political candidates differently, newspaper articles were analyzed for two 1994 Congressional races, each involving a male and a female candidate (Thurman versus Garlits and Byrne versus Davis). The first research question posed the following question: Does the media devote more coverage to male or female candidates? The next question concerned media endorsements of the candidates. Third, the settings in which the media portrayed the male and female candidates were compared. Finally, differences in the media's attitude toward male and female candidates were analyzed.

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Rapkin, Jonathan D. "Out with the Old? Voting Behavior and Party System Change in Canada and the United States in the 1990's." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1997. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278907/.

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This study has attempted to explain the dramatic challenges to the existing party system that occurred in Canada and the United States in the early 1990s. The emergence of new political movements with substantial power at the ballot box has transformed both party systems. The rise of United We Stand America in the United States, and the Reform Party in Canada prompts scholars to ask what forces engender such movements. This study demonstrates that models of economic voting and key models of party system change are both instrumental for understanding the rise of new political movements.

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DeMerle, Carol. "A multi-state political process analysis of the anti-testing movement." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5501/.

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I applied McAdam's political process model for social movement analysis to examine the level of collective resistance to high stakes testing in California, Massachusetts, New York, South Carolina, and Texas from 1985 to 2005. Data on protest occurrences in those states were gathered from online news reports, anti-testing organization websites, and electronic interviews from individuals associated with the anti-testing movement. Variables used in the analysis included each state's key educational accountability legislation, political affiliations of state political leaders, state political leaders' support of accountability issues, student ethnicity profiles, poverty indicators, dropout rates, and collective bargaining laws. I examined the relationship between those variables and protest development in terms of the political process model's three components: framing processes, mobilizing structures, and political opportunity. I concluded California and Massachusetts, with their strong networks of anti-testing organizations, showed more instances of protest than any other state. Slightly fewer protests occurred in New York. Texas showed few instances of anti-testing protests and there were no reports of protests in South Carolina. There was evidence of framing efforts from both proponents and opponents of high-stakes testing, with proponents' framing efforts tending to be more covert. I found that anti-testing protests were primarily initiated by middle-class and affluent groups of citizens, who demonstrated greater political access but whose major concerns differed by state. Evidence showed that although all five states have Republican governors, protests emerged more readily in the three states whose legislatures had a Democratic majority. I found that protest efforts were inhibited when protesters faced serious consequences as a result of their actions. In addition, state political leaders began to take part in the anti-testing protest movement once the state became subject to sanctions under the strict performance requirements imposed by No Child Left Behind. Overall, the political process model proved to be a highly efficient analytical tool in this context.

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Futter, Andrew James. "The evolution of the US ballistic missile defence debate 1989-2010 : institutional rivalry, party politics and the quest towards political and strategic acceptance." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/2956/.

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This thesis explains the evolution of US ballistic missile defence (BMD) policy between 1989 and 2010, by moving beyond the political rhetoric and intellectual obfuscation that surrounds the policy in the literature. By developing an explanatory framework to rigorously and systematically analyse the impact of different dynamics on policy, it explains the rhythms of day-to-day policy in particular context; explains the medium term shifts in the domestic political space within which day-to-day policy debate occurred, and explains the long term move towards acceptance and the gradual normalisation of BMD in American security policy. The primary argument of the thesis is that the particular configuration of domestic political institutions and party political pressures at any given time has been far more important in shaping BMD policy during each presidential administration since the end of the Cold War than has previously been acknowledged. Secondly, it argues that developments in the international system and technology have gradually altered the context within which this domestic political debate has occurred. Finally, it shows that domestic political influences, and the gradual shift in the contours of the domestic debate are the key reasons why BMD has gone from being one of the most divisive, zero-sum political issues in American national security thinking, to something that has largely become normalised, with debate now only occurring at the margins.

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Ault, Michael E. "Presidential Support and the Political Use of Presidential Capital." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277874/.

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This research incorporates a decision-making theory which defines the linkage between the public, the media, the president and the Congress. Specifically, I argue that the public holds widely shared domestic and international goals and responds to a number of external cues provided by the president and the media in its evaluation of presidential policies. Although most studies examine overall presidential popularity, there are important differences in the public's evaluations of the president's handling of foreign and domestic policies. Additionally, I am concerned with how the Congress responds to these specific policy evaluations, the president's public activities, and the electoral policy goals of its members when determining whether or not to support the president. Finally, I link together the theoretical assumptions, to examine the influence of varying levels of support among the Congress and the public, and the president's own personal power goals on the type, quantity, and the quality of activities the president will choose. Ultimately, the primary focus of this dissertation is on the sources and consequences of presidential support and the influence of such support on presidential decision-making.

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Willey, Elaine Ann. "Explaining the Vote: Claiming Credit and Managing Blame in the United States Senate." Connect to this title online, 2002. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1015617172.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2002.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 175 p.). Includes abstract and vita. Advisor: Kathleen M. McGraw, Dept. of Political Science. Includes bibliographical references (p. 167-175).

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Lower, Chad D. "The political ideology of Connecticut's Standing Order." Thesis, Kent State University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3618870.

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Many historians of religion and politics in the early republic period fail to fully examine the importance of the debate between the Connecticut's Standing Order and religious dissenters concerning the necessity of a religious establishment in America. Relying on sermons, newspaper accounts, this project examines the ideology and justification of Connecticut's Standing Order in defending religious establishment, as well as the ideological reasons Republicans and religious dissenters offered in opposing it. Exploring the value of the church establishment from the perspective of both the supporters of the Standing Order and those who sided with the Jeffersonians offers important insight into how issues of religion shaped the political and social battles in the early republic.

This work focuses upon the political ideology of Connecticut's established clergy and Federalist allies in relation to the defense of the church establishment. In particular, the motives for those who defended the established church were based not upon selfish ambition, but rather upon well-constructed ideas about how best to maintain the prosperity of the American republic. In Connecticut, the adherents of the Standing Order valued holding the Congregational Church as the established church for the state because traditional social structures and social systems such as churches seemingly benefitted the continued success of the community.

This project demonstrates that the convictions on both sides of the debate were grounded upon ideas, not ambitions. For the Standing Order, the state church was a fundamental component of stability and prosperity in Connecticut. The established clergy of Standing Order, as well as their dissenter counterparts, believed that the outcome of the ecclesiastical issue was crucial for determining the future prosperity of the republic. Their vision for the nation may have lost out to that of the Jeffersonians and religious dissenters, but it was nonetheless a vision that ultimately had meaningful consequences for the development of the nation and the role of Christianity in shaping the political and social spheres.

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Roden, Mark Allan. "The international political economy of contemporary US-China relations." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2001. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14814/.

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This book investigates the changing nature of US power at the level of world order using US relations with the People's Republic of China in the 1990s as a case study. It is argued that US hegemony has given way to a period of dominance in which the neo-liberal policy objectives of the US state are increasingly realised via the structural power of global institutions and the ideological preferences which underpin them; the cultivation of regional trading blocs; and the material power of the US state as conceived in more traditional terms. This neo-Gramscian assessment of US power is accompanied by the idea that political agency is required to satisfy policy goals under conditions of globalisation. State policy is thereby understood as the product of a political process involving US civil society and non-state actors rather than a given entity. The chapters of the book flesh out the methods by which the US has sought to promote a liberal trading order in the light of China's emergence as a global power and the various areas of consensus and disagreement between the two nations. This takes the form of analysing five major thematic areas of the relationship which include assessments of the historical evolution of US-China relations; the political economy of US-China trade; the role of social forces (civil society) in US-China relations; environmental aspects of the relationship; and the impact of regionalism on US-China relations. Overall, the intention is to problematise the view that the relationship can still be broached in conventional state-centric terms which play down new structural conditions underpinned by the onset of economic globalisation and more multilateral forms of power. In many senses, the thesis entails a novel approach to the political economy of relations between two of the world's foremost powers by placing analysis within the context of neo Gramscian critical theory. It concludes by noting that though US structural power remains considerable in the post-hegemonic era of the 1990s and beyond, the rise of China may induce moves, for better and perhaps worse, to a more multilateral world order.

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Okoro, Iheanyi Emmanuel. "The Role of the U.S. Mass Media in the Political Socialization of Nigerian Immigrants in the United States." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279111/.

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A mail survey of Nigerian immigrants in Dallas, Texas, and Chicago, Illinois, was conducted during October and November 1995. Four hundred and sixty-eight Nigerian immigrant families in the two cities were selected by systematic sampling through the telephone books. Return rate was approximately 40% (187). The variables included in the study were media exposure variables, general demographics, immigration traits, U.S. demographics, Nigerian demographics, and political and cultural traits. New variables which had not been included in previous studies were also tested in this study: television talk shows, talk radio, diffuse support for the U.S. political system, authoritarianism, self-esteem, and political participation. This study employed multiple regression analysis and path analysis of the data. This study found that Nigerian immigrants have high preference for television news as their main source of political information. This finding is in consonance with previous studies. Nigerian immigrants chose ABC news stations as their number one news station for political information. Strong positive associations existed between media exposure and length of stay in the United States and interest in U.S. politics. Talk radio positively associated with interest in U.S. politics and negatively associated with length of stay in the United States. Thus, this finding likely means that talk radio is a good source of political socialization for more recently arrived immigrants and those interested in U.S. politics. Significant associations existed between diffuse support for the U.S. government and interest in politics and security of immigration status. This study also found that adjustment to U.S. political culture was a function of media exposure, pre-immigration social class, diffuse support for the U.S. political system, and political knowledge.

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Dollins, Ramona R. "Parental influence on political development among late adolescents." Thesis, This resource online, 1992. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-10192006-115601/.

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Roth, Richard A. "Sustainable development: political/ideological aspects and implications for planning." Diss., Virginia Tech, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/39119.

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Recent evidence of widespread environmental degradation and global changes resulting from human activities have revived a debate about the sustainability of the progress of human welfare that began at least 200 years ago. In this renewed debate, the seriousness and causes of environmental degradation are subject to widely divergent interpretations. There are many conceivable sustainable futures; the most important differences among them are not technical but political and ideological. The practice of environmental planning is concerned with a wide variety of contexts and situations at the human-environment interface. Because land use is at the root of many of the problems of environmental degradation (e.g., habitat destruction, air pollution, water pollution), land use planning is an appropriate focus for consideration of the role of environmental planning in sustainable development. Planning as a profession, with its inherent future orientation and focus on public values, is well situated to deal with the kinds of problems raised in the discourse regarding sustainability. Examination of mainstream land use planning practices, however, reveals a reactive, reformist incrementalism that responds to environmental degradation caused by growth, but that addresses neither its causes nor its dynamics. Mainstream land use planning approaches have attempted to resolve conflicts between development and environment through spatial solutions at various scales. The need to plan for ecological sustainability is difficult to reconcile with the democratic ideal of local self-determination. Many alternative approaches to land use planning for sustainable development focus on design solutions. The requirements of sustainability are not merely technical, however. There are both emancipatory possibilities and their opposite in sustainability. Implementing sustainability offers planners a number of choices. They can act as mediators, demystifyers of technical information, exposers of hidden ideological assumptions, and advocates. They can strengthen existing authority, or work towards an enlightened self-determination at the local level.
Ph. D.

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38

Jarvis, Sharon E. "The talk of the party : political parties in American discourse, 1948-1996 /." Digital version accessible at:, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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Latham, Evelyn Hartzell. "The electoral college system for the election of the President of the United States on trial." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2003. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2192.

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This thesis briefly reviews the content of Article II, section 1 of the Constitution which established the Electoral College (modified by Amendment XII), and the principel reform plans that have developed over the years. The reform efforts are examined, together with their possible effects on the entire political system.

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40

Roberts, Ayanna. "Protesting the polls : how postmaterialism affects political articipation in young people." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98577.

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The decline thesis proposes that political participation among young people has declined steadily and alarmingly since the 1960s. New research proposes that young people have not been simply abstaining from political participation but that they have been engaging in new or alternative forms of participation like demonstrating, signing petitions and expressing themselves politically in the market. This paper asks two questions---who are these alternative participators and what explains why they have turned to these new forms? The results indicate that young people engage with alternative forms of political participation more than they engage with more traditional forms like joining political parties and lobbying Congress. Furthermore, the results show that the theory of postmaterialism does explain in part what leads some young people to participate in these alternative forms more than others.

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Murphy, Tim L. "An overview and survey analysis of political consultants and campaign services." Virtual Press, 1985. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/422868.

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This study analyzes the divisions, attitudes, and background characteristics of political consultants. The political consulting field has grown greatly within the last decade, and a growing amount of attention is being paid to these once obscure political professionals. To help answer some of the questions raised about the political consulting field, I have written this thesis. The first part is an overview of the history of political consulting. The history tracks the growing use of political consultants in political campaigns, as well as the birth of new campaign technologies and their effect.The second part of the thesis is an examination of some of the major areas of political consulting. These areas include Campaign Planning/Management, Computer Listing, Direct Mail, Fundraising, Media Planning/Production/Placement, Phone Banks, Political Action Committee Solicitation, Public Opinion Polling/Surveys, Public Relations, Research, Speechwriting, Vote Demographic Analysis, and Voter Contact/Turnout.The third part of the thesis is a description of, and the results of a survey conducted of political consultants. The questionnaire probed into areas such as ideology, party preference, attitudes toward the electorate, candidates, and campaign services. Also explored were motivating factors in taking on a campaign, advantages and disadvantages of being a political consultant, and their involvement in regional/international political consulting.The results of the survey are described in terms of frequency distribution and cross tabulation by campaign service areas in an analysis of the findings at the end of the thesis.

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Estep, Erik. "Critiquing liberalism : the political thought of Garry Wills." Virtual Press, 1996. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1020183.

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This study concerned the political thought of Garry Wills. His books Nixon Agonistes (1969), and Confessions of a Conservative (1979), and the article "The Order of Convenience" (1961) were all analyzed. A common theme in Wills's thought is the rejection of individualism. He also finds fault in the liberal orthodoxies that serve as a governing orthodoxies in the United States. In place of liberal individual Wills suggests the Convenient State, a entity based on “loved things held in common." The potential inadequacy of the Convenient State is presented in light of the economic, racial, class, and ethnic divisions that trouble the United States.
Department of Political Science

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Armontrout, David Eugene. "John F. Kennedy : a political biography on education." PDXScholar, 1992. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4259.

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In what is historically a brief number of years, the life and times of John F. Kennedy have taken on legendary proportions. His presidency began with something less than a mandate from the American people, but he brought to the White House an inspiration and a style that offered great promises of things to come.

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44

Stone, Paul. "Rumbles left and right : an assessment of research concerning the gender gap." Thesis, Kansas State University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/9881.

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Szpakowicz, Blazej. "The imperial problem in British political economy, 1763--1786." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27560.

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This thesis engages with two prominent themes in eighteenth-century British historiography, examining Anglo-American relations after the American Revolution and the influence of economic theory on policy during this period. It considers traditional ideas, often labelled 'mercantilist,' about the nature of economy and the manner in which free trade theories were related to those beliefs. It argues that free trade was fundamentally influenced by 'mercantile' thought even while rejecting it. The influence of both 'mercantile' and liberal economic thought on policy is evaluated by examining the commercial negotiations associated with the 1783 Treaty of Paris and Parliamentary investigations into West Indian-United States trade relations in the mid-1780s. It concludes that policymakers subscribed to a mixture of 'mercantile' and liberal economic thought; moreover, although their decisions were responses to particular economic circumstances, their frames of reference were coloured both by economic theory and by aspirations for a post-revolutionary British Empire.

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Sarebanha, Mahgol. "Muslim political mobilization in the United States : 2001-2004." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101894.

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The Muslim-American community faced a crucial moment after the events of September 11th to define themselves both at home in the United States and abroad. The years which followed brought about an increasingly mobilized, better organized group of Muslim-Americans who made a decision to become more active members of American society through participating in the political system, something very difficult if not impossible in their native countries. Those who answered the call did so in different ways. One way as shown in this study was through taking a bold step and running for the United States Congress and for the first time in U.S. history, the first Muslim was elected to the House of Representatives. For the first time, the oath of office was taken on the Qur'an. The Muslim-American community, especially the immigrant population, is highly educated and successful and as generations pass, they will become a more visible part of the American landscape.

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Goldcamp, Edward Michael. "Attribution a political psychology perspective on the democratic peace /." Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2000. http://etd.wvu.edu/templates/showETD.cfm?recnum=1726.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--West Virginia University, 2000.
Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains x, 229 p. : ill. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 221-229).

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Heacock, Christine Hope. "Merrymaking at the Madisons': Feasting, Alcohol, and Political Strategy." W&M ScholarWorks, 2013. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626714.

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Mayo-Bobee, Dinah. "Shaping the Nation: Early 19th Century America." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/731.

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Forrester, Katrina Max. "Liberalism and realism in American political thought, 1950-1990." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283922.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political staffs'

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