Journal articles: 'Political stability – History'

1

Margolis, J. Eli. "Understanding Political Stability and Instability." Civil Wars 12, no. 3 (September 2010): 326–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2010.509568.

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Temin, Peter. "A Hobbesian Approach to Political-Economic History." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 35, no. 4 (April 2005): 605–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/0022195043327372.

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Hobbesian theory provides a key to understanding the interaction of economics and politics in the history of many countries, revealing that the suppression of violence is the first task of any nascent state. Only after governments have assured lasting internal peace by monopolizing violence can economic growth and political stability reinforce each other.

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Khan, Imran, Ali Shan Shah, and Muhammad Azhar. "Political Stability and Institutionalization in Pakistan: an Overview of Major Political Developments During 2008-2016." Review of Economics and Development Studies 5, no. 1 (March 30, 2019): 33–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/reads.v5i1.565.

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Political development refers to the significance of institutionalization and is a closely interrelated trend of modernization. Political development in a state depends on political participation while political participation depends on institutionalization. Political stability increases the prospects for civilian rule, and institutionalization strengthens the political system. Political history of Pakistan presents the infrequent institutionalization of political system for democratic stability and the political experiences of Pakistan are just a posed in order to understand the problems of political institutionalization. This paper explores the close relationship between institutionalization, political development and political stability, and also highlights the views provided by different social scientists in an explanation of these terms. The purpose of this study is to evaluates the democratic process and major political developments during 2008-2016 as a case study because this is the unique era for political stability and institutionalization in the political history of Pakistan.

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Mitchell, Lynette. "Greek Political Thought in Ancient History." Polis 33, no. 1 (April 15, 2016): 52–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340073.

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Greek historians of the fifth and fourth centuries bce also intended their works to be political commentaries. This paper concentrates on the work of Thucydides, and his interest in fifth-century ideas of constitutionalism. Honing in on the political ‘opposites’, democracy and oligarchy, this paper argues that Thucydides collapses these categories, to show not only that they are unstable, but that, built upon the same political vocabulary, they naturally lead towards his new idea of the measured blending of the few and the many in a mixed constitution, which creates political stability and a positive political experience for the community. In this sense, Thucydides’ text, which uses historical narrative as a vehicle for political commentary, needs to be understood within the framework of historical contextualism, but also as a ‘possession for all time’.

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Costalli, Stefano, and Francesco N. Moro. "Political Transitions and Macro-level Foundations of Political Stability." Ethnopolitics 18, no. 5 (July 22, 2019): 462–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2019.1640504.

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6

Jenkins, Philip. "Party Conflict and Political Stability in Monmouthshire, 1690–1740." Historical Journal 29, no. 3 (September 1986): 557–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00018914.

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In the 1960s Professor Plumb discussedThe growth of political stability in England 1675–1725. In the seventeenth century, he noted, party violence and political conflict were frequent events, resulting in open civil war in the 1640s and several perilous crises in later years. Stability (he argued) developed from the 1720s by means of the ubiquitous use of political patronage by the Whig government, and Sir Robert Walpole's judicious ability to avoid too many controversies that stirred political passions. The government simply offered too many tempting jobs and places for any but the staunchest tory to resist. At the same time, elections became more expensive and less frequent, so a parliamentary seat was a long-term investment for a wealthy family. Of course, this account has been challenged. The tory opposition continued to exist, and to develop creative new methods of organization and propaganda. However, Britain clearly had a much more stable and secure political system in the eighteenth century.

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James, Harold, and Charles S. Maier. "In Search of Stability: Explorations in Historical Political Economy." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 19, no. 4 (1989): 668. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/203969.

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Hamby, Alonzo L. "The American Political Pattern: Stability and Change, 1932–2016." Journal of American History 104, no. 3 (December 1, 2017): 786–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jax371.

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Lucas, Jeffrey K. "Zapatismo beyond Borders: New Imaginations of Political Stability." Journal for the Study of Radicalism 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2010): 163–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41887650.

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Walder, Andrew G. "Unruly Stability: Why China's Regime Has Staying Power." Current History 108, no. 719 (September 1, 2009): 257–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2009.108.719.257.

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Taw, Jennifer Morrison. "Stability and Support Operations: History and Debates." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 33, no. 5 (April 9, 2010): 387–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576101003691499.

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Iati, Iati. "Samoa's Price for 25 Years of Political Stability." Journal of Pacific History 48, no. 4 (December 2013): 443–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00223344.2013.841537.

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Pereira, Carlos, Shane P. Singh, and Bernardo Mueller. "Political Institutions, Policymaking, and Policy Stability in Latin America." Latin American Politics and Society 53, no. 01 (2011): 59–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2011.00109.x.

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Abstract In some Latin American nations, policy change occurs frequently, while in others it is stable, less prone to shifts with the prevailing political climate or shocks. The conditions under which institutional rules and the powers of key actors influence the capacity for governance vary, and this variation is seldom addressed in the literature. This project examines the effects of the interactions between key policymakers (the executive and the legislature) in Latin America on policy stability across different institutional frameworks. Countries with simultaneously strong executives and weak legislatures are shown to have unstable policy environments, as are countries with a history of unified government and, to a lesser extent, candidate-centered electoral systems.

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Matondang, Saiful Anwar, Muhammad Ricky Hardiansyah, and Surya Aymanda Nababan. "History and Effect of South China Sea Conflict on Southeast Asia Political Stability." Yupa: Historical Studies Journal 6, no. 1 (August 10, 2022): 18–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.30872/yupa.v6i1.973.

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The purpose of this study is to describe the history and influence of the South China Sea conflict on the political stability of Southeast Asia. The South China Sea has tremendous potential, both in the sea and above the sea. Thus, countries in Southeast Asia and the two major world powers, namely the United States and the People's Republic of China, are trying to claim or at least maintain their influence in the region. This research method uses literature research, and data analysis techniques used use content analysis methods. The findings of this study are that mutual claims between countries in Southeast Asia will become a major conflict in the future if it is not resolved. The negotiations were about the process of resolving conflicts that occurred in the South China Sea in reviewing the problems, and prospects in the South China Sea area for the benefit of all countries.

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ZADOROZHNYUK, Ella. "A Quarter of a Century of Czech Political History: Stability through "Cautious" Nanopolitics." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 3 (23) (2020): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2020-3-81-95.

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The key events of the 25-year political history of the Czech Republic are considered: the 1998 Opposition Agreement between the two leading forces – the Civic Democratic Party (ODS) and the Czech Social Democratic Party (CSDP); the emergence of ANO 2011 (Action of Dissatisfied Citizens); the Patent of Tolerance concluded in 2018 between the ANO 2011 and the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia. The concept of "nanopolitics" is introduced to designate domestic and foreign policy actions which make minor moves with major implications for the country's political course and attract international attention. The local short breath policy associated with these actions might have long-term consequences, including global ones. The demolition in April 2020 in Prague of the monument to its liberator Marshal Ivan Konev is one of the examples of this kind of policy.

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Syros, Vasileios. "Galenic Medicine and Social Stability in Early Modern Florence and the Islamic Empires." Journal of Early Modern History 17, no. 2 (2013): 161–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342361.

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Abstract Modern perceptions of cross-cultural encounters between Europe and the Islamic empires have centered around the differences between the European and Islamic systems of political organization in an effort to valorize Western political values and styles of rulership. The present article challenges some of the assumptions that inform scholarship on contacts between Europe and the Islamic world in the early modern period by pointing to hitherto unexplored affinities between the Florentine and Islamic traditions of political thought. In particular, it investigates the use of ancient Greek theories of the four humors/elements of the human body in an extensive corpus of writings produced by seminal political theorists, historians, and figures of intellectual and political life in early modern Florentine (Niccolò Machiavelli, Francesco Guicciardini, Donato Giannotti), Persian (Ṭūsī, Dawwānī, Kāshifī), Mughal (Khwāndamīr, Abūʾl-Fazl), and Ottoman (Kınalızâde, Kâtib Çelebi) traditions from the thirteenth to the seventeenth centuries. My analysis demonstrates that Galen’s humoral theory served the aforementioned writers as a conceptual tool for identifying the mutual dependency of the component parts of the body politic as one of the key determinants of domestic balance and harmony and for theorizing remedies against strife and friction.

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Sugimoto, Takashi. "The political stability of ethnic regions in China." Asia-Pacific Review 1, no. 1 (January 1994): 83–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13439009408719883.

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18

Cameron, James. "What History Can Teach." Daedalus 149, no. 2 (April 2020): 116–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01793.

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Most analyses of arms control during the Cold War focus on its role in maintaining strategic stability between the United States and the Soviet Union. However, history shows that the superpowers' search for strategic stability is insufficient to explain the roots and course of negotiations. This essay argues that arms control was used as one tool in a broader strategy of war prevention, designed to contain a series of challenges to U.S. and Soviet dominance of the international system that both sides worried could upset bipolarity and increase the chances of conflict between them. At the same time, U.S. policy-makers balanced this joint superpower interest with Washington's extended deterrent commitment to its allies, which ultimately upheld the integrity of the system as a whole. The essay concludes that today's leaders should integrate arms control into a more comprehensive strategy of political accommodation fit for twenty-first-century conditions.

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19

Nye, John Vincent. "Revisionist Tariff History and the Theory of Hegemonic Stability." Politics & Society 19, no. 2 (June 1991): 209–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003232929101900204.

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20

Eisenberg, Andrew. "WARFARE AND POliTICAL STABILITY IN MEDIEVAL NORTH ASIAN REGIMES." T’oung Pao 83, no. 4-5 (October 3, 1997): 300–328. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-90000017.

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21

Wilson, Andrew, and Sarah Birch. "Voting Stability, Political Gridlock: Ukraine's 1998 Parliamentary Elections." Europe-Asia Studies 51, no. 6 (September 1999): 1039–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668139998624.

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22

ROGOZHINA, N. G. "Political Parties of Thailand – Examination for Democratic Stability." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 3 (August 17, 2018): 102–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-3-102-119.

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On the threshold of elections designed to be held in February 2019, the first after the military junta seized power in 2014, it is important to define the role of parties in the political process of Thailand, which as other developing countries of Asia, faces challenges in democratic state building. The contemporary political history of kingdom represents the confrontation of two tendencies – authoritarianism and democracy what has a reverse impact on political parties, their character, structure and ability to represent interests of the society as a whole. The author analyses the process of party evolution in the historical retrospective in the context of transformation of political system – from bureaucratic to semidemocratic subjected to economic modernization and changes in socio structure of society where traditional form of organization patron-client is persisted. The author defines three stages of evolution of party system in Thailand The first is characterized by the full control of civil-military bureaucracy over parties. The second stage is closely related to the formation of provincial political clientele groups. The third stage marks the evolvement of party of “power” with the implication for strengthening the parliamentary democracy in the beginning of XXI century. And as the result of it – to the destabilization of political system, based on the relative balance of power between two main political forces – bureaucracy and army interested in reservation of authoritarian government, and bourgeoisie supporting the liberalization of political institutes. With the emergence of party of “power” supported by the majority of population advocating parliamentary democracy political spectrum has changed. The arising conflict of interests subjected to collision of positions regarding the model of political governance was overcome by military coup. Analyzing the political spectrum on the threshold of elections the author comes to conclusion that the restoration of compromised model of political governance sample of 80-90 years of XX century is the most likely option of political development of Thailand in the near future. Though it differs in one aspect – the social structure has changed, there is the rise of that groups of population that intend to participate in the political process, what will force the power to be more transparent and social oriented. These challenges face the political parties as well.

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23

Nobles, Gregory H. "Straight Lines and Stability: Mapping the Political Order of the Anglo-American Frontier." Journal of American History 80, no. 1 (June 1993): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2079696.

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24

Bruyneel, Kevin. "Politics in Time: History, Institutions, and Social Analysis." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 1 (March 2006): 211–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906369995.

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Politics in Time: History, Institutions, and Social Analysis, Paul Pierson, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004, pp. xii, 196.Political scientists of the world unite against the decontextual revolution; you have nothing to lose but your n! Okay, there is no such call to arms in Paul Pierson's important new work, but his book is a well-crafted shot across the bow of the dominant strains in political science. As Pierson sees it, too much of political science scholarship rips politics from its historical and institutional context for the sake of generating carefully bounded causal arguments that are often misleading, if not dead wrong, about the sources and effects of political stability and change. Thus, the aim of Politics in Time is to critique and offer an alternative approach to the tendency of analyzing politics by “reducing a moving picture to a snapshot” (104).

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25

Fulbrook, Mary. "Popular Discontent and Political Activism in the GDR." Contemporary European History 2, no. 3 (November 1993): 265–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000527.

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The German Democratic Republic was long noted for its apparent stability, efficiency and political quiescence, in contrast to the more turbulent domestic histories of neighbouring Poland and Czechoslovakia. In established narratives of East German history, the sole evidence of mass popular unrest before the autumn of 1989 was the June Uprising of 1953. After this, with a few isolated exceptions, East Germans simply kept their heads down. ‘Dissent’ was for the most part an activity associated with a few intellectuals–Harich, Havemann, Bahro–until the growth of oppositional movements associated with unofficial peace initiatives and environmentalist groups in the 1980s1. To all outward appearances, this sketch was correct. What now requires reconsideration, however, are the underlying reasons for these appearances, and the evaluation – indeed, the very characterisation – of patterns of popular political dissent in the GDR.

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26

Lee, Jong-Won. "Looking at the Stability and Transformation of the Japanese Postwar Party System." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 13 (December 31, 1998): 27–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps13002.

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The Japanese political system of 1946-1996 has often been defined by the continuous rule for four decades of the conservative Liberal Democratic party (LDP), which had held a majority of seats in the Diet between its formation in 1955 until it lost its majority in the Upper House (House of Councilors) in 1989. Under the Japanese political milieus, the LDP has been in a position of semi-permanent governance since 1955 except for a few years in the mid-1990s. The first questionable issue, here, is how the LDP had maintained its dominant position during that period and how one-party dominance system had sustained? How had electoral volatility affected the party system change? Can we expect a dramatic change in Japanese politics in near future? In relation to these questions, how can we apply the theories of comparative parties and party systems to 1946-1996 history of Japanese party politics.

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RRAHMANI, Bashkim. "Judicial review and political (in)stability in Kosovo." Eastern Journal of European Studies 12, no. 2 (2021): 169–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/ejes-2021-0209.

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Diebold, William, and Barry Eichengreen. "Elusive Stability: Essays in the History of International Finance, 1919-1939." Foreign Affairs 69, no. 4 (1990): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044526.

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Kamaruddin Hasan, Muslem Ibnu, Harinawati, and Awaludin Arifin. "ACEH GOVERNMENT POLITICAL COMMUNICATION IN THE PROCESS OF DETERMINING OFFICER (Pj) GOVERNOR, REGENT AND MAYOR 2022 (Reflecting on the history of post-Tsunami Aceh Political communication)." Proceedings Of International Conference On Communication Science 2, no. 1 (November 10, 2022): 578–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.29303/iccsproceeding.v2i1.58.

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Reflecting on the history of Aceh's political communication in ensuring peace stability and sustainable development, 2022, as the beginning of the political year, the 2024 General Election stage is also a new milestone in the dynamics of Aceh's political communication. Considering that the legal, legal and democratic leadership elections will only be held in 2024. Maintaining the stability of the regional government in the midst of the complexity of the problems, including in preparation for the implementation of the grand celebration of democracy is both a challenge and an opportunity. One of them is filling the acting head of the region by involving the process of regional and national political communication. Moreover, the tenure of almost three years. In July 2022, Aceh has 10 regional heads whose terms of service have ended. The transition of government in addition to filling vacancies, of course, is to maintain the stability of the running of the government which ensures the sustainability of regional and national development until a definitive regional head is elected. This research is important and interesting to understand the political communication process of the Aceh government in determining the official (Pj) based on the history of Aceh's political communication. This study focuses on reflecting on the history of post-peace Aceh political communication into lessons learned in the application of political communication in the process of determining officials (Pj). This research is a literature review, observations and interviews of characters. The research data was examined qualitatively descriptively. The results of the study are that understanding the history of the dynamics of Aceh's political communication can foster effective contemporary political communication for the Aceh government and stakeholders in the process of determining the acting (Pj) Governor, including Regents and Mayors. Political communication is applied directly or indirectly. Directly, the Aceh government conducts executive and legislative political communication both at the central and regional levels, recommends candidates to the Ministry of Home Affairs, and carries out political communication efforts with the President. Meanwhile, indirectly by involving all elements, among others; Universities, Ulama, Non-Governmental Organizations and mass media. An incumbent (Pj) who is expected in general, who has integrity, credibility, capacity, capability, understands Aceh's local wisdom.

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Rezvani, Babak. "Political stability, transition and conflict: Tajikistan compared with Georgia." Middle Eastern Studies 55, no. 1 (November 13, 2018): 141–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2018.1501682.

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31

White, Stephen, Ian McAllister, and Neil Munro. "Economic Inequality and Political Stability in Russia and China." Europe-Asia Studies 69, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2016.1270580.

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32

Robinson, Neil. "Economic and Political Hybridity: Patrimonial Capitalism in the Post-Soviet Sphere." Journal of Eurasian Studies 4, no. 2 (July 2013): 136–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euras.2013.03.003.

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Hybridity in non-democratic states can be economic as well as political. Economic hybridity is produced by the same kind of pressures that create political hybridity, but the relationship between economic and political hybridity has not been as much studied by political scientists. This article uses the concept of patrimonial capitalism to look at economic hybridity, its stability and relationship to political hybridity. Using examples from Russia and other former Soviet states it argues that economic hybridity is unstable and that it has a potentially negative affect on political stability generally.

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33

Dupont, Christophe. "History and Coalitions: The Vienna Congress (1814–1815)." International Negotiation 8, no. 1 (2003): 169–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138234003769590703.

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AbstractThis note describes and analyzes the coalition patterns that developed during the 1814–1815 Congress of Vienna negotiations. Useful insights for theory and practice are derived from this historical case, including the dynamics of stability, complexity and ambiguity on the value and effectiveness of coalitions.

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Wolfe, James H., Stephen Padgett, and Tony Burkett. "Political Parties and Elections in West Germany: The Search for a New Stability." American Historical Review 93, no. 3 (June 1988): 730. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1868195.

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35

Dubinka-Hushcha, Lizaveta A. "Political Institutions and their Role in the Foreign Policy of Denmark." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 1 (2022): 174–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.112.

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This article focuses on the historical development of political institutions in Denmark after the Second World War and their influence on foreign policy decision-making. This is in line with an emergent trend in the second half of the 20th century reflected in the increasing power of Folketing (the Danish Parliament) driven by a growing number of special parliamentary commissions responsible for particular aspects of foreign policy. It follows from the study that the political system of Denmark has been characterized by continuity, stability and predictability since the Second World War. The example of Danish foreign policy demonstrates that socio-political stability and a high level of economic development combined with an active multilateral diplomacy is one of the most efficient soft power instruments to enhance the international image of a country. The article distinguishes institutional prerequisites for this development based on the analysis of the political actors and their involvement in the formation of the foreign policy. The unique decision-making system has allowed Denmark to achieve a remarkable success in defending and promoting its national interests, skillfully manoeuvring between great powers and ensuring the continuity of its foreign policy regardless of the coalition in power. In spite of its relevance, there is still a gap in the studies of foreign policy of small states in post-Soviet historiography. The empirical base of this research is comprised of publications in Nordic languages as well as in Polish and Russian, collected and studied by the author in the Royal Danish Library in Copenhagen, the National library of Russia in Saint Petersburg, the National Library of Poland, the National Library of Iceland, and from online resources.

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Knoll, Manuel. "La discusión aristotélica acerca de la destrucción y estabilidad de los sistemas políticos." Araucaria, no. 49 (2022): 374–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i49.19.

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Este artículo analiza la teoría aristotélica del ‘conflicto entre facciones’ (stasis) en el libro 5 de la Política de Aristóteles y afirma que esta misma teoría ataca el relato a-histórico del cambio constitucional que Platón desarrolla en la República. La investigación aristotélica sobre las causas de la stasis tiene como objetivo normativo práctico la estabilización de los regímenes políticos y la prevención contra su ‘cambio’ (metabolê). Este artículo sostiene que la constitución que Aristóteles llama politeia constituye su solución al desafío sobre cómo dar estabilidad a las democracias y las oligarquías. Esta contribución se centra también en presentar la idea aristotélica de una ciencia política empírica, el realismo político de Aristóteles y el método que el filósofo usa en unión con él en los libros ‘empíricos’ de la Política (libros 4-6). Palabras-clave: injusticia política, conflicto entre facciones (stasis), politeia, ciencia política, realismo político, método empírico, Platón

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Ruiz Ibáñez, José Javier, and Gaetano Sabatini. "Monarchy as Conquest: Violence, Social Opportunity, and Political Stability in the Establishment of the Hispanic Monarchy." Journal of Modern History 81, no. 3 (September 2009): 501–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/599270.

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Belloni, Roberto, and Francesco N. Moro. "Stability and Stability Operations: Definitions, Drivers, Approaches." Ethnopolitics 18, no. 5 (July 18, 2019): 445–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2019.1640503.

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39

Taylor, Stephen. "Sir Robert Walpole, the Church of England, and the Quakers Tithe Bill of 1736." Historical Journal 28, no. 1 (March 1985): 51–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00002211.

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The Church of England has received little attention either as an issue or as a force in mid-eighteenth-century politics. The contrast with the immediate post-revolutionary decades, when the Church and churchmen were at the centre of political debate, is striking. This development has been explained in terms of the achievement of political stability, one manifestation of which was the transition from the whig–tory dichotomy of the reign of Anne into a court–country one by 1725, with the issues dividing the two parties losing both ideological and political significance. Among the debates which were ‘overtaken by events’ was religion which ‘ceased to be a central issue of political debate’. Indeed, Geoffrey Holmes has argued that the decline of religious controversy began with the Sacheverell trial, claiming that most of the eighteenth century was characterized by ‘spiritual inertia’ and ‘religious tranquillity, within the framework of an Erastian polity’. Such views accord well with the secularist interpretation of the enlightenment, epitomized by Peter Gay's portrayal of it as ‘a volatile mixture of classicism, impiety, and science’, and they have been little challenged by ecclesiastical historians. Norman Sykes may have vindicated the pastoral and administrative standards of the Georgian Church, but the overwhelming impression remains one of Stability and intellectual torpor.

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Dal-Pont, Legrand Muriel, Dominique Torre, and Elise Tosi. "Adolphe Landry: Monetary Stability and the Financing of Industrial Development." HISTORY OF ECONOMIC THOUGHT AND POLICY, no. 2 (October 2012): 141–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/spe2012-002009.

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It is not so much known that before being a famous demographer Landry first contributed to political economy. Several scholars such as Edmund Malinvaud emphasized that it is not in doubt that Landry "revealed himself as a gifted theoretician". Supporting this view, the objective of this paper is to explain what were the initial monetary views developed by Landry and how he was influenced by different (and also non-orthodox) theoretical approaches. The gradual but also clear change we can observe in his monetary view was not only due to his theoretical lectures: as a public man, politically engaged, he was deeply influenced by his need to solve pragmatic issues. His efforts to reconcile his theoretical knowledge with his pragmatism led him to develop stimulating views on the then contemporary monetary theoretical questions.

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Rita, Alabiad, and Katman Filiz. "RELIGIOUS SECTARIANISM AND ITS IMPACT ON POLITICAL STABILITY IN LEBANON." International Journal of Education and Social Science Research 05, no. 01 (2022): 396–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.37500/ijessr.2022.5132.

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Religious sectarianism is reflected in this paper in the formation of societal divisions. People's distinctions and the development of religious concepts are common in all cultures, whether in terms of race, religion, or color, and these disparities exist and will continue till the end of time. Religious sectarianism manifests itself in the formation of societal divisions. People's distinctions and the development of religious concepts are common in all cultures, whether in terms of race, religion, or color, and these disparities exist and will continue till the end of time. Religious sectarianism as reflected in the state's unity and stability as positive state guidance, aiming to preserve the state's unity if there are rational ways and means to deal with and guide them, according to democratic principles that guarantee the protection of different religious communities, or as a dangerous negative path that leads to discrimination and conflict due to the state's inability to contain them, or as a dangerous negative path that leads to discrimination and conflict due to the state's inability to contain them, or as. Lebanon is the best study of a sectarian society par excellence, having been the focus of attention of regional and international powers throughout history, an international war theatre with recurrent and various wars. Sectarianism is not a sign of weakness in the Lebanese political system because of the diversity of sects. This diversity existed prior to the establishment of the state. It has to do with sectarianism's psychological impact on the religious community, which is reflected in how individuals approach other groups or sects. And speculation about the goals and reasons of other groups' social and political activities, as well as the consequent conduct, can only be founded on aggression and rejection of the other, culminating in long-term instability for the latter.

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Minić, Jelica. "The Western Balkans and Their Political Stabilization." Southeastern Europe 42, no. 3 (November 17, 2018): 376–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04203004.

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There are many questions to be answered regarding the future of Western Balkan stability. What has been done in establishing stability in the region in the last two decades? How much has the overall context of stabilization of the region changed? a) what were the developments at the regional scene — internal reforms, bilateral relations, functioning of multilateral cooperation mechanisms? b) how much has the constellation of external partnerships changed, influencing the internal processes in the Western Balkan states and their mutual relations? c) what are the prevailing perceptions and concepts regarding possible developments in the future? Different approaches could be chosen in answering these questions. In this paper attention will mainly be paid to the existing pillars of stabilization. Besides accession to the eu, with its standard procedures and phases, and the Berlin Process as an innovative tool complementing the enlargement policy and providing it with an additional impetus, a special focus will be put on the regional mechanisms of cooperation which involve various actors (with different political relevance), layers of governance, sectors and scope of coverage, and with different levels of impact on stability in the region.

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Kukla, Jon. "Order and Chaos in Early America: Political and Social Stability in Pre-Restoration Virginia." American Historical Review 90, no. 2 (April 1985): 275. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1852667.

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Yaphe, Judith S. "Iraq Before and After Saddam." Current History 102, no. 660 (January 1, 2003): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2003.102.660.7.

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Iraq had a violent and unstable political culture before Saddam, and a stability bolstered by repression, fear, and wealth under Saddam. Could history repeat itself in Iraq? Could the country produce another Saddam-like figure by replicating the conditions and circumstances that propelled him to power?

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Bortz, Jeffrey. "The Genesis of the Mexican Labor Relations System: Federal Labor Policy and the Textile Industry 1925-1940." Americas 52, no. 1 (July 1995): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008084.

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By comparison with the rest of Latin America, Mexico's post-revolutionary political stability has long fascinated historians and social scientists. One explanation for relative political peace is the comprehensive land and labor reforms President Lázaro Cárdenas implemented in the 1930s. These created a base of social support for post-revolutionary elites. In contrast, the absence of significant land reforms and the failure to devise hegemonic labor regimes in South America resulted in class stalemates, forcing elites to fall back on the militarized state. Land and labor explain the difference between Mexican stability and South American instability since 1920.

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Ghani, Ashraf, and Clare Lockhart. "Writing the History of the Future: Securing Stability through Peace Agreements." Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 1, no. 3 (November 2007): 275–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17502970701592249.

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Müller-Dempf, Harald K. "Generation-sets: stability and change, with special reference to Toposa and Turkana societies." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 54, no. 3 (October 1991): 554–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00000896.

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Generation- and age-set systems are found in many parts of the world. They are of particular importance in Africa, and especially in East Africa where some ethnic groups operate socio-political and cultural systems in which generation-sets play a dominant role. Ethnographic descriptions of generation-set systems abound, but their theoretical understanding seems still to be inadequate. With examples from the Toposa and Turkana, this paper aims to contribute to the theory of generation-set systems. Moreover, the processes described and the ideas expressed may also contribute to the general theory of socio-political and cultural systems.

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Walker, Henry A., George M. Thomas, and Morris Zelditch. "Legitimation, Endorsement, and Stability." Social Forces 64, no. 3 (March 1986): 620. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2578816.

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Walker, H. A., G. M. Thomas, and M. Zelditch. "Legitimation, Endorsement, and Stability." Social Forces 64, no. 3 (March 1, 1986): 620–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/64.3.620.

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Dabaghyan, Emil. "Particularities of Venezuela’s constitutional process: from history to modernity." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 3 (2022): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0018834-6.

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The article examines the origins of the political tension that arose in Venezuela in 2013 on the eve of the election of Nicolás Maduro as head of state. The author believes that namely the historical retrospective coupled with the analysis of trends and processes that took place in the domestic political life of the country at the turn of the 21st century would give a clear idea of the basis on which the phenomenon of chavism characterized by autocracy and populism has developed. Later, during the transfer of power to the successor of Hugo Chavez, N. Maduro, a new trend appeared — a disregard for the law in sake of "preserving internal political stability" at the cost of ensuring the irremovability of power. By examining in detail some key political actions of the N. Maduro administration, the author attempts to substantiate the fact that, being the executive vice president, the successor of U. Chavez did not have the right to run for the presidency. By ignoring Constitution, the ruling circles of Venezuela demonstrated to the world their disrespect for the law, which entailed serious consequences not only for the current regime, but for the Venezuelan people as a whole.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Political stability – History'

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