Academic literature on the topic 'Political stability – History – Case studies'
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Journal articles on the topic "Political stability – History – Case studies"
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Mees, Ludger. "Ethnogenesis in the Pyrenees: The Contentious Making of a National Identity in the Basque Country (1643–2017)." European History Quarterly 48, no. 3 (July 2018): 462–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691418777994.
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Focusing on the Basque case study, this article adopts a historical longue-durée perspective over more than two centuries (nineteenth and twentieth) in order to better identify the dialectic in the process of identity formation and change of a small European, stateless community, separated by a borderline and living in two different political, socioeconomic and cultural settings. The political expression of this long process of Basque ‘ethnogenesis’ (A.D. Smith) was the rise of the nationalist movement in the Spanish Basque Country at the end of the nineteenth century. By tracing the analysis of Basque identity back to pre-modern times and following its path to the present, this article aims to produce new insights into the factors that trigger the crucial moments of identity change that bring to an end previous periods of stability. Its epistemological fundaments are connected to some prominent topics that have been widely discussed by historians and other social scientists concerned with nationalism and national identity (the cultural shape of national identities; ‘modernists’ versus ‘ethno-symbolists’; nationalism and political religion; national identity and political violence).
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Brachet-Márquez, Viviane. "Explaining Sociopolitical Change in Latin America: The Case of Mexico." Latin American Research Review 27, no. 3 (1992): 91–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100037237.
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Since Mexico declared its independence from Spanish rule, the country has experienced two extended periods of political stability that are atypical of Latin American societies. The first, known as the Porfiriato, extended from 1875 to 1910. The second, which was heralded by the Revolution of 1910 and consolidated in the 1920s, still holds sway in the last decade of the twentieth century. The weaknesses of the Porfiriato have been analyzed amply, thanks in great part to the hindsight provided by the revolution that ended the era. Until recently, however, most works on twentieth-century Mexico have focused on the exceptional stability of the postrevolutionary regime. This approach has left largely unresearched (Knight 1989) or merely labeled as “crises” (Needier 1987) the recurrent episodes of union insurgency, popular protest, electoral opposition, and other signs of pressure for political change that have punctuated Mexican history since the Revolution. Consequently, analysts who have recently undertaken the arduous task of diagnosing at what points this imposing edifice might “give” have been unable to benefit from insights of work carried out in previous decades.
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Koscak, Stephanie. "The Royal Sign and Visual Literacy in Eighteenth-Century London." Journal of British Studies 55, no. 1 (January 2016): 24–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2015.175.
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AbstractThis article argues that the commercialization of monarchical culture is more complex than existing scholarship suggests. It explores the aesthetic dimensions of regal culture produced outside of the traditionally defined sphere of art and politics by focusing on the variety of royal images and symbols depicted on hanging signs in eighteenth-century London. Despite the overwhelming presence of kings and queens on signboards, few study these as a form of regal visual culture or seriously question the ways in which these everyday objects affected representations of royalty beyond asserting an unproblematic process of declension. Indeed, even in the Restoration and early eighteenth century, monarchical signs were the subject of criticism and debate. This article explains why this became the case, arguing that signs were criticized not because they were trivial commercial objects that cheapened royal charisma, but because they were overloaded with political meaning. They emblematized the failures of representation in the age of print and party politics by depicting the monarchy—the traditional center of representative stability—in ways that troubled interpretation and defied attempts to control the royal image. Nevertheless, regal images and objects circulating in urban spaces comprised a meaningful political-visual language that challenges largely accepted arguments about the aesthetic inadequacy and cultural unimportance of early eighteenth-century monarchy. Signs were part of an urban, graphic public sphere, used as objects of political debate, historical commemoration, and civic instruction.
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Bavaj, Riccardo. "Turning "liberal Critics" into "Liberal-Conservatives": Kurt Sontheimer and the Re-coding of the Political Culture in the Wake of the Student Revolt of "1968"." German Politics and Society 27, no. 1 (March 1, 2009): 39–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2009.270103.
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The student revolt of the late 1960s had far-reaching repercussions in large parts of West German academia. This article sheds light on the group of liberal scholars who enjoyed a relative cohesiveness prior to "1968" and split up in the wake of the student revolt. The case of Kurt Sontheimer (1928-2005) offers an instructive example of the multifaceted process of a "liberal critic" turning into a liberal-conservative. While he initially welcomed the politicization of students and the democratization of universities, he became increasingly concerned about the stability of West Germany's political order and placed more and more emphasis on preserving, rather than changing the status quo. Sontheimer was a prime example of a liberal critic shifting and being shifted to the center-Right within a political culture that became increasingly polarized during the 1970s.
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Freij, Hanna Y. "LIBERALIZATION, THE ISLAMISTS, AND THE STABILITY OF THE ARAB STATE: JORDAN AS A CASE STUDY." Muslim World 86, no. 1 (January 1996): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-1913.1996.tb03629.x.
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Khan, Sultan. "Socio-Economic and Political Impact of Pandemics in the African Continent and Regional Mechanisms to Mitigate it." International Journal of Criminology and Sociology 10 (December 24, 2021): 1613–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.6000/1929-4409.2021.10.184.
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Throughout the history of African societies, pandemics have claimed, in some instances more lives than warfare. Africa is susceptible to many pandemics. Given the state of underdevelopment amongst African nation-states characterised by low levels of education, poor health care facilities, lack of basic infrastructure, poverty, low levels of income, lack of skilled health care workers, and many more factors, it is not sufficiently equipped to handle pandemics that are life-threatening. Hence, it is prone to outbreaks of infectious diseases. Pandemics cause the socio-economic crisis, which in turn affects political stability. In the history of Africa, the Ebola disease, HIV/Aids, Cholera are some of the major diseases that have ravished nation-states in contemporary times. Now, just like other parts of the world, it has to deal with the Covid-19 pandemic that has far-reaching consequences. This article seeks to interrogate the nature and causes of major pandemics in the globe and the African continent and the steps taken to ameliorate these. It further examines the impact of pandemics on the socio-economic and political spheres of life in the continent.
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Coelho, Joseph. "Seizing the State under International Administration." Southeastern Europe 42, no. 1 (April 9, 2018): 107–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04201006.
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State capture is a form of institutionalized particularism whereby elite actors manipulate policy formation to their own material and political interests at the expense of the public good. In Kosovo, a competitive form of state capture emerged during the postwar period as the country’s main political parties fiercely compete for control over state spoils. What makes the case of state capture in Kosovo stand apart from most countries in the region is the extensive international dimension of Kosovo’s state-building process. This raises an important question: given the extraordinary levels of international involvement in post-conflict reconstruction and the strengthening of state institutions, how has corruption become increasingly pervasive in Kosovo under international administration and supervision? The central argument of this article is that the stability paradigm has driven certain international policies and practices that have created conditions favorable to state capture, which indirectly contributes to widespread corruption in Kosovo. The West’s choice of stability and security over democracy and rule of law will have long-term and adverse consequences for Kosovo’s state formation.
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Rath, Thomas. "Burning the Archive, Building the State? Politics, Paper, and US Power in Postwar Mexico." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 4 (July 29, 2020): 764–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419881189.
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This article explores how the Mexican state gathered, archived and destroyed information. It focuses on the US–Mexico campaign against foot-and-mouth disease between 1947 and 1952, whose paper archive Mexican officials burned near the successful conclusion of the campaign. This article argues that several factors shaped the context for this documentary bonfire and made the 1940s a key point of inflection in Mexico’s history of official information-gathering: the dominant party’s system of elite power-sharing, the growth of a reading public and the regime’s drift rightward. At the same time, the nature of the foot-and-mouth disease campaign itself ensured that, despite its possible uses, the archive was particularly sensitive, providing evidence of the embarrassing gaps that began to yawn between the state’s language of revolutionary nationalism and its political practise. Indeed, the bonfire represented the culmination of practises Mexican officials had already developed throughout the campaign to reconcile the demands of legibility and deniability, hemispheric integration and nationalism, political stability and state capacity. More broadly, the case illustrates the uneven effects of US assistance on the development of state capacity, the authoritarian but institutionally weak character of the early PRIísta state, and the role of archives in maintaining a coherent image of state sovereignty.
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Chinn, Stuart. "Institutional Recalibration and Judicial Delimitation." Law & Social Inquiry 37, no. 03 (2012): 535–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2011.01272.x.
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Throughout American history, a peculiar and recurrent disjunction has often arisen between the substance of transformative reforms and the decidedly less-radical governing arrangements that arise in the aftermath of reform. To account for this disjunction, this article puts forth a theory of postreform “recalibration.” Political processes of recalibration are the means by which vague, indeterminate principles of reform are given operational meaning and translated into new governing arrangements. This article illuminates recalibration processes by examining two case-studies: African American rights in the post-Reconstruction era of the 1870s and 1880s, and labor rights in the post–New Deal era of the late 1930s. Finally, the article also highlights the crucial role of the Supreme Court in recalibration processes and sets forth a theory of judicial behavior as driven by an institutional interest in stability.
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Korten, C. "Religious Proselytism in Statecraft: A Past and Present Comparison of Russia and the United States." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 20, no. 2 (2022): 155–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.2.69.1.
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This article seeks to understand the use of religious proselytizing in the Statecraft of the United States and Russia. The different perspectives on this activity is first assessed historically. The experiences that both countries had (or did not have, in the case of the US), provide insights into the disparity of opinion and practice between the two countries today. This historical view reveals how politically important and influential such activity was for Russia. Good relations with religious leaders and their religious movements helped to ensure stability in far flung regions of its territory, and active attempts to convert other people, i.e. proselytizing, was seen as politically aggressive and socially disruptive. The second part of this article looks at the contemporary implications of statecraft and proselytization. One sees a continuity between the imperial, Soviet and contemporary periods regarding proselytism, despite the political diversity of the periods. Domestically, Russia has clamped down on religious organizations with ties to the US and whose practices included active proselytizing. In this way, one can see how it believes religion, and proselytizing in particular, can be politicized or weaponized and used in foreign policy. Beyond its borders, Russia has employed the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) in proselytizing or quasi-proselytizing activities to help carry out its political agendas. For the US, religious conversions were traditionally never part of the national or political discourse, and so there is still a tendency to view such activity as innocuous, individual experiences. Meanwhile, Russia continues its crackdown on religions which promote an aggressive proselytizing agenda, and especially US-based ones, such as the Jehovah’s Witnesses, whose members are often treated as enemies of the state.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political stability – History – Case studies"
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Perdue, Rebekah. "Comparative Political Stability in Latin America: Case Studies in Costa Rica, Argentina, and Cuba." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/983.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science
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Odendahl, Laura Jean. "Political Reconstruction of the Southern Lady: A Case Study, 1856-1907." W&M ScholarWorks, 2002. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626372.
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Akrami, Rahimullah. "Revisiting Afghanistan's Modern History: The Role of Ethnic Inclusion on Regime Stability." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1547332876379751.
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Lee, Myon Woo. "Policy change and political leadership in Japan case studies of administrative reform and tax reform /." The Ohio State University, 1994. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/32057359.html.
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Puckey, Adrienne 1946. "The substance of the shadow: Māori and Pākehā political economic relationships, 1860-1940: a far northern case study." Thesis, University of Auckland, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/3387.
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Between 1860 and 1940 Aotearoa New Zealand’s economy and economic base was transformed in a number of significant ways, following similar patterns in earlier-established British colonies. The influx of European immigrants drastically altered the demography and contested land – the economic base. Money became increasingly important as medium of exchange and unit of account. Whereas the economy was unregulated or lightly-regulated before 1860, regulation increasingly formalised economic relations and institutions, and work organisation became more impersonal. In urban areas these transformations were substantially complete by 1940. However, in rural areas, where most Mäori and fewer Päkehä lived, economic transformation was more of a hybrid than a complete change from one form to another. The informal economy (unmeasured and unregulated), and particularly the rural informal economy, contributed (and still contributes) quantitatively to the national economy. Whether within Mäori communities, within Päkehä communities or between the two, the more informal rural economy depended on social relations to a large extent. Mäori had choices about how they related to the introduced economic system, ranging from full engagement to rejection and non-involvement, with numerous negotiated positions in between. With the conviction that they could satisfactorily negotiate terms of participation, Mäori had invited Europeans to the far north. The extent of Mäori involvement in all the dominant (formal) economic activities of the far north, 1860-1940, clearly indicates their efforts were integral rather than peripheral to the Päkehä economy. But Mäori economic activity has been relegated to the shadows of economic history. The relationship between the two systems is better understood by recognising the interplay between formal and informal (shadow) economies. The social organisation of work, the kaupapa of the informal economy, the diversity of strategies and tactics, and relationship building (both bonding and bridging), were the strengths from which far northern Mäori relentlessly engaged with the Päkehä economy, while maintaining a degree of autonomy until World War One. In effect they played an invisible hand of cards, invisible, that is, to studies of the formal economy.Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.
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Ooten, Melissa D. ""A Bad Case of Fossilized Tradition": The Discourse of Race and Gender in Women's Battle for the Ballot in Richmond, Virginia 1909-1920." W&M ScholarWorks, 2001. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626322.
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Cherok, Jessica A. "Explaining Education: Case Studies on the Development of Public Education Institutions." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1275426868.
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Volkmann, Abigail J. "River Basin Management and Restoration in Germany and the United States: Two Case Studies." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/165.
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The uses and management of water resources play an important role in the development of a culture and the health of its environment and population. Humans throughout history have consistently exploited rivers, which degrades water quality and leads to water scarcity. This thesis is an examination of two river restoration projects, one on the Oder River in Germany and the other on the Klamath River in the United States, that represent each country's efforts to reverse river exploitation. These cases in Germany and the United States demonstrate the importance of achieving a better understanding of the political instruments and strategies for mitigating environmental issues on a global scale.
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Modin, Ludwig. "Stability and Change in Role Conceptions : The Case of Russia and the Annexation of Crimea." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-411974.
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This paper addresses the question of whether Russia’s role conception changed after the annexation of Crimea. Research on role conceptions has a solid standing within foreign policy analysis, but information on role change and what it is that affects it has not been given the necessary attention. The paper’s theoretical framework contains earlier theoretical definitions of role conceptions and role change. In conjunction with the theoretical approach, process tracing and systematic text analysis with a focus on narratives are used as methodological tools. Relevant findings are then generated through the study of elite-expressions of the Russian master role from, firstly, the period between 2012 and late 2013, and, secondly, 2014. In brief, the results indicate that no major change occurred. Rather the role conception remained stable throughout both sequences. This suggests that the ramifications of the annexation of Crimea did not challenge the Russian master role and that it was not perceived as a crisis by Putin and his colleagues. Moreover, it is possible that role change more likely occurs when exceptional circumstances arise unexpectedly and when they fundamentally challenge ingrained role conceptions.
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Ulbrich, Bryan Armand 1969. "The implementation of environmental policy on Indian lands: A case study on the Pueblo of Isleta." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291868.
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This paper examines the implementation of environmental policy on Indian land, by conducting a case study of the Pueblo of Isleta. In 1992 the EPA acknowledged the jurisdictional authority of the Pueblo to establish water quality standards for the Rio Grande. The Pueblo has since attempted to implement these standards despite opposition from the city of Albuquerque. The premise of this paper is that tribes, in general, have assumed a greater role in regulating their environments although financial, technical, and statutory impediments continue to thwart complete tribal control. By examining the historical process of inclusion of tribes into the regulatory arena and applying this to the Pueblo of Isleta, this paper presents a concise analysis of one tribes response to the intricacies of environmental regulation.
Books on the topic "Political stability – History – Case studies"
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Omar, Maundi Mohammed, ed. Getting in: Mediators' entry into the settlement of African conflicts. Washington, D.C: United States Institute of Peace Press, 2006.
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Jennifer, Milliken, ed. State failure, collapse and reconstruction. Malden, MA: Blackwell Pub., 2003.
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Stability without statehood: Lessons from Europe's history before the sovereign state. Houndmills, Basingstoke Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.
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Sanderson, Stephen K. Revolutions: A worldwide introduction to social and political contention. 2nd ed. Boulder: Paradigm Publishers, 2010.
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Upadanie panśtwa w stosunkach międzynarodowych po zimnej wojnie. Lublin: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej, 2015.
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Revolutions: A worldwide introduction to social and political contention. 2nd ed. Boulder: Paradigm Publishers, 2010.
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Fragile Staatlichkeit: "States at Risk" zwischen Stabilität und Scheitern. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2006.
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Economist Intelligence Unit (Great Britain), ed. Threats to copper supply: A political risk analysis. London: Economist Intelligence Unit, 1990.
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1968-, Way Lucan, ed. Competitive authoritarianism: Hybrid regimes in the post-Cold War era. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010.
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Davūd, Nūrī Muḥammad, Hāshimī Ghāzī, Kūhistānī Sultānī S̲anā, and Markaz-i Millī-i Taḥqīqāt-i Pālīsī (Afghanistan), eds. ʻAvāmil-i bī s̲abātī-i siyāsī dar Afghānistān. 2nd ed. Kābul: Dahkadah-ʼi Chāp, 2009.
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Omodeo, Pietro D. "The Social Position and Intellectual Identity of the Renaissance Mathematician-Physicist Giovanni Battista Benedetti: A Case Study in the Socio-Political History of Mechanics." In Boston Studies in the Philosophy and History of Science, 181–213. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90345-3_7.
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Kalinina, Ekaterina. "Affordances of Digital Archives: The Case of the Prozhito Archive of Personal Diaries." In The Palgrave Handbook of Digital Russia Studies, 371–87. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42855-6_21.
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With regard to increasing politicization and instrumentalization of history in Russia and the development of digital tools allowing public access to previously non-available historical documents, analysis of digital platforms exhibiting potential for engagement with the past becomes of relevance to Russian and Digital Media Studies. Therefore this chapter focuses on a Russian case study Prozhito, a digital archive of personal diaries created by a community of volunteers. Being an example of public engagement with the past, Prozhito, nevertheless, has a number of constraints that raise ethical, political and techno-methodological questions concerning archival composition and affordances of the platform for participation. Therefore the aim of this chapter is to study Prozhito’s affordances to learn more about the potentials of such platforms for the production of historical knowledge.
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B. Moura, Cristiano, and Andreia Guerra. "Rethinking Historical Approaches for Science Education in the Anthropocene." In Palgrave Studies in Education and the Environment, 215–28. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-79622-8_13.
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AbstractIn this chapter, we intend to bring the urgency of our times, pointed out by discussions about the Anthropocene, to research in history, philosophy, and sociology of science in science teaching. After considering the own historicity of the Anthropocene concept, we seek, through a short historical case on botany, to build new lenses to look at Western modern science, locating other stories and other perspectives that can be told about its emergence and establishment. With this new focus, we discuss how this knowledge was shaped by the triad of colonialism, capitalism, and patriarchy, and that for this reason, we must perceive modern science through a critical lens in dialog with other forms of knowledge. This dialogue can help to build solutions for the present moment and to dissolve some of the impasses regarding the conversations around the Anthropocene. Thus, we argue that enhancing the political-historical dimension of Western modern science in science education is a fundamental task in building futures that produce different and potentially less (self)destructive multispecies relationships.
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Aminaka, Akiyo. "Politics of Land Resource Management in Mozambique." In African Land Reform Under Economic Liberalisation, 111–35. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-4725-3_6.
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AbstractMozambique's 1997 Land Law was praised by international donors and the country’s own civil society for its democratic and open drafting process. The process included public hearings throughout the country and the recognition of customary law. However, once it became operational, there were many instances of so-called land grabbing. This chapter argues that the reason for this lies in the political operation of the law rather than in the technicalities of its application. This chapter aims to explore the political dynamics in Mozambique that distort the implementation of the Land Law of 1997. The land law in Mozambique was developed with the technical support of international donors, and the government of Mozambique followed these external trends in the expectation of receiving financial support and private investment while it also reflected the axis of conflictin Mozambique's domestic politics. The case studies show that the operation of land law has resulted in the emergence of party-political oppositional axes in rural areas. These facts suggest that the specific political environment strongly influences the process of law-making and implementation. Mozambique's political environment is an obstacle to achieving the law's original objectives of establishing rights to land resources and social stability.
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Bartuschat, Johannes, Elisa Brilli, and Delphine Carron. "Introduction." In The Dominicans and the Making of Florentine Cultural Identity (13th-14th centuries) / I domenicani e la costruzione dell'identità culturale fiorentina (XIII-XIV secolo), 13–22. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-046-7.04.
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This volume aims to foster the dialogue between two usually distinct scholarly traditions: on the one hand, the studies revolving around cultural and political activity, as well as the didactic, theological, religious and pastoral initiatives undertaken by the Dominican Order in the urban context; on the other hand, the scholarship on the history of Florence between the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, seen as a case study representative of the evolutions of late medieval communal institutions in the Italian peninsula. The essays focus on the reciprocal interactions and influences between religious and political cultures, along with those between mendicant and lay contexts.
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Fabinyi, Michael, and Kate Barclay. "Responding to Global Change." In Asia-Pacific Fishing Livelihoods, 23–44. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-79591-7_2.
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AbstractThis chapter focuses on the wider processes of political-economic change that drive key characteristics of fishing livelihoods. Globalisation has dramatically expanded the scale and accelerated the pace of fisheries capture and trade, generating new opportunities and challenges for livelihoods and marine environments. Here we document some of the major characteristics of the history of fishing across the Asia-Pacific, before focusing on case studies of the Philippines and PNG. We highlight three related features of globalisation that have influenced fishing livelihoods and that continue to shape them today: migration, engagement with markets and new technologies, and interactions with other forms of economic activity, including those outside the fisheries sector.
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Scarponetti, Patricia, Leandro Sepúlveda, and Antonio Martín-Artiles. "Pension Systems Compared: A Polarised Perspective, a Diverse Reality." In Towards a Comparative Analysis of Social Inequalities between Europe and Latin America, 419–51. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48442-2_14.
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AbstractGlobalisation and international competition have a spillover effect on the reforms of pension systems that imposes a similar pattern of dismantling, hardening access to pensions, reducing expenditure and retrenchment in said reforms. The comparative analysis of four countries with different pension systems: two liberal (United Kingdom and Chile) and another two with contributory-proportional systems (Spain and Argentina) serves to determine the details of the reform processes, which discursively seem to have a shared pattern recommended by the international financial and economic institutions.But the reality of the four case studies shows considerable differences in the implementation of the pension reform policies. The reforms depend on the societal context, institutions, history, the role of unions, the government in power, demographic factors and economic perspectives, among other matters. Many countries need to sustain pension systems because they are associated with many pensioners’ political vote. Therefore, the spillover effect of globalisation and the convergence in certain uniform patterns of reforms is far from reality in the four countries, and as such, the measures adopted are specific for each country.
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Liu, Daniel. "Scaling from Weather to Climate." In Cultural Inquiry, 93–117. Berlin: ICI Berlin Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37050/ci-17_05.
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One of the theoretical tensions that has arisen from Anthropocene studies is what Dipesh Chakrabarty has called the ‘two figures of the human’, and the question of which of these two figures of the human inheres in the concept of the Anthropocene more. On the one hand, the Human is conceived as the universal reasoning subject upon whom political rights and equality are based, and on the other hand, humankind is the collection of all individuals of our species, with all of the inequalities, differences, and variability inherent in any species category. This chapter takes up Deborah Coen’s argument that Chakrabarty’s claim of the ‘incommensurability’ of these two figures of the human ignores the way both were constructed within debates over how to relate local geophysical specificities to theoretical generalities. This chapter examines two cases in the history of science. The first is Martin Rudwick’s historical exploration of how geologists slowly gained the ability to use fossils and highly local stratigraphic surveys to reconstruct the history of the Earth in deep time, rather than resort to speculative cosmological theory. The second is Coen’s own history of imperial, Austrian climate science, a case where early nineteenth-century assumptions about the capriciousness of the weather gave way to theories of climate informed by thermodynamics and large-scale data collection.
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Leccisotti, Flavia Zappa, Raoul Chiesa, Niccolo De Scalzi, Leopoldo Gudas, and Daniele De Nicolo. "Attack Scenarios Perpetrated by Terrorist Organizations Through the Use of IT and ICT." In Advances in Digital Crime, Forensics, and Cyber Terrorism, 102–26. IGI Global, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-8793-6.ch005.
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The ICT technology is even more central in modern society. Every relevant sectors of Western economies depend on ICT technology, from Energy Infrastructure to banking and finance, from TLC infrastructure to government administration. Throughout history, terrorist organizations have demonstrated capacity to adapt and evolve in order to further their ideological and political goals. Cyber Terrorism is increasingly becoming a top five national security priority for Nation States. The purpose of this chapter is to evaluate the threat Cyber Terrorism poses to the stability of the international community. It will explore the concept of Cyber Terrorism, its interpretations and terminology. This chapter seeks to identify potential attacks made possible through IT and ICT technologies (like SCADA and Industrial Automation, while it includes those ICT standards used in the field of Transport, Automotive, and Social Networks as well) and to classify all the possible actors, needed skills and relevant goals, thanks to the currently available public documentation and relevant case studies.
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Calvo-Gonzalez, Oscar. "Political Stability." In Unexpected Prosperity, 68–92. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198853978.003.0004.
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While the Cold War provided an impetus for greater political stability, it is also the case that many internal factors helped buttress the stability of the Spanish polity in the decades after 1950. The legacy from the Civil War and the subsequent brutal repression, the coalition nature of the Franco dictatorship and the co-opting of elites into the regime all played a role in producing a more stable regime than over the previous century and a half. Above all, Franco demonstrated that he was bent on being dictator for life, thus forcing the use of violence if anyone wanted to oust him. The domestic opposition was ultimately unprepared to use force against Franco, out of fear of reprisal or because they feared that it could bring the country into yet another Civil War. It was ultimately this asymmetry that helps to explain why the long history of pronunciamientos was altered. If Francoism was the unintended consequence of the rebel uprising, stability was the unintended consequence of Francoism.
Conference papers on the topic "Political stability – History – Case studies"
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Başeğmez, Nergiz, and Kerem Toker. "A Crossroad For Turkey: European Union Or Eurasian Economic Union." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01668.
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With a long and complicated history with Turkey's EU relations began in 1963 with Ankara Agreement. Turkey has been engaged the full membership since 2005 but nevertheless it could not have achieved results during the negotiations. Behind the slow pace of Turkey's membership, many political and cultural barriers can be shown. The events showed that reveals Turkey cannot be an EU member as soon as possible. This case may cause the Turkey have different pursuits in the political world arena. Turkey moved away from the EU, it can be motivated to participate in different political and economic union at the same time. Because, the world is constantly changing in terms of economic and political conditions and Turkey is hard to question the position in these new conditions. Founded in 2015 Eurasian Union has similar cultural and historical heritage alongside the geographical closely EAEU with Turkey. This common history may create opportunities for both sides. In this study, economic, social and political relations between Turkey and the EAEU countries are briefly discussed. Datas about this issue were gathered by Eurostat, europa.eu, wto.org and eurasiancommission.org etc. official data sources. The findings were compared with similar indicators between Turkey and the EU. So the EAEU is evaluated likely to be an alternative political and economic union to Turkey. Such a vision changes in Turkey will revise its economic and political stability of the region. This paper may contribute to further studies by providing a solid base.
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Vovk, Olga, and Sergiy Kudelko. "Memorial plaques in urban space of East-European cities: Case of Kharkiv." In 8th International e-Conference on Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences. Center for Open Access in Science, Belgrade, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.e-conf.08.02019v.
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The present research deals with study of memorial plaques as one of the most widespread commemoration signs in urban space of East-European cities. Kharkiv was selected as an example because of what it is the second largest city in Ukraine, the industrial, scientific, educational and cultural giant that is currently undergoing severe destruction and damage as a result of hostilities. Main species features of memorial plaques as historical sources as well as local history signs are characterized taking into account the Ukrainian traditions of their establishment and existence. Specific attributes that distinguish these objects from other signs of commemoration are emphasized; the authors’ scheme of their typology is described. Evolution of trends regarding their visual design and approaches to the formulation of devotional texts are observed in a century-old retrospective (from the 1920s to the 2020s). The local pantheon of heroes whose names were immortalized by plaques is analyzed. Points of the topographic distribution of these objects in the city districts are identified. It is shown that plaques can be markers of political and ideological confrontation in crisis times. It is forecasted in what way may evolve a complex of these commemoration signs in the postwar period in Kharkiv.
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Weaver, Sophia, Xiaohui Xiao, and Rob Vines. "Real Time Borehole Stability Monitoring and Pre-drill Model Calibration using LWD Sonic — A Case Highlight." In SPE Nigeria Annual International Conference and Exhibition. SPE, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/178400-ms.
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Abstract Borehole instability challenges can account for a significant percentage of non-productive time and associated costs in drilling. This is even more so in deepwater subsea wells due to high development costs coupled with the subsurface complexities associated with turbidite reservoirs. Pre-drill borehole stability studies in this field case were performed by evaluating offset well history and geophysical log data and calibrating these against direct well measurements and drilling experiences, with the objective of recommending the appropriate mud weight. However, the validation of the pre-drill borehole stability model derived from sonic data taken in the only offset well in the field was deemed necessary for effective borehole stability monitoring in this case. Additionally, the inability to run wireline in a highly deviated well fuelled the need for acoustic data acquisition using logging-while-drilling (LWD). Sonic data was acquired by LWD (a first in the field) and this aided mud weight optimization to successfully drill the well to TD without any borehole stability problems. This paper describes the application of this solution to managing well delivery uncertainties in a deepwater field and highlights the process, results and lessons from the event to aid future applications.
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Clement, Victoria. "TURKMENISTAN’S NEW CHALLENGES: CAN STABILITY CO-EXIST WITH REFORM? A STUDY OF GULEN SCHOOLS IN CENTRAL ASIA, 1997-2007." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/ufen2635.
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In the 1990s, Turkmenistan’s government dismantled Soviet educational provision, replacing it with lower quality schooling. The Başkent Foundation schools represent the concerted ef- forts of teachers and sponsors to offer socially conscious education grounded in science and math with an international focus. This case study of the Başkent Foundation schools in Turkmenistan establishes the vitality of Gülen schools outside of the Turkish Republic and their key role in offering Central Asian families an important choice in secular, general education. The paper discusses the appeal of the schools’ curriculum to parents and students, and records a decade-long success both in educating students and in laying the foundations of civil society: in Turkmenistan the Gülen movement offers the only general education outside of state provision and control. This is particularly significant as most scholars deny that there is any semblance of civil society in Turkmenistan. Notes: The author has been conducting interviews and recording the influence of Başkent schools in Turkmenistan since working as Instructor at the International Turkmen-Turk University in 1997. In May 2007 she visited the schools in the capital Ashgabat, and the northern province of Daşoguz, to explore further the contribution Gülen schools are making. The recent death of Turkmenistan’s president will most likely result in major reforms in education. Documentation of how a shift at the centre of state power affects provincial Gülen schools will enrich this conference’s broader discussion of the movement’s social impact. The history of Gülen-inspired schools in Central Asia reveals as much about the Gülen movement as it does about transition in the Muslim world. While acknowledging that transition in the 21st century includes new political and global considerations, it must be viewed in a historical context that illustrates how change, renewal and questioning are longstanding in- herent to Islamic tradition. In the former Soviet Union, the Gülen movement contributed to the Muslim people’s transi- tion out of the communist experience. Since USSR fell in 1991, participants in Fethullah Gülen’s spiritual movement have contributed to its mission by successfully building schools, offering English language courses for adults, and consciously supporting nascent civil so- ciety throughout Eurasia. Not only in Turkic speaking regions, but also as far as Mongolia and Southeast Asia, the so-called “Turkish schools” have succeeded in creating sustainable systems of private schools that offer quality education to ethnically and religiously diverse populations. The model is applicable on the whole; Gülen’s movement has played a vital role in offering Eurasia’s youth an alternative to state-sponsored schooling. Recognition of the broad accomplishments of Gülen schools in Eurasia raises questions about how these schools function on a daily basis and how they have remained successful. What kind of world are they preparing students for? How do the schools differ from traditional Muslim schools (maktabs or madrasas)? Do they offer an alternative to Arab methods of learning? Success in Turkmenistan is especially notable due to the dramatic politicization of education under nationalistic socio-cultural programmes in that Central Asian country. Since the establishment of the first boarding school, named after Turkish Prime Minister Turgut Ozal, in 1991 the Gülen schools have prospered despite Turkmenistan’s extreme political conditions and severely weakened social systems. How did this network of foreign schools, connected to a faith-based movement, manage to flourish under Turkmenistan’s capricious dictator- ship? In essence, Gülen-inspired schools have been consistently successful in Turkmenistan because a secular curriculum partnered with a strong moral framework appeals to parents and students without threatening the state. This hypothesis encourages further consideration of the cemaat’s ethos and Gülen’s philosophies such as the imperative of activism (aksiyon), the compatibility of Islam and modernity, and the high value Islamic traditions assign to education. Focusing on this particular set of “Turkish schools” in Turkmenistan provides details and data from which we can consider broader complexities of the movement as a whole. In particular, the study illustrates that current transitions in the Muslim world have long, complex histories that extend beyond today’s immediate questions about Islam, modernity, or extremism.
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Agata Kantarek, Anna, and Ivor Samuels. "Nowa Huta, Krakow, Poland. Old Urbanism, New Urbanism?" In 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.6463.
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This paper considers the first stage of Nova Huta New Town built near Krakow in the 1950s. In contrast to UK and US new settlements of the post war period it is a high density apartment block development which was ignored in the literature for more than half a century because its design, based on a system of streets, is in contrast with contemporary forms of development, either low density garden city or higher density free standing apartment blocks. A discussion of its neglect and the recent rediscovery of its qualities, both in Poland and by exponents of the US New Urbanism (part of the Urban Morphology spectrum somewhat neglected by ISUF) leads to a systematic investigation of the development, its influences and how this project conceived in a radically different political and economic context, matches or departs from the tenets of the Charter for the New Urbanism. The extent to which the context has determined the differences leads to a conclusion discussing the enduring qualities and contemporary relevance of inherited urban forms. References: Biedrzycka A., Chyb A., Fryźlewicz M. (ed.) Nowa Huta - architektura i twórcy miasta idealnego. Niezrealizowane projekty, Muzeum Historyczne Miasta Krakowa, Kraków 2006. Gauthier,P. and J. Gilliland (2006), ‘Mapping urban morphology: a classification scheme for interpreting contributions to the study of urban form’, Urban Morphology 10.1, 41-50 Hatherley, O.(2015) Landscapes of Communism. A history through buildings (Allen Lane,London). Juchnowicz, S. (2005) ‘Nowa Huta-przeszłość i wizja. Z doświadczeń warsaztatu projektowego in Nowa Huta-przyszłość i wizja’. Studium muzeum rozprosznego, Biblioteka Krzysztoforska, Krakow. Lisowski, B. (1968) Modern architecture in Poland (Polonia Publishing House, Warsaw). Plater Zyberk, E. (2015) ‘Traditional urbanism: design policy and case studies’. in Jeleński et al eds. Tradition and heritage in the contemporary image of the city, Volume 1, Wyd. Politechniki Krakowskiej, Krakow. p160-171. The Congress for the New Urbanism (1999) Charter of the New Urbanism (1999) (https://www.cnu.org/who-we-are/charter-new-urbanism) accessed 4 January 2017. Wyrozumski J. (eds.) Narodziny Nowej Huty Towarzystwo Miłośników Historii i Zabytków Krakowa, Kraków, 1999.
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Wang, Xiaozhi, Booki Kim, Yanming Zhang, and Ping Liao. "Environmental Effect on Fatigue Life of FPSO Hull Structures." In ASME 2009 28th International Conference on Ocean, Offshore and Arctic Engineering. ASMEDC, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/omae2009-80239.
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Floating production, storage and offloading systems (FPSOs) have been widely used in the development of offshore oil and gas fields because of their many attractive features. These features include a large work area and storage capacity, mobility (if desired), relatively low construction cost and good stability. They are mostly ship shaped, either converted from existing tankers or purpose built. The hull structural scantling design for tankers may be applicable to FPSOs; however, FPSOs have their own unique characteristics. FPSOs are located at specific locations with a dynamic loading that is quite different from that arising from unrestricted ocean service conditions for tankers. It is also noted that the wave conditions in recent FPSO applications may be very complicated when operating in areas such as those offshore West Africa and offshore Brazil where both seas and swells exist and propagate in different directions. In this paper, the unique FPSO operational aspects, especially the load assessment due to on-site environments will be described. The methodology of handling complicated wave conditions in fatigue assessment will be addressed. Special considerations for converted FPSOs, which need to take into account their operational history as a trading tanker and low cycle fatigue due to FPSO operations, will also be introduced. Case studies will be presented and appropriate analysis methodology will be summarized. The methodology has also been adopted by ABS Guide, see ABS [1].
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Hendraningrat, Luky, Saeed Majidaie, Nor Idah Kechut, Raj Deo Tewari, M. Faizal Sedaralit, Fraser Skoreyko, Seyed Mousa MousaviMirkalaei, Mark Edmondson, and Vikram Chandrasekar. "Application of Novel Advanced Numerical Modeling of Nanoparticles for Improved Oil Recovery: Laboratory- To Field-Scale." In SPE Annual Technical Conference and Exhibition. SPE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/210367-ms.
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Abstract The deployment at the field-scale of a novel technique to improve oil recovery using nanoparticles injection is challenging. It requires a comprehensive evaluation of a series of laboratory experiments, to translate and validate the mechanisms into a numerical model to predict accurately and reduce uncertainty parameters. This paper describes the application of novel advanced reservoir modeling for nanoparticles from pore-scale to field-scale, using an offshore Malaysian oilfield as a pilot field case. A series of laboratory experiments (fluid-fluid and fluid-rock) and numerical studies: nanofluid formulation, pore-scale studies, validation, and upscaling process into the field-scale model were carried out. The development of nanofluids was formulated to meet key criteria such as compatibility and thermal stability at the intended field condition. Prior to coreflooding tests with native core, a series of experiments to observe mechanisms were carried out. The results of the laboratory experiments were then validated in the 1D coreflooding model. The procedure was continued with observed critical parameters being scaled-up into 3D field-scale model before running the prediction scenarios. The newly developed nanofluids for the intended field performed well in compatibility and thermal stability tests at reservoir temperature. Precipitation and sedimentation were not observed in this solution. The wettability alteration to more water-wet was observed with consistent results through interfacial tension measurements, contact angle measurements, and relative permeability measurements. Coreflooding was performed using native core, and the reduction of residual oil saturation was approximately 25% between pre- and post-nanoflooding. The adsorption of nanofluids was measured to be around 1.12 mg/g of rock. All these results were input into the model and the history match quality index achieved an acceptable match of ~95%. Several critical parameters for the upscaling process were investigated such as reaction rate of particle aggregation, adsorption, and retention factor. During the scale-up process, the velocity of the fluids and pressure drop were conserved because the recovery is sensitive to flooding rate and the viscosity of the fluids are pressure dependent. The field-scale model was run for the intended field location. The potential of using nanoparticles was evaluated and compared to the no further activity scenario giving an additional recovery factor of approximately 1% per year. The developed method of novel robust advanced reservoir modeling for nanoparticles creates a new reference as the first application in the world of novel advanced numerical modeling at field-scale.
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Visser, W. P. J., H. Pieters, M. Oostveen, and E. van Dorp. "Experience With GSP as a Gas Path Analysis Tool." In ASME Turbo Expo 2006: Power for Land, Sea, and Air. ASMEDC, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/gt2006-90904.
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SKF’s primary tool for gas turbine engine performance analysis is GSP (Gas turbine Simulation Program), a component based modeling environment that is developed at National Aerospace Laboratory NLR and Delft University of Technology, The Netherlands. One of the applications is gas path analysis (GPA) using GSP’s generic adaptive modeling capability. With GSP, gas path analysis has been applied to different aero engines at several maintenance facilities. Additional functionalities have been developed to analyze multiple engine operating points and combine results of different adaptive modeling configurations automatically, resulting in more accurate and reliable GPA results. A ‘multi-point calibration’ method for the reference model was developed providing a significant improvement of GPA accuracy and stability. Also, a method was developed using ‘multiple analysis cycles’ on different condition indicator subsets, which successfully generated values for all condition parameters in cases with fewer measurement parameters than condition indicators and where measurement data are unreliable. The method has been successfully demonstrated on the GEM42 turbo shaft engine. A number of case studies have shown GPA results corresponding to available maintenance notes and inspection data. The extension of the GSP GPA tool with a database system provides a useful tool for analyzing engine history and comparison of analyzed component conditions throughout the fleet. When a large amount of analysis data is stored in the database, statistic analyses, trending and data mining can be performed. Also maintenance work scope effect on engine performance can be predicted. In this paper, the newly developed GSP gas path analysis functionalities are described and experiences and results with the GEM42 engine operational environment are presented.
Reports on the topic "Political stability – History – Case studies"
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Buchanan, Riley, Daniel Elias, Darren Holden, Daniel Baldino, Martin Drum, and Richard P. Hamilton. The archive hunter: The life and work of Leslie R. Marchant. The University of Notre Dame Australia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32613/reports/2021.2.
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Professor Leslie R. Marchant was a Western Australian historian of international renown. Richly educated as a child in political philosophy and critical reason, Marchant’s understandings of western political philosophies were deepened in World War Two when serving with an international crew of the merchant navy. After the war’s end, Marchant was appointed as a Protector of Aborigines in Western Australia’s Depart of Native Affairs. His passionate belief in Enlightenment ideals, including the equality of all people, was challenged by his experiences as a Protector. Leaving that role, he commenced his studies at The University of Western Australia where, in 1952, his Honours thesis made an early case that genocide had been committed in the administration of Aboriginal people in Western Australia. In the years that followed, Marchant became an early researcher of modern China and its relationship with the West, and won respect for his archival research of French maritime history in the Asia-Pacific. This work, including the publication of France Australe in 1982, was later recognised with the award of a French knighthood, the Chevalier d’Ordre National du Mèrite, and his election as a fellow to the Royal Geographical Society. In this festschrift, scholars from The University of Notre Dame Australia appraise Marchant’s work in such areas as Aboriginal history and policy, Westminster traditions, political philosophy, Australia and China and French maritime history.
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Avis, William. Armed Group Transition from Rebel to Government. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), October 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.125.
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Governments and political parties with an armed history are not unusual, yet how these groups function during and after the transition from conflict has largely been ignored by the existing literature. Many former armed groups have assumed power in a variety of contexts. Whilst this process is often associated with brokered peace agreements that encourage former combatants to transform into political parties, mobilise voters, and ultimately stand for elections, this is not always the case. What is less clearly understood is how war termination by insurgent victory shapes patterns of post-war politics. This rapid literature review collates available evidence of transitions made by armed groups to government. The literature collated presents a mixed picture, with transitions mediated by an array of contextual factors that are location and group specific. Case studies are drawn from a range of contexts where armed groups have assumed some influence over government (these include those via negotiated settlement, victory and in contexts of ongoing protracted conflict). The review provides a series of readings and case studies that are of use in understanding how armed groups may transition in “post-conflict” settings.
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Thompson, Stephen, Brigitte Rohwerder, and Clement Arockiasamy. Freedom of Religious Belief and People with Disabilities: A Case Study of People with Disabilities from Religious Minorities in Chennai, India. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2021.003.
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India has a unique and complex religious history, with faith and spirituality playing an important role in everyday life. Hinduism is the majority religion, and there are many minority religions. India also has a complicated class system and entrenched gender structures. Disability is another important identity. Many of these factors determine people’s experiences of social inclusion or exclusion. This paper explores how these intersecting identities influence the experience of inequality and marginalisation, with a particular focus on people with disabilities from minority religious backgrounds. A participatory qualitative methodology was employed in Chennai, to gather case studies that describe in-depth experiences of participants. Our findings show that many factors that make up a person’s identity intersect in India and impact how someone is included or excluded by society, with religious minority affiliation, caste, disability status, and gender all having the potential to add layers of marginalisation. These various identity factors, and how individuals and society react to them, impact on how people experience their social existence. Identity factors that form the basis for discrimination can be either visible or invisible, and discrimination may be explicit or implicit. Despite various legal and human rights frameworks at the national and international level that aim to prevent marginalisation, discrimination based on these factors is still prevalent in India. While some tokenistic interventions and schemes are in place to overcome marginalisation, such initiatives often only focus on one factor of identity, rather than considering intersecting factors. People with disabilities continue to experience exclusion in all aspects of their lives. Discrimination can exist both between, as well as within, religious communities, and is particularly prevalent in formal environments. Caste-based exclusion continues to be a major problem in India. The current socioeconomic environment and political climate can be seen to perpetuate marginalisation based on these factors. However, when people are included in society, regardless of belonging to a religious minority, having a disability, or being a certain caste, the impact on their life can be very positive.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.
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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.
Full textAbstract:
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.