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Journal articles on the topic 'Political socialization – Italy'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Entwistle, Harold, and Tracy H. Koon. "Believe, Obey, Fight: Political Socialization of Youth in Fascist Italy, 1922-1943." History of Education Quarterly 26, no. 4 (1986): 601. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/369021.

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Grand, Alexander De, and Tracy H. Koon. "Believe, Obey, Fight: Political Socialization of Youth in Fascist Italy, 1922-1943." American Historical Review 91, no. 2 (April 1986): 427. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1858234.

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de Grazia, Victoria. "Believe, Obey, Fight: Political Socialization of Youth in Fascist Italy, 1922-1943. Tracy H. Koon." Journal of Modern History 60, no. 1 (March 1988): 177–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/243362.

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Torney-Purta, Judith. "Italy's Participation in Three IEA Civic Education Studies (1971-2009)." CADMO, no. 1 (June 2009): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/cad2009-001003.

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- Following a brief history of the three Civic Education Studies conducted by IEA over nearly 30 years, the focus is on results for Italian 14-15 year olds in the 1971 and 1999 studies. The first civic education study (1971) showed that Italian teachers had poor preparation to teach civic education (stressing good manners rather than civic or political information). Italian students performed poorly on the 1971 civic knowledge test (7th out of 8 countries). The second study, CIVED (1999) showed marked improvement for Italian students, who had an average knowledge score above the international mean for 28 countries. Italian students expressed interest in protest participation. They trusted political information from the mass media less than those in the other 27 countries. Students and teachers reported an absence of opportunities for students to learn to protect the environment (compared with other countries).Keywords civic knowledge, IEA civic education study, ICCS, trust in media, political socialization (Italy), adolescents (Italy).

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Bolger, Daniel, Robert A. Thomson, and Elaine Howard Ecklund. "Selection versus Socialization? Interrogating the Sources of Secularity in Global Science." Sociological Perspectives 62, no. 4 (March 18, 2019): 518–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121419835507.

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Science and secularization have been linked in scholarship and the public imagination. Some suggest that scientific training leads to loss of religion. Yet there is only speculation about the processes by which scientists might become less religious and whether such processes are confined to the west or hold across national contexts. Using original survey data ( N = 5,006) of biologists and physicists in India, Italy, and the United States, as well as 215 in-depth interviews, we examine the religious transitions of academic scientists and the factors that they say prompted their religious shifts. We find some support for work suggesting that scientific training is secularizing. Yet we also show that, across national contexts, the nonreligious disproportionately select into scientific careers. Furthermore, we find that scientists tend not to identify science as the primary factor in their own religious transitions. These results challenge long-held assumptions about the relationship between science and secularization.

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Genova, Carlo. "Participation with Style. Clothing among Young Activists in Political Groups." Societies 10, no. 3 (July 23, 2020): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc10030055.

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Research shows that forms of participation among youth are strongly differentiated and connected with complex meanings and motivations. A growing sector of youth develops political intervention through the adoption of distinctive everyday practices and lifestyles. The article aims to reflect upon dress among young activists involved in political groups. Very little research focuses on this topic, but following studies on everyday politics, the young activists’ clothing could be considered as a form and a field of political participation. This approach, however, seems not to be sufficient to interpret the phenomenon. Taking inspiration from research about youth cultures, the article suggests interpreting youth clothing conjointly as a component of style, as a means for constructing collective identity, and social positioning. The article is based on qualitative interviews collected in Piedmont (Italy). Six main topics have been investigated: 1. Socialization to clothing; 2. clothing of the activists and in their groups; 3. meanings of clothing; 4. relevance of clothing; 5. practices of buying clothes; 6. clothes as consumer goods.

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Ganapini, Luigi. "The Dark Side of Italian History 1943–1945." Modern Italy 12, no. 2 (June 2007): 205–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701362730.

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A study of the history of the Italian Social Republic (1943–1945) reveals the importance of the experience of Fascist Syndicalism and above all National Syndicalism. During the preceding 20 years of Fascist rule, Fascist Syndicalism had faced notable difficulties, divided as it was between the need to defend workers and that of obeying the dictatorship; but following the fall of Mussolini and the military defeat of Fascist Italy, new opportunities appeared to present themselves. In 1943 Mussolini had called for ‘socialization’ as a means of fighting the anti-Fascist democratic forces. In this context, the ideology of National Syndicalism became the key feature of a project for the construction of a totalitarian state. In spite of the inevitability of defeat, the final phase of Fascism thus involved an attempt to win over the working classes in the industrial centres of northern Italy in order to establish them as the basis for a possible revival.

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Zamponi, Lorenzo. "The “Precarious Generation” and the “Natives of the Ruins”: The Multiple Dimensions of Generational Identity in Italian Labor Struggles in Times of Crisis." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 10 (February 20, 2019): 1427–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764219831740.

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Focusing on mobilizations around work, this article sheds light on generational identity as it emerges in activists involved in labor struggles in Italy in the past few years. Do Italian “millennial” activists perceive themselves as part of the same political generation? What are its main traits? And are the contextual elements that define it linked more to socioeconomic context or to experiences of collective action? The analysis shows a clear self-identification of Italian millennials, in the context of labor struggles, as “the precarious generation”: a generation mostly affected by the socioeconomic conditions of the past few years, with the explosion of labor precarity, of the economic crisis, and more generally, of neoliberal policies. While this shared identity refers to a specific socioeconomic context, there is a difference related to the experience of political mobilization: Activists are rather pessimistic when focusing on the youngest component of their generation, usually described as more individualist, due to their lack of exposure to intense waves of political mobilization. The contribution explores the multidimensional nature of generational identity and its asymmetric nature: If both the socioeconomic context and the experience of political socialization play a role in shaping a political generation, these dynamics do not always go hand in hand, and activists tend to actively work to reconcile the different dimensions of their generational identity into a coherent narrative.

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Maher, Vanessa. "L'orientamento dei figli di migranti nelle scuole medie superiori. Appunti su una ricerca in corso a Verona." SOCIOLOGIA E POLITICHE SOCIALI, no. 1 (April 2009): 79–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sp2009-001006.

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- The article presents an on-going research on the experience and perceptions of a sample of young students with foreign origins, who attend secondary and high schools in Verona, insofar as these perceptions can affect their educational and employment perspectives. The main aim of this qualitative research is to analyse the theme of second generation by giving voice to various relevant actors, including not only immigrant students but also their parents and teachers. Through a comparison of their perspectives and remarks, the preliminary observations presented here suggest the complexity and the different level of socialization between young students of immigrant origins and their Italian schoolmates, as well as immigrant families and teachers. The article proposes several possible approaches to understand the way in which the wider social and political environment influences the outcomes and decisions of the immigrant students. Keywords: Second Generation, Migrants Families, Intercultural Education, Immigration in Italy.

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Pollard, John. "Reviews: Tracy Koon, Believe, Obey, Fight: Political Socialization of Youth in Fascist Italy, 1922-1943, Chapel Hill and London, University of North Carolina Press, 1985; xxi + 343pp.; £29.95." European History Quarterly 18, no. 1 (January 1988): 108–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569148801800112.

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Placido. "Between Pleasure and Resistance: The Role of Substance Consumption in an Italian Working-Class Subculture." Societies 9, no. 3 (August 14, 2019): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc9030058.

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In this article I discuss how illegal substance consumption can act as a tool of resistance and as an identity signifier for young people through a covert ethnographic case study of a working-class subculture in Genoa, North-Western Italy. I develop my argument through a coupled reading of the work of the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) and more recent post-structural developments in the fields of youth studies and cultural critical criminology. I discuss how these apparently contrasting lines of inquiry, when jointly used, shed light on different aspects of the cultural practices of specific subcultures contributing to reflect on the study of youth cultures and subcultures in today’s society and overcoming some of the ‘dead ends’ of the opposition between the scholarly categories of subculture and post-subculture. In fact, through an analysis of the sites, socialization processes, and hedonistic ethos of the subculture, I show how within a single subculture there could be a coexistence of: resistance practices and subversive styles of expression as the CCCS research program posits; and signs of fragmentary and partial aesthetic engagements devoid of political contents and instead primarily oriented towards the affirmation of the individual, as argued by the adherents of the post-subcultural position.

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Giles, Geoffrey J. "Believe, Obey, Fight: Political Socialization of Youth in Fascist Italy, 1922-1943. Tracy H. Koon"Ganz Deutschland wird zum Führer halten...": Zur politischen Erziehung in den Schulen des Dritten Reiches. Dieter Rossmeissl." Comparative Education Review 31, no. 2 (May 1987): 303–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/446689.

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DI LANDRO, ANDREA. "MEDICAL MALPRACTICE AS A TORT IN THE U.S., AS A CRIME IN ITALY: FACTORS, CAUSES, PATHS AND OUTCOMES." Age of Human Rights Journal, no. 12 (June 13, 2019): 13–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17561/tahrj.n12.2.

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The aim of the paper is, firstly, to try to understand the reasons for the different approaches to medical malpractice in two legal systems taken as models: the U.S., where professional negligence is almost exclusively subject of tort law; Italy, where criminal law instruments are instead widely used. The different extent of criminal responsibility for negligence and omission seems connectable to different political and cultural models: individualistic liberalism, on the one hand, solidarist statism and communitarianism, on the other hand; in juridical terms, to the ideal contrast between the reactive State and the active State; to the different approach to the relationship between subject and body, dominical-individual versus collectivist-social; with a tendential "privatization" of the health-good, in the US model, and a "socialization" of the good-health itself, in the Italian model. Secondly, the paper tries, in a comparative perspective, to evaluate these different approaches, in terms of access to justice, paths and outcomes of the two models. The article attempts to highlight the strengths and the weaknesses of the contingent-fee system in the U.S. tort arena, and of the criminal justice system as "free legal aid" in Italy: a balanced solution should also allow victims hindered by the costs and the length of civil actions the possibility of using these latter form of protection, avoiding that criminal justice is exploited for compensatory purposes. Indeed, tort law more easily can meet compensatory claims, due to the lower probative standard required, the preponderance of evidence, rather than the beyond any reasonable doubt standard, required in criminal law. Also in terms of outcomes, the main problems arising in the two systems need to be tackled: the problem of few persons compensated, allowing a greater number of injured parties to access to justice and obtain fair compensation; the problem of symbolic criminal convictions (observed in the Italian experience), avoiding the automatic use of suspended penalties and monetary penalties as substitute of penalties weighing on professional practice and freedom, since these automatic mechanisms limit the preventive effectiveness of the criminal sanction and run the risk of creating discrimination on a census basis.

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Ricatti, Francesco, Matteo Dutto, and Andrea del Bono. "Sport, social inclusion and the logic of assimilation in Prato (Italy)." International Review for the Sociology of Sport, February 16, 2021, 101269022199262. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690221992627.

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In this article we discuss the extent to which sport might effectively encourage processes of integration and civic participation in Prato, one of the most multicultural cities in Italy. A discourse analysis of recent policies that aim to foster social inclusion of migrants and their children through sport in the city and in the broader region of Tuscany is conducted in the first half of the article; this is followed by the analysis of qualitative interviews and focus groups with city councillors, sport operators and educators. Framed by theories of transculturation, we argue that sport may provide great opportunities for intercultural communication and transcultural socialization – mostly in its informal manifestations and in some of the more progressive and innovative public initiatives carried out in the city. Yet we also suggest that processes of social inclusion through sport promoted at a policy level are often hindered ‘on the ground’ by assimilationist attitudes and practices.

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Mattoni, Alice. "Serpica Naro and the Others. The Media Sociali Experience in Italian Struggles Against Precarity." PORTAL Journal of Multidisciplinary International Studies 5, no. 2 (November 23, 2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/portal.v5i2.706.

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Social movements are also producers of symbolic resources, since they construct new collective identities and provide alternative system of meanings to societies. This was particularly significant with regard to recent struggles against work insecurity in Italy. There, in a discursive context dominated by the so-called ‘flexibility political mantra’, activists raised their voice in order to identify a novel social problem, precarity, and a novel social subject, precarious workers. The paper starts from these premises in order to investigate the so-called media sociali, a particular kind of media practice that had been developed by Italian activists involved in the long protest campaign against precarity, namely the Euro Mayday Parade (EMP). Probably, the media sociali are the most evident attempt to construct a fresh imagery based on precarious workers living and working conditions and to provide an alternative cultural grammar able to speak about precarity. The paper gives back the most important mechanism on which the media sociali rests through the living voices of activists involved in their elaboration: the mechanism of political socialization and social networking as well as the mechanism of diffusion and mutual recognition. Moreover, the paper proposes further reflections about the way in which those activists involved in the EMP perceived the media sociali. In doing so, the paper presents different ways of interpreting political conflict in contemporary Italian social movements and argues that the media sociali are an interesting attempt to overcome both mainstream and independent media in the construction of precarious workers’ imagery and political socialization. Interviews with activists and social movement generated documents are the main data source, investigated according to a qualitative analysis approach.

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"tracy h. koon. Believe, Obey, Fight: Political Socialization of Youth in Fascist Italy, 1922–1943. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. 1985. Pp. xxi, 343. $29.95." American Historical Review, April 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/91.2.427.

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