Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political socialization – Europe

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Political socialization – Europe'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Political socialization – Europe"

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SCHIMMELFENNIG, FRANK. "International Socialization in the New Europe:." European Journal of International Relations 6, no. 1 (March 2000): 109–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066100006001005.

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Just, Aida, and Christopher J. Anderson. "Immigrants, Citizenship and Political Action in Europe." British Journal of Political Science 42, no. 3 (November 8, 2011): 481–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123411000378.

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Little is known about how immigrants participate in politics and whether they transform political engagement in contemporary democracies. This study investigates whether citizenship (as opposed to being foreign-born) affects political and civic engagement beyond the voting booth. It is argued that citizenship should be understood as a resource that enhances participation and helps immigrants overcome socialization experiences that are inauspicious for political engagement. The analysis of the European Social Survey data collected in nineteen European democracies in 2002–03 reveals that citizenship has a positive impact on political participation. Moreover, citizenship is a particularly powerful determinant of un-institutionalized political action among individuals who were socialized in less democratic countries. These findings have important implications for debates over the definition of and access to citizenship in contemporary democracies.
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Hansen, Birthe, and Anders Wivel. "Europe in the American world order: balancing or socialization?" Cambridge Review of International Affairs 21, no. 3 (September 2008): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557570802253369.

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Ringlerova, Zuzana. "Affective attachment to the EU: Questioning the importance of childhood socialization." European Union Politics 21, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 545–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116520950833.

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In a time of rising Euroscepticism across Europe, diffuse support for the European Union (EU) is an especially important concept as it provides a source of stability for the EU. How important is childhood political socialization for the development of diffuse support? The extant literature emphasizes the role of childhood socialization. However, these studies are based on analyses that cannot fully distinguish between the cohort effect and the life-cycle effect. This study overcomes this limitation by looking at a more suitable case (the European Union) and by using a novel technique that effectively distinguishes the cohort effect from the life-cycle effect. The findings show that individuals who experienced early life political socialization in the EU have equal levels of diffuse support as individuals who grew up outside the EU. I thus argue that diffuse support develops through experience in adult life, and childhood political socialization is not essential for its development.
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Rumelili, Bahar. "Turkey: Identity, Foreign Policy, and Socialization in a Post‐Enlargement Europe." Journal of European Integration 33, no. 2 (March 2011): 235–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2011.543528.

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Shishkov, Yuri. "Differences between Integration in Eastern and Western Europe: Economic and Political Causes." Government and Opposition 24, no. 3 (July 1, 1989): 327–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1989.tb00726.x.

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SINCE THE 1950s, THERE HAS BEEN A GROWTH OF REGIONAL integration, not only in Europe, but in other continents too. It is based on a deep foundation: the ‘real socialization’ of production. This means that production is transformed from a process confined within narrow groups to an ever-widening social process, whereby the production or consumption of each individual depends to a growing extent on the production and consumption of all membersof the society, the limits of which are continuously expanding to mankind as a whole.
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Letki, Natalia. "Socialization for Participation? Trust, Membership, and Democratization in East-Central Europe." Political Research Quarterly 57, no. 4 (December 2004): 665–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591290405700414.

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Moeller, Judith, and Claes de Vreese. "The differential role of the media as an agent of political socialization in Europe." European Journal of Communication 28, no. 3 (May 27, 2013): 309–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323113482447.

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Jelen, Ted G., and Clyde Wilcox. "Context and Conscience: The Catholic Church as an Agent of Political Socialization in Western Europe." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 37, no. 1 (March 1998): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1388027.

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Legvold, Robert, and Alexandra I. Gheciu. "NATO in the "New Europe": The Politics of International Socialization after the Cold War." Foreign Affairs 85, no. 2 (2006): 200. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20031951.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political socialization – Europe"

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Van, Hamme Gilles. "Classes sociales et géographie des comportements politiques en Europe occidentale." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210270.

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La question de la cristallisation des classes sociales objectives (en soi) en classes sociales subjectives (pour soi) est au cœur de cette étude. Plus précisément, l’objectif est de mettre en évidence les médiations spatiales d’un tel processus de cristallisation. En effet, les individus qui constituent les classes sociales vivent dans des territoires spécifiques chargés d’héritages, et la prise en contexte de ces contextes permet d’éclairer les comportements politiques des groupes sociaux.

Ces questions seront abordés à différentes échelles dans les contextes de la Belgique et de l'Europe occidentale en utilisant des sources diverses, en particulier les scores électoraux et les enquêtes individuelles.

La prise en compte des contextes locaux ou régionaux et l'élargissement du champ des études électorales aux attitudes politiques ont permis de mettre en évidence l'importance encore décisive des classes sociales dans l'explication des comportements politiques.
Doctorat en Sciences
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Joly, Philippe. "Protest in Postcommunist Democracies." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/23011.

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Viele Studien zeigen, dass die Beteiligung an politischen Protesten in mittel- und osteuropäischen Ländern geringer ausfällt als in Westeuropa. Das Ausmaß und die Ursachen dieser Ost-West-Partizipationslücke werden jedoch immer noch debattiert. Diese Dissertation untersucht die Ursachen dieses europäischen Protestgefälles. Inspiriert von den Theorien politischer Sozialisation wird untersucht, inwiefern ein frühes Erleben von (1) Repression und (2) Mobilisierung während der Transition zur Demokratie das Protestverhalten verschiedener Generationen in Mittel- und Osteuropa geprägt hat. Hierfür werden mehrebenen Alters-Perioden-Kohorten-Modelle mit wiederholten länderübergreifenden Umfragedaten genutzt. Studie 1 zeigt, dass ein frühes Erleben von Repression einen nachhaltigen Effekt auf die Teilnahme an Demonstrationen hat, nicht aber auf Petitionen und Boykotte. Darüber hinaus beeinflusst die Art der erlebten Repression die Richtung des Effekts: Personen, deren Bürgerrechte während ihrer Jugend eingeschränkt wurden, scheinen in ihrem späteren Leben häufiger an Demonstrationen teilzunehmen. Das Gegenteil ist der Fall für Personen, die Verletzungen persönlicher Integrität erlebt haben. Studie 2 zeigt, dass das Erleben der Mobilisierung während der Transition zur Demokratie diese Ost-West-Protestlücke nicht moderiert. Studie 3, eine Analyse des Protestverhaltens von Ostdeutschen, bestätigt, dass die Erfahrung der bottom-up Transition die mit gewaltsamer Repression verbundene Demobilisierung nicht kompensiert. Durch diese neu gewonnen Erkenntnisse zum Verhältnis von Regimewechsel und Zivilgesellschaft, verbindet und bereichert diese Dissertation die Forschungsfelder zu politischem Verhalten, sozialen Bewegungen und Demokratisierung.
Many studies have shown that protest participation is lower in Central and Eastern Europe than in Western Europe. Yet, the extent of and causes underlying the East-West participation gap are still debated in the literature. This thesis sheds new light on the sources of the European protest divide. Inspired by political socialization theories, it examines how early exposure to (1) repression and (2) mobilization during the transition to democracy has shaped the protest behavior of different generations in postcommunist democracies. This projects applies multilevel age-period-cohort models on data from repeated cross-national surveys to measure the effects of these types of exposure. Study 1 reveals that early exposure to repression has a lasting effect on demonstration attendance but not on participation in petitions and boycotts. Furthermore, the direction of this effect depends on the type of repression experienced by citizens: early exposure to civil liberties restrictions increases citizens’ participation in demonstrations while exposure to personal integrity violations depresses their participation. Study 2 demonstrates that exposure to mobilization during the transition to democracy does not moderate the East-West protest gap. Study 3, an analysis of East Germans’ protest behavior, confirms that the experience of a bottom-up transition does not compensate for the demobilization associated with violent repression. By generating new insights into the relation between regime change and civil society, this project bridges and contributes to the fields of political behavior, social movements, and democratization.
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Derkacz, Lucyna. "La socialisation politique de l'élite polonaise au sein des institutions européennes : le cas des députés polonais au Parlement européen [2004-2009]." Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030052.

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Cette thèse analyse la socialisation politique de 92,6% des eurodéputés polonais au Parlement européen pendant leur premier mandat entre 2004 et 2009. Son objectif est de comprendre ce processus en détail dans cette institution par définition, supranationale et pro-européenne - et donc de préciser concrètement quels acteurs politiques (première partie) se conforment à quoi, pourquoi, où, en combien de temps, comment, grâce à qui ou quoi (seconde partie) et jusqu’à quel point (troisième partie). L’étude montre que la socialisation politique pendant les cinq premières années n’est pas un processus très puissant car elle provoque seulement l’ajustement aux spécificités formelles et informelles de la vie quotidienne et, possiblement, l’approfondissement plus ou moins léger des attitudes et du comportement de base (dans un sens pro- ou anti- européen, en fonction de l’orientation). Autrement dit, elle transforme les novices en experts mais pas en natifs. Soit elle n’intervient que partiellement et il serait alors préférable de qualifier ce qui se passe réellement tout simplement d’intégration politique et non de socialisation politique soit elle nécessite plus de cinq ans, en commençant par l’acquisition des spécificités europarlementaires, puisque cette étape-ci prend déjà parfois même tout le mandat
This thesis analyses the political socialization of 92.6% of the Polish Members of the European Parliament during their first mandate from 2004 to 2009. Its aim is to understand in full this process in this institution which is by definition supranational and pro-European and therefore to specify concretely which political actors (first part) comply with what, why, where, how long, how, thanks to whom or what (second part) and to what extent (third part). The study shows that political socialization in the first five years is not a very powerful process as it causes only the adjustment to everyday formal and informal specificities and, possibly, a more or less weak deepening of initial attitudes and behavior (in a pro or anti-European sense, according to the orientation). In other words, the process turns newcomers into experts without making them natives. It either occurs only in part, in which case it would be preferable to characterize what actually happens simply as political integration and not as political socialization, or it takes more than five years, starting with the acquisition of Euro-parliamentary specificities, as this stage sometimes already takes the whole mandate
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Deniz, Ugur Amber. "The (In)visible Hand of the EU : How the EU has affected changes in Turkey's Asylum and Refugee Policy?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-386038.

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Previous literature on the Europeanization of candidate countries has lacked careful empirical investigations into how the process drives domestic policies to change in line with the EU acquis. Selecting on the least-likely case of Turkey and its refugee and asylum policy, I identify that previous work has assumed that Turkey’s policy shifts have been driven by rationalist cost- benefit calculations of its government. The purpose of this study has been to empirically investigate and trace the mechanisms of Europeanization in the selected case, in order to thereby contribute to knowledge on the process of Europeanization in candidate countries in general, and address to the previous research gap. Given this purpose, I have aimed to produce answers to the research question: how has the EU affected Turkey’s asylum and refugee policy after the declaration of candidacy status? I hypothesize that a rationalist model driven by the EU’s conditionality can indeed explain domestic policy changes in Turkey, but also that an alternative mechanism of socialization has been at play. Tracing the process of Europeanization through secondary sources, the results show that what started with behavioral-adaptation of domestic policy change in alignment with the EU’s laws, norms and demands between 1999 and 2010, between 2011 and 2018 the Turkish asylum and refugee policies started to step away from the push power of the external incentives. Nonetheless, significant domestic policy changes continued, suggesting evidence against the rationalist conditionality model of Europeanization in this period. However, I argue that the results are not strong enough to make the claim Turkey’s domestic policy change was driven by a mechanism of socialization, but rather suggest there has been initiation of a switch between the mechanisms.
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Aghaie, Joobani Hossein. "Meta-Geopolitics of Central Asia : A Comparative Study of the Regional Influence of the European Union and the Shanghai Co-operation Organization." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-100397.

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Central Asia has been the focal point of intense geopolitical power struggle throughout history. At the dawn of the 21st century, Central Asia has undergone major changes as the European Union and the China-led Shanghai Co-operation Organization have emerged as two normative powers, both seeking to influence the patterns of security governance in the region. This study aims to delve deep into ‘the black boxes’ of the EU’s and China’s foreign policies toward five CA republics. It starts from the premise that the bulk of research on Eurasian politics tend to concentrate mostly on realist and traditional geopolitical doctrine, which seem to have failed to properly explain the normative and ideational transformations that have taken place in the region as a result of the presence of these two emerging normative agents. By interweaving both realist and constructivist theories of International Relations (IR) into a new all-encompassing analytical framework, termed “meta-geopolitics”, the thesis seeks to trace and examine how geopolitical as well as normative components of the EU and Chinese regional strategies have affected the contemporary power dynamics in the post-Soviet space. I argue that, in contrast to the geopolitical struggle during the 19th and 20th centuries, a clash of normative powers is brewing in the region between China, under the aegis of the SCO, and the EU. The research also concludes that China has relatively been in a better position in comparison to the EU to render its policies as feasible, effective and legitimate to the Central Asian states.
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VAN, DITMARS Mathilde Maria. "Family and politics : the enduring influence of the parental home in the development and transmission of political ideology." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/47965.

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Defence date: 13 September 2017
Examining Board: Prof. Dr. Alexander H. Trechsel, European University Institute (Supervisor) Prof. Dr. Fabrizio Bernardi, European University Institute (Co-supervisor) Dr. Elias Dinas, University of Oxford Prof. Dr. Marc Hooghe, University of Leuven
How does the family influence citizens’ political ideology, and what role do family dynamics and structure play in this process of political socialization? As society and family forms are changing, this study provides new insights in political socialization research by investigating how gender dynamics in the family, parental separation, and intergenerational social mobility affect the transmission and development of citizens’ political ideology in multiparty systems in Europe. The German Socioeconomic Panel and the Swiss Household Panel are the most important data sources. The first empirical chapter provides a descriptive account of the level of transmission of left–right ideology, showing a large and stable influence of the parental on the child’s ideology. Especially the similarity of parental ideology favours this process. Chapter 3 addresses gender effects in political socialization, showing that the political ideology of both parents equally influences the ideology of their children, irrespective of their gender. In Switzerland, moderate left-wing effects of the presence of an older sister are found for females, and in families of a centrist ideology. For males, however, having a female eldest sibling has a right-wing effect. Chapter 4 investigates the ideological consequences of parental divorce, showing with pan-European data that adults whose parents separated during childhood hold a more leftist ideology. Longitudinal analysis using Swiss data shows that this is partially caused by the mother becoming more leftwing after separation from the partner. Finally, Chapter 5 addresses how vertical and horizontal intergenerational social mobility affect the ideological transmission process from parents to children, showing that especially the upwardly mobile are less influenced by the parental ideology. However, it is demonstrated that self-selection into social mobility plays an important role herein. The overall conclusion is that the family is important in shaping voters’ political ideology until in adulthood, not only in terms of intergenerational transmission, but also in terms of direct effects of family experiences and structure.
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Franco, Estanislau Stefan. "O impacto da crise económica nas desigualdades de género e nas atitudes e participação política na Europa do sul: uma análise longitudinal (1985-2014)." Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/17530.

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Os estudos de género e política têm explorado pouco os países do sul da Europa. Por conseguinte, persistem algumas lacunas tanto ao nível comparativo como ao nível diacrónico. Por outro lado, os estudos emergentes da crise económica (2008-2012) nas novas democracias europeias, sobre ativismo político e atitudes políticas, não levaram em consideração o possível impacto desta nas desigualdades de género. Consequentemente, a presente investigação tem três objetivos principais: num primeiro momento, pretende-se fazer uma análise longitudinal (1985 até 2014) para perceber a diferença entre os níveis de participação e envolvimento político de mulheres e homens, comparando os países da Europa do sul entre si. Num segundo momento, procurar-se-á analisar o impacto da crise económica nas desigualdades de género nos países mais afetados (países da Europa do sul) em comparação com os países menos afetados, tais como, os países nórdicos, os países da Europa central e ocidental e os países da Europa do leste. Por último, realizar-se-á um estudo exploratório sobre a socialização política dos estudantes universitários portugueses procurando averiguar se as experiências de vida na infância terão transitado para a vida adulta. A intenção é fazer um estudo exploratório sobre a influência dos agentes de socialização (familiares, escola, comunidade e igreja) na relação dos jovens com a política.
Studies on gender and politics rarely explore such matters in Southern Europe. As a result, shortcomings remain visible both at a comparative level and diachronically. Furthermore, the research emerging from the economic crisis (2008-2012) in the new European democracies, on political activism and attitudes, have not considered its possible impact on gender inequality. Consequently, the present research has three principles objectives. Firstly, a longitudinal analysis (1985 to 2014) seeks to understand the difference between levels of participation and political engagement of women and men by comparing Southern European countries with each other. Secondly, an analysis will be made of the impact of the economic crisis on gender inequalities in the most affected countries (Southern European countries) compared to those least affected, the Nordic and the Central, Western and Eastern European countries. Finally, an exploratory study will be conducted on the political socialization of Portuguese university students, seeking to ascertain if life experiences in childhood will have passed into adult life. The aim is to explore the influence of socialization agents (i.e. family, school, community and church) on the relations of young people with politics.
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Kříž, Václav. "Postoje českých mládežnických politických organizací k Evropské unii." Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-387234.

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The presented diploma thesis focuses on the attitudes of selected youth political organizations in the Czech Republic towards the European Union and the process of European integration. It takes in account the fact that youth political organizations can be identified as agents of political socialization as well as it is possible to study them within the broader term of political participation (to study their influence on attitudes and opinions of their members). The analysis concerns selected eight Czech youth political organizations, Mladí sociální demokraté (the Young Social Democrats), Mladí konzervativci (the Young Conservatives), TOP tým, Mladé ANO, Mladí zelení (the Young Greens), Mladí lidovci, Mladí křesťanští demokraté (the Young Christian Democrats) and mSTAN. The theoretical basis for the analysis is Euroscepticism, specifically the typology of C. Flood and S. Usherwood is used. This typology, with six possible positions, is linked to six scenarios of possible development, based on the five scenarios presented by the European Commission in 2017 as part of the White Paper on the future of Europe and its further direction. Compatibility of both scales is tested. The necessary data collected via questionnaire survey. The thesis concludes that youth political organizations are relevant...
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Kučerová, Aneta. "Europeizace vybraných nevládních organizací zabývajících se integrační politikou." Master's thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-415705.

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This diploma thesis examines the Europeanization of selected Czech non-governmental organizations that are dealing with integration policy. The issue of non-state actors and their Europeanisation requires special attention in view of the fact that it is linked to the participation of civil society in the European area, which offers non-governmental organizations new opportunities and resources that can further shape them. The thesis examines Europeanization in three types of cooperation - in financial resources, the involvement of organizations in European networks and in expert resources. The core of this research was the question of the extent to which we can talk about the Europeanization of financial resources and/or the internationalization of expertise among the surveyed actors. At both of these levels, the European Union has proved to be an important source of funding as well as a political arena where new ties can be established between like-minded actors. However, contrary to the financial cooperation, cooperation in sharing expertise was not found in all organizations that were examined. The internationalization of expertise, and thus the sharing of information and know-how between Czech and European organizations, is more widespread among those entities that deal with European affairs...
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Books on the topic "Political socialization – Europe"

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Christine, Roland-Lévy, Ross Alistair 1956-, and Children's Identity & Citizenship in Europe (Organization), eds. Political learning and citizenship in Europe. Stoke-on-Trent, UK: Trentham, 2003.

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Bruter, Michael. The future of our democracies: Young party members in Europe. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

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Bruter, Michael. The future of our democracies: Young party members in Europe. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

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György, Csepeli, Kéri László, Stumpf István, and MTA Politikai Tudományok Intézete. Hungarian Center for Political Education., eds. State and citizen: Studies on political socialization in Post-Communist Eastern Europe. Budapest: Institute of Political Science, Hungarian Center for Political Education, 1993.

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Sarah, Harrison, ed. The future of our democracies: Young party members in Europe. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

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1949-, Dekker Henk, Meyenberg Rüdiger, and Rijksuniversiteit te Groningen, eds. Politics and the European younger generation: Political socialization in Eastern, Central and Western Europe. Oldenburg: Bibliotheks- und Informationssystem der Universität Oldenburg, 1991.

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Holmes, Douglas R. Integral Europe: Fast-capitalism, multiculturalism, neofascism. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 2000.

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Trépant, Inès. Pour une Europe citoyenne et solidaire: L'Europe des traités dans la vie quotidienne. Bruxelles: De Boeck, 2002.

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Trépant, Inès. Pour une Europe citoyenne et solidaire: L'Europe des traités dans la vie quotidienne. Bruxelles: De Boeck Université-Bruxelles, 2002.

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Willner, Roland. Neu im Parlament: Parlamentarische Einstiegspraktiken am Beispiel der Hamburgischen Bürgerschaft. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2014.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political socialization – Europe"

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Schwarzer, Steve, and Dylan Connor. "Political Engagement Among the Youth: Effects of Political Socialization Across Europe." In Democracy in Transition, 253–72. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-30068-4_13.

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Waiter, Patrick, and Ivana Marková. "Trust as a Psychosocial Feeling: Socialization and Totalitarianism." In Trust and Democratic Transition in Post-Communist Europe. British Academy, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263136.003.0002.

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Georg Simmel, who is well known for his study of the emerging social conditions of sociality and its forms, developed the analysis of psychosocial feelings and emotional categories in order to grasp the phenomenology of socialization. His ideas on trust, more than those of any other scholar, are pertinent to the study and understanding of trust/fear in totalitarian and post-Communist societies. More specifically, Simmel's concept of trust is based on the self/other dialogical interdependence and psychosocial feelings; multifaceted meanings of trust/distrust in their cultural, historical, and political historical conditions; secrets as reciprocal relations and secret societies; and inductive knowledge gained through different forms of socialization. Totalitarian and semi-totalitarian political regimes thrive on distrust and promote a socialization that displays itself in psychosocial feelings of fear and suspicion. This chapter discusses social relations rather than economic relations, trust and language, socialization of distrust, socialization and totalitarianism, and secrecy in the Soviet bloc.
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Dekker, Henk. "Political Competence of the Younger Generation in Western Europe: Creating a Context for Future National and European Political Socialization Research." In Nationalism, Ethnicity, and Identity, 427–40. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315125091-19.

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Marková, Ivana. "Introduction: Trust/Risk and Trust/Fear." In Trust and Democratic Transition in Post-Communist Europe. British Academy, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263136.003.0001.

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It is not so long ago that Niklas Luhmann (1988) wrote that the study of trust has never been a topic in mainstream sociology, and others have echoed this claim with reference to other social sciences. Curiously, deep insights of Georg Simmel (1858–1918) on trust have been largely ignored or have been remembered only in minor references. Since the 1980s and 1990s, the subject of trust has become, quite suddenly, a theme of the day. Social and political scientists have embarked on this topic, posing theoretical and empirical questions. This book is concerned with trust/distrust in post-Communist Europe after the collapse of the Soviet bloc in 1989. It raises questions about trust and democracy, and how history, culture, and social psychology shape the nature and development of political phenomena. In this introduction, trust and different forms of rationality are discussed, along with trust/risk and trust/fear, mutual distrust and public security, socialization into fear, arbitrariness of decisions in a totalitarian regime, trust and legitimacy, and abuse of common sense.
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Jensen, Carsten Strøby. "4. Neo-functionalism." In European Union Politics. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198708933.003.0004.

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This chapter examines the main assumptions of neo-functionalism, especially with regards to European integration. The fundamental argument of neo-functionalists is that states are not the only important actors on the international scene. They claim that supranational institutions and non-state actors, such as interest groups and political parties, are the real driving force behind integration efforts. The chapter first provides an overview of the main features of neo-functionalist theory and its historical development since the 1950s before discussing three hypotheses advanced by neo-functionalists: the spillover hypothesis, the elite socialization hypothesis, and the supranational interest group hypothesis. After explaining the concepts of supranationalism and spillover, the chapter considers the main critiques of neo-functionalist theory. It concludes by describing the revival of interest in neo-functionalism and giving some examples that illustrate how today's neo-functionalists differ from those of the 1950s.
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Jensen, Carsten Strøby. "4. Neo-functionalism." In European Union Politics, 55–68. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198806530.003.0004.

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This chapter reviews a theoretical position, neo-functionalism, which was developed in the mid-1950s by scholars based in the United States. The fundamental argument of the theory is that states are not the only important actors on the international scene. As a consequence, neo-functionalists focus their attention on the role of supranational institutions and non-state actors, such as interest groups and political parties, who, they argue, are the real driving force behind integration efforts. The chapter that follows provides an introduction to the main features of neo-functionalist theory, its historical development since the 1950s and how neo-functionalism is used today. It focuses, more specifically, on three hypotheses advanced by neo-functionalists: the spillover hypothesis; the elite socialization hypothesis; and the supranational interest group hypothesis. The chapter also considers the main critiques of the theory and discusses the ups and downs in the intellectual use of neo-functionalism over the last 50 years. The final section scrutinizes the revival of interest in neo-functionalism and provides some examples of how today’s neo-functionalists differ from those of the 1950s. While neo-functionalism used to be conceptualized as a ‘grand theory’, it is now looked upon and used as a middle-range theory that explains only part of the European integration process.
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Sklair, Leslie. "Two Types of Iconic Architecture." In The Icon Project. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190464189.003.0007.

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The debate around iconic architecture has been undermined by the general failure to recognize that there are and probably always have been two forms of iconicity in terms of fame and symbolic/ aesthetic significance. These are (1) unique icons (buildings recognized as works of art in their own right) and (2) typical icons (buildings successfully copying elements of unique icons). My argument in this book is that the transnational capitalist class mobilizes these two distinct but related forms to promote an ideological message, identified here as the culture-ideology of consumerism. This is what I mean by the Icon Project. The rise of iconic architecture can be explained in parallel with the decline of monumental architecture. Since the end of the Second World War and the defeat of the fascist dictatorships in Europe and Japan, debate around monumentality as a public expression of architectural representation has moved on to new ground. Although it has by no means disappeared (conflating monumental with iconic is common), bombastic monumentality has become increasingly discredited as an architectural strategy for those in power. The breakup of the Soviet empire in the 1990s and the creation of new regimes in post-Soviet Eastern Europe and central Asia added some further, often contradictory, elements to the debate (Molnar 2013). Gradually, architectural iconicity began to replace monumentality as the central motif in these discussions. This chapter sets out to show how architectural iconicity has been socially produced by the corporate fraction of the transnational capitalist class in architecture and has begun to replace monumentality as a marker of the global hegemony of the dominant class. Iconicity in architecture (or indeed in any other field of endeavour) does not simply happen; it is the end result of deliberate practices created by specific people working in specific institutions. Architects often recall the local architectural icons of their childhood. Formal or informal socialization into the field of architecture appears to involve the recognition of architectural icons at all levels, brought to attention not only by teachers and mentors but also by the professional media of architecture and the general coverage of economic, political, and cultural news involving architecture and urban design in the mass media.
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Trappmann, Vera. "External Transformation Anchors." In The Handbook of Political, Social, and Economic Transformation, 497–501. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198829911.003.0049.

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This chapter analyses the role of the European Union as an external transformation anchor for political and economic transformations. Drawing on Europeanization and international socialization literature, it argues that only conditionality makes it effective (promising or threatening to withdraw membership in the EU); although this does not imply that the wished-for outcome does occur, often compliance is only formal, and social institutions and informal arrangements remain untouched. The chapter analyses the different stages the EU developed in its accession policy, distinguishing the increasing levels of influence and the instruments of its leverage.
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Gries, Peter. "Nationalism, Social Influences, and Chinese Foreign Policy." In China and the World, 63–84. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190062316.003.0004.

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This chapter assesses the domestic sources of contemporary China’s foreign policy. In particular, it examines the importance of national identities, China’s worldviews, the socialization of Chinese, and particularly the role of nationalism. The chapter begins by arguing that social influences matter: the CCP has inextricably linked itself, society, and foreign policy by staking its domestic right to rule upon its foreign policy performance. The chapter then turns to the thorny empirical question of what we know about Chinese feelings and attitudes toward different parts of the world, from China’s Asian neighbors, to the admired and resented Euro-American First World, to Russia, and the dark and backwards Third World of Africa and Latin America. It then turns to the causes/drivers of these worldviews, arguing that both demographics (e.g., age and location) and individual predispositions (e.g., nationalism and cosmopolitanism) matter, but that political and peer socialization has a powerful constraining effect on the international attitudes of the Chinese people.
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Conference papers on the topic "Political socialization – Europe"

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Fügedy, Anikó Erzsébet, and Gavril Flora. "Social Factors Influencing the Acquisition of the Romanian Language by Students Belonging to a Local Community Hungarian Minority." In World Lumen Congress 2021, May 26-30, 2021, Iasi, Romania. LUMEN Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/wlc2021/22.

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Research on language acquisition is a central theme in sociolinguistic research. Contemporary social, economic and political processes affect the life of communities and the languages what they speak. Globalization, migration and the enlargement of the European Union can significantly change the role and the future of majority and minority languages. In this research, we aim to reveal the family level language choice strategies of the Hungarian community in the small town of Margitha (Bihor County, Romania), discussing the role of family related social framework that positively or negatively influences the motivation of minority students to acquire knowledge of the Romanian language. For this purpose, we used both quantitative and qualitative methodological approaches. The results of research confirm that in multi-ethnic communities perhaps the most important, however at the same time the most vulnerable component of ethnic identity is the linguistic identity, which plays a key role in shaping the cultural landmarks and contents that determine the social integration of the individual. The positive family effects of socialization with the Hungarian language can be observed mostly in the ethnically homogeneous family. However, if one of the spouses is ethnic Romanian, the dominant language of communication within the family is more likely to be the Romanian language.
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