Relevant bibliographies by topics / POLITICAL SCIENCE / Women in Politics

Academic literature on the topic 'POLITICAL SCIENCE / Women in Politics'

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Published: 27 July 2024
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "POLITICAL SCIENCE / Women in Politics"

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Raimond, Verlita Evelyn, and Poppy Ruliana. "Social Interaction and Political Communication of Female Politician." Jurnal Komunikasi Ikatan Sarjana Komunikasi Indonesia 7, no. 1 (June 5, 2022): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25008/jkiski.v7i1.662.

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The public’s views about the position of women that have not contributed a lot to and have not been much engaged in politics, among others, pose a challenge to women to interact in the social environment as well as to communicate their ideas in politics. While men make up a majority of politicians in Indonesia, only a few women are politicians. The social interaction and political communication of female politicians become a topic that is worth studying. This research focuses on a female politician, Indah Kurnia, who sits in the House Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia (DPR RI). The conceptual and theoretical method used in this study is a theory in the communication science, particularly social interaction and political communication. This research uses qualitative method, particularly in conducting interviews with one primary informant and two additional informants. The result and discussion of this research show that the woman raised in this research is an individual that has a variety of social interactions in the diverse social environment. In addition, she also has typical characteristics of strategy for political communication media covering personal campaign, moderate, comprehensive and more-than--expected appearance, exemplary leadership and concrete work, and music.
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Han, Lori Cox, and Caroline Heldman. "Teaching Women/Gender and Politics: Current Trends and Challenges." PS: Political Science & Politics 52, no. 03 (March 26, 2019): 531–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096519000155.

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ABSTRACTThe study of women and US politics, as well as the role that gender plays in the broader political context, represents a significant contribution to the discipline of political science. Undergraduate courses on women/gender and politics continue to evolve as more innovative pedagogical approaches emerge. We considered the current trends and challenges related to teaching an undergraduate women/gender and politics course within political science. Through a survey of instructors, we assessed contemporary pedagogical approaches that reflect common learning outcomes, instructional resources that are available to undergraduate instructors, and challenges that instructors face in both offering and teaching this course. We found that institutions generally consider women/gender and politics courses to be tertiary parts of the curriculum and that a majority of faculty who teach these courses face pushback from students in ways that dismiss the importance of studying gender as a variable in political science.
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Barnett, Carolyn, Michael FitzGerald, Katie Krumbholz, and Manika Lamba. "Gender Research in Political Science Journals: A Dataset." PS: Political Science & Politics 55, no. 3 (June 13, 2022): 511–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096522000385.

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ABSTRACTResearch on gender and politics is becoming increasingly mainstreamed within political science. To document this process, we introduce a comprehensive dataset of articles published in 37 political science journals through 2019 that can be considered “gender and politics” research. Whereas recent related literature has explored the descriptive representation of women in political science by examining authorship and citation patterns, we argue that the identification of publications substantively focused on gender and politics not only illuminates trends but also can contribute to broader conversations about substantive representation and methodological diversity in the discipline. This article highlights the theoretical challenges of identifying gender and politics research and analyzes major trends in the substantive representation of gender in the journals over time. This dataset is useful for scholars who are interested in the evolution of salient topics in gender and politics research and patterns of citation.
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Misra, Manashi. "Revolutionaries as Political Women." Journal of Extreme Anthropology 6, no. 2 (December 12, 2022): 21–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/jea.9652.

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The purpose of studying women’s participation in radical movements, as the classical study We Were Making History notes, is ‘an attempt to broaden the history of that struggle by recovering the subjective experience of women, to capture women’s voices from the past and to present issues as they were perceived by women’ (Stree Shakti Sanghathana, 1989, 2). Taking this framework as the point of departure, this article seeks to explore the history of women’s participation in the secessionist politics of the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA). Deviating from the existing scholarships on the subject that rightly focus on the lack of adequate women’s representation at the leadership level, this article argues that representation at formal political negotiations is not the only form of political activity that women aspire to. Instead, in their own way, many of these revolutionaries have in fact turned into ‘political women’. Fictional writings in the Assamese language are more forthcoming than academic scholarship in recognizing this alternative, informal politics in which women engage. At the same time, it is important to note that these ‘political women’ need not be free from conventional gendered prejudices.
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Shabbir, Mohammad. "Women in Feminism and Politics." American Journal of Islam and Society 15, no. 2 (July 1, 1998): 118–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v15i2.2183.

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The debate about Islamization of the human sciences, of physical sciences, oflinguistics and aesthetics has become global. If Islamization is vital and a necessityfor the rejuvenation of the new Islamic civilization, women and familiescannot escape from Islamization. Zeenath Kausar has argued the same in herbook. Her arguments for the necessity of IslamizaLion of women's and family'sproblems are pioneering ideas on the subject.The book comprises four chapters and each chapter follows the generalframework of the methodology of Islamization of Knowledge: presentation ofthe Western theories followed by their critical analysis and Islamic alternatives.The firsl chapter titled "Women in Western Political Theory: An IslamicAnalysis," surveys Western political thinkers from classical to postmodern(Plato to Foucault), on their views on women. Discussing the arguments of thesethinkers, especially from Plato to Hegel on the ineligibility of women for politicalparticipation, she contends that Western political thought is essentiallymisogynistic. Plato argues that women, children, and slaves mainly belong tothe appetitive class when compared to the classes of "philosophers" and "soldiers,"where men predominate. Aristotle denies women citizenship; he contendsthat women are nol capable of political participation. St. Augustine and St.Thomas Aquinas, relying on biblical sources dealing with the creation and the ...
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Jones, Stephanie, Nickie Charles, and Charlotte Aull Davies. "Transforming Masculinist Political Cultures? Doing Politics in New Political Institutions." Sociological Research Online 14, no. 2 (March 2009): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.1863.

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In the devolved legislative assemblies of Scotland and Wales the proportion of women representatives is approaching parity. This is in marked contrast to Westminster where one in five MPs are women. In this paper we explore the extent to which the masculinist political cultures characterising established political institutions are being reproduced in the National Assembly for Wales or whether its different gendering, both in the numbers of women representatives and in terms of its institutional framework, is associated with a more feminised political and organisational culture. Drawing on interviews with half the Assembly Members, women and men, we show that the political style of the Assembly differs from that of Westminster and that Assembly Members perceive it as being more consensual and as embodying a less aggressive and macho way of doing politics. AMs relate this difference to the gender parity amongst Assembly Members, to the institutional arrangements which have an ‘absolute duty’ to promote equality embedded in them, and to the desire to develop a different way of doing politics. We suggest that the ability to do politics in a more feminised and consensual way relates not only to the presence of a significant proportion of women representatives, but also to the nature of the institution and the way in which differently gendered processes and practices are embedded within it. Differently gendered political institutions can develop a more feminised political culture which provides an alternative to the masculinist political culture characterising the political domain.
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Ballen, Cissy J., Dahsol Lee, Lise Rakner, and Sehoya Cotner. "Politics a “Chilly” Environment for Undergraduate Women in Norway." PS: Political Science & Politics 51, no. 03 (March 20, 2018): 653–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096518000045.

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ABSTRACTGender differences in academic performance and attitudes are widespread in male-stereotyped disciplines but rarely are studied in the social sciences. To assess the extent that gender influences the behavior of undergraduate women in political science, participation was analyzed in a large (N = 130) introductory comparative-politics class at the University of Bergen—a large public university in Norway. In the 2016 fall semester, observers documented classroom behaviors of men and women using a protocol that characterizes types of in-class participation. Findings showed that women participate less than expected given their observed numbers in the classroom. After the semester ended, we provided an opportunity for students to describe why they chose to participate and whether they felt that barriers existed in the classroom that prevented them from expressing their opinions. This article characterizes those responses and presents the first study to draw conclusions about the gendered educational experience in political science by integrating these qualitative and quantitative results.
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Dr. Kosim. "LAW POLITICS IN SHARIA PERSPECTIVE." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 7, no. 4 (September 7, 2019): 297–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7438.

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Purpose: Law politics is an attempt to create regulations in line with the circumstances and the situation at a time, becoming law politics is a step for the government to establish a legal system to achieve state goal. The scope of political law can’t be separated from other policies. The preparation of law politics must always be sought along with aspects of policies in the field of economy, politic, social, culture, technology and so on and political law as the direction of law development policy of a country and political law is defined as a relationship of mutual influence between law and politic. Political law in shariah perspective can be understood from the text of holy Al-Qur’an, An-Nisa (women) verse 58-59 namely trustworthy and ulil amri (government) namely ulil amri is responsible for the politics of law on its territory. In the development of siyasah Syar'iyah included in the law political science taqnin al Ahkam namely knowledge about the ways Islamic sharia into law. In understanding the scholars that Islamic Sharia law in the political is permitted to benefit the people but still may not be contrary to the Islamic sharia. Methodology: The method used in this study qualitatively with data sources consisting of secondary data, namely the results of literature studies and search for documents and articles in the media. Main Findings: Law Politics is an attempt to create regulations appropriate to the circumstances and the situation at a time, making the law a step politically for the government to establish a legal system in order to achieve state goals. Implications/Applications: The scope of Law politics is that law politics cannot be separated from other policies in the field. Preparation of law politics must always be sought along with aspects of policies in the field of economy, politics, social, culture, technology, and so on and law Politics as the direction of a country's legal development policy and the law Politics is defined as the relationship of mutual influence between law and politics.
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Barker, Kim. "The Scottish Melting Pot – Social Media, Politics, Scotland and Online Violence Against Women." Scottish Affairs 33, no. 1 (February 2024): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2024.0493.

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In an increasingly digital Scotland, it is easy to think that generation equal has been achieved. Women make up almost 50% of MSPs at Holyrood, and Scotland has recently had the first woman First Minister. But, increasingly women in public and political life are being put off, turning away, and seeking to leave elected office because of the toll of social media abuse amounting to online violence against women. This paper will explore the concept of online violence against women (OVAW) in the context of women in politics and public life, and against the backdrop of Scottish society. It discusses the challenges, and obstacles of OVAW in Scottish political contexts, not least because of the impact that has been imposed on politically active and prominent women in Scotland. Finally, this paper explores whether the melting pot of misogyny, tempered by a new women-led political class, and facilitated by digital technologies is too much of an ask for women who are already shouldering the expectations and hopes of Scottish society.
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Blee, Kathleen M. "Mobility and Political Orientation." Sociological Perspectives 28, no. 3 (July 1985): 385–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389153.

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Public attention recently has been drawn to the existence of a “gender gap” in public opinion and electoral politics in the United States. Yet the reasons for this sex difference in politics are unclear. Do men and women have differences of political orientation that are independent of social class differences or do sex differences in politics reflect different class experiences for men and women? This research uses national survey data to compare the political effects of social mobility for three groups of respondents: Males, women employed for wages outside the home, and housewives. I predict that women who are mobile by virtue of their own occupational status will have political orientations close to those of their class-of-destination, while women who are mobile by virtue of a spouse's occupation will retain political orientations similar to those of their class-of-origin. Further, I predict that the difference between the relationship of social mobility and political orientation for employed men and women will decline as women's overall labor force participation increases. In a log-linear analysis of presidential candidate selection from 1948 to 1980, I find that marital and occupational mobility do have different effects on women's political orientation, but the direction of political change across mobility statuses was not consistent. There is no convergence over time in the pattern whereby mobility status is related to political choice for men and women.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "POLITICAL SCIENCE / Women in Politics"

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Höen, Bustos Emma. "When women opt out of politics : Exploring gendered barriers to political candidacy." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-312933.

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This study aims to explore women’s perceived barriers to enter politics investigated through a Colombian case study. The Colombian case highlights a paradox common in Latin America where representation levels of women in legislatures are low, but representation in other professions is high. Research on gender and candidate selection has so far mainly focused on applying a macro, top-down perspective and describing objectively defined barriers to women’s political representation. This study changes the perspective and focuses on applying a bottom-up approach, focusing on individual women and their subjective views on barriers to enter politics. The material was collected during an 8-week field study in various locations in Colombia between July and August 2016. The findings suggest that the intersection between socioeconomic factors and gender play a large role in defining barriers to enter politics. Personal as well as systemic factors interoperate to lower both the “supply” and “demand” of candidates. The results also suggest that some professional groups are more likely to reject institutional participation, focusing political efforts on activism, and that families and political parties both serve as “gatekeepers” enabling or disabling political representation.   Key words: Gendered barriers to enter politics, political participation and representation, candidate selection, Colombia, clientelism, formal and informal institutions.
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Xydias, Christina V. "Women Representing Women?: Pathways to Substantive Representation." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1269445382.

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Chang, Yan Margaret. "A study of political literacy of women group members in community development service in Hong Kong." [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1993. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B13857885.

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Prasad, Bela. "Women in politics : a cross-national demand and supply analysis." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/8174.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2002.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 142-149). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 142-149).
It is striking that the sharp increase in the number of countries moving towards self-governance and democracy has not been accompanied by more equal political representation of women. What is equally puzzling is the contrast in the share of women in positions of political authority observed between countries, with many developed nations having fewer women legislators than a number of lesser-developed countries. Why are there so few women in most parliaments and why is there such variation across countries? To understand gender-based inequality in political authority, we look at the various stages of candidacy and identify potential bottlenecks to women participation and election into public office. There are three stages which one must pass through successfully to become a legislator. The first is becoming eligible and a part of the pool from which politicians are drawn, then being selected as a candidate and finally being elected to office. Potential barriers to entry for women in the legislative process may exist at any or all of these three stages. Each of these candidacy stages is discussed through a cross-national analysis and a case study of India. The cross-national data is for 175 countries at three points in time: 1975, 1985 and 1995. The Indian case study looks at women in parliament from the first general elections in 1951-1952 and focuses most on the 1996 parliamentary data. We argue that the key factor limiting the recruitment of women into politics is women's sparse representation in the pool from which politicians are recruited. Just as in thecase of men, women are drawn from an elite pool based on their occupational achievements.
(cont.) Countries that have a greater share of women in their professional and managerial labor force are able to recruit more women into politics. Having women well represented in the eligibility pool for political candidates, broadly the elite professions is necessary to provide a conduit for women into politics. While female labor force participation has increased dramatically in the last three decades, the relative position of women in highly paid/high status professions has increased only marginally. So it is not a case of active discrimination against women in politics or a case of different gender preferences, with women having less interest in politics. It is fundamentally a case of women being less represented in the specific labor pool from which politicians are drawn. In a number of developing countries, secluded labor markets have provided access for women from elite families into top industry and professional leadership positions. This has led to a relatively larger proportion of women in the political eligibility pool and consequently to a higher level of female recruitment in politics than in countries in which women comprise a smaller part of the elite professional pool. However, in many countries, the process of industrialization has generated economic and social pressures that have imposed greater restrictions on women in the economic, and consequently, political sphere. This suggests that economic development, while it opens some opportunities for women, can also make achievement of higher leadership positions more difficult.
by Bela Prasad.
Ph.D.
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Ginebreda-Frendel, Elena. "Was Roe v. Wade Enough?: The Effects of Post-Roe Policies on Low-Income Women." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/243.

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Hanada, Nanaho. "A Bridge between Civil Society and Electoral Politics? Political Integration of Women in the Japanese Non-profit Organizations." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1248870159.

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Umerah-Udezulu, Ifeyinwa E. "The state as capitalist patriarchy: Women and politics in developing countries." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1995. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1352.

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This inquiry considers how class and gender concerns affect the emergence of women in developing countries as political leaders and how they fare in power. In the contemporary era, the Marxist and the Classical approaches have been used in explicating the state. While Marxism focuses on class conflict, its classical variant perceives the state as a neutral arbiter acting in protection of its national interest. The theoretical inadequacies in the above assumptions stem from the fact that gender is not central to the state-centered models. Women as a group compose a vital segment of the global population and should not be merely described as interests and classes. My attempt is to establish a woman-centered framework in evaluating the state, while focusing on women in the contemporary era who have governed their countries. This research centers on the Philippines, India, Pakistan and Nicaragua and involves an in-depth assessment of gender/class issues. The research postulates that the mutual alliance between gender and class had a direct bearing on the emergence and decline of women as policy makers in developing countries. The research question is: How did patriarchy reinforce capitalism so as to pave the way for women to rise and fall from power? From the standpoint of methodology, the image of gender-biased state is the feminist starting point for developing hypotheses and theories about the differentiated inclusion of women and men into the state system. The case study approach was used in testing this hypothesis. The preliminary findings are that women's class affiliations affect their political advancement. While they are in office, the class and gender factors impact their performance leading to their subsequent downfall. Women, therefore, are not positioned equally with men in the state system. The state is patriarchal no matter who governs.
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Moorman, Kathleen A. ""Draw-the-President": An Analysis of Children's Images of the Presidency and How They Affect Women in Politics." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1525356952716329.

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Eggert, Elizabeth. "Gender and Politics: Why More Women Do Not Seek Candidacy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/985.

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This thesis seeks to explore why so fewer women seek political candidacy in the United States. I begin by seeing if the political arena has progressed, if at all, within the last thirty years. A comparison between the number of female legislators in the United States versus other western industrialized nations is used to see if there are cultural or institutional causes of gender disparity in governments throughout the world. I then examine existing factors that both encourage and discourage women from running for political office. External factors include the type of electoral process the United States uses, Political Action Committees (PACs) marketed to support female candidates, media coverage, and incumbency blockades. A discussion on internally existing factors analyzes ever existing stereotypes of men, women and leaders that result both from socialization of gender roles and inherent anatomical discrepancies between males and females. After analyzing the various factors I conclude that immutable biological differences between men and women affect political ambition and will consequently affect how many women seek political candidacy. This finding may not sit well with activists striving for political parity, but it is a reality society needs to accept. We cannot use anatomical gender differences as justification to prevent women from seeking office. But understanding the inherent causes will stop the criticism and essentially the undermining of women in American politics.
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West, Diana Burghard. "Women State Legislators and Political Culture." W&M ScholarWorks, 1997. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626126.

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Books on the topic "POLITICAL SCIENCE / Women in Politics"

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Buchan, Morag. Women in Plato's political theory. Basingstoke: Macmillan Press, 1999.

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Buchan, Morag. Women in Plato's political theory. New York: Routledge, 1999.

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Buchan, Morag. Women in Plato's political theory. Basingstoke: MacMillian, 1999.

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Lee, Miller Robert. Women and political participation in Northern Ireland. Aldershot: Avebury, 1996.

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Société québécoise de science politique. Colloque. Les avenues de la science politique: Théories, paradigmes et scientificité : 17 et 18 mai 1989 : actes du Colloque de la Société québécoise de science politique. Montréal: Association canadienne-française pour l'avancement des sciences, 1990.

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Tripp, Aili Mari. Women & politics in Uganda. Oxford: James Currey, 2000.

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Conway, M. Margaret. Women and political participation: Cultural change in the political arena. Washington, D.C: CQ Press, 1997.

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Phillips, Anne. The politics of presence. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995.

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Amy, Mazur, ed. Politics, gender and concepts. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008.

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Elshtain, Jean Bethke. Public Man, Private Woman: Women in Social and Political Thought. 2nd ed. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1993.

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Book chapters on the topic "POLITICAL SCIENCE / Women in Politics"

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Bourque, Susan, and Jean Grossholtz. "Politics an unnatural practice: political science looks at female participation*." In Women and the Public Sphere, 103–21. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003371502-13.

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Sriwahyuni, Sriwahyuni, and Sukmawati Sukmawati. "The Role of Women in Political Development." In Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, 360–70. Paris: Atlantis Press SARL, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/978-2-38476-236-1_37.

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Shaw, Debra Benita. "The Handmaid’s Tale: Margaret Atwood and the Politics of Choice." In Women, Science and Fiction Revisited, 113–34. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-25171-9_6.

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Sorbello, Paolo. "‘Swiping Right’—The Ethics of Using Tinder as a Recruitment Tool in the Field." In SpringerBriefs in Political Science, 27–34. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-39024-1_4.

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AbstractThis article delves into the risks and pitfalls of using dating apps as participant recruitment tools in the field. To source people who worked in Kazakhstan’s oil industry for my Ph.D. research in 2018, I made use of various popular social media apps such as Facebook and LinkedIn as well as the dating app Tinder. In an effort to “normalise” heterodox recruiting methods, in this essay, I seek to openly discuss how Tinder helped me recruit women working in the oil sector who, under less informal circumstances, would not have agreed to talk to me for my research.
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Sawer, Marian. "How the Absence of Women Became a Democratic Deficit: The Role of Feminist Political Science." In Gender Innovation in Political Science, 13–39. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75850-3_2.

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Tremblay, Manon. "Uncovering the Gendered Effects of Voting Systems: A Few Thoughts About Representation of Women and of LGBT People." In Gender Innovation in Political Science, 91–114. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75850-3_5.

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Mbali, Mandisa. "Women, Science and Sexism in AIDS Activism in the 1990s." In South African AIDS Activism and Global Health Politics, 77–103. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137312167_4.

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Wineinger, Catherine N. "A Conversation with Mary Hawkesworth on Intersectionality, Political Science, and Challenging the Discipline." In Women of Color Political Elites in the U.S., 135–42. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003371168-10.

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Alexander-Floyd, Nikol G., and Tiffany Willoughby-Herard. "Introduction Nobody Can Tell It All: Symposium on How Researching Black Women in Politics Changes Political Science: Methodologies, Epistemologies, and Publishing." In Broadening the Contours in the Study of Black Politics, 59–62. New Brunswick, New Jersey : Transaction Publishers, 2015. | Volume 17:1 of National political science review.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315081939-4.

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Tausch, Arno. "Discussion and Conclusions of This Study in the Context of the Empirical Results Obtained." In Political Islam and Religiously Motivated Political Extremism, 77–81. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-24854-2_6.

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AbstractWe have emphasised in this chapter that our findings do not fit into any simple political template of thinking that has existed for many years on the topic of “Islam” and “migration”. Our findings show that surveys authoritatively designed by Arab social science clearly measure “political Islam”, but that the phenomenon is less pronounced in the population that says it wants to emigrate to the West than in the Arab population as a whole. We have also clearly pointed out that the RMPE cannot be separated from the climate of lawlessness that many observers unfortunately now see rampant, especially in Western industrialised countries, and secondly, that the drivers of the key variables of the RMPE are rooted in such patterns of thought and values as the demand for a redistributive state, the apolitical young generation, the rejection of the neoliberal market economy, corruption and lawlessness as well as racism and xenophobia. The best blockades against the RMPE are feminism and secularism. An honest examination of the phenomenon of RMPE will also not be able to ignore the fact that especially in Catholic countries, where the decay of traditional values is progressing particularly fast, not only the acceptance of corruption but also of political violence is on the rise again. This problem also arises in countries with a confessional orientation towards Eastern religions. The rejection of free-market competition (competition is harmful) is also clearly linked to a higher acceptance of political violence, according to the World Values Survey. The results of our study on political Islam in the Arab world certainly also have some very shocking aspects that cannot simply be swept under the carpet. Weighted by population, the Arab Barometer data show that more than 70% of Arabs have a (sympathetic) understanding of the anti-American terror that culminated in 9/11 in Manhattan. More than 44% of Arabs favour Sharia with corporal punishment, more than 37% want the rights of non-Muslims in society to be less than those of Muslims, and more than 34% also want Sharia to restrict the rights of women. We finally highlight that following the late Harvard economist Alberto Alesina (1957–2020), social trust is an essential general production factor of any social order, and the institutions of national security of the democratic West would do well to make good use of this capital of trust that also exists among Muslims living in the West.
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Conference papers on the topic "POLITICAL SCIENCE / Women in Politics"

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Hutapea, Bonar, and Fransisca Iriani Roesmala Dewi. "Politics and Young Chinese-Indonesian Women: Socio-Psychological Determinants of Their Political Participation." In The 2nd Tarumanagara International Conference on the Applications of Social Sciences and Humanities (TICASH 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201209.085.

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Mardhiah, Ainol, Cindenia Puspasari, Anismar, and Mulyadi. "Party Political Communication Strategies in Political Image of Women Politicians." In 2nd International Conference on Social Science, Political Science, and Humanities (ICoSPOLHUM 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.220302.043.

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Petkova, Tatyana V., and Daniel Galily. "When you are named Ruth." In 8th International e-Conference on Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences. Center for Open Access in Science, Belgrade, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.e-conf.08.06085p.

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This study aims to recall the ideas and activities in the field of law, politics, philosophy, the struggle for democracy and respect for human rights of two bright and exceptional personalities who left this world last year: Ruth Gavison (her areas of study include ethnic conflicts, protection of minorities, human rights, political theory, the judiciary, religion and politics, and Israel as a Jewish and democratic state. She was a member of the Israeli Academy of Sciences and Humanities. Nominated as a Judge at the Supreme Court of Israel in 2005.) and Ruth Bader Ginsburg (Judge at the Supreme Court of the United States. She upholds and defends the rights of women and people of color, gender equality.).
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Maela, Nurannafi Farni Syam, Funny Mustika Elita, Edwin Rijal, and Slamet Mulyana. "Political Communication Competence of Women Legislators." In International Conference of Communication Science Research (ICCSR 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iccsr-18.2018.93.

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Bobrova, G. E. "War women, revolutionary vandals, royalist furies ”(On the role women in the revolutions of the New Age)." In Scientific dialogue: Questions of philosophy, sociology, history, political science. ЦНК МОАН, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/spc-01-08-2019-03.

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Mangayarkarasu, Dr R. "Women Leadership in Local Governance in India: A Study of Women Panchayat Leaders in Tamilnadu." In Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations. Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir34.

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Hunting, Gemma. "Substance Using Women: How Federal Drug Policy Misses the Mark." In Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations. Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir32.

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Pulubuhu, Dwia Aries Tina, Ms Seniwati, and Andi Alimuddin. "Accomplishing The Sustainable Development Goals as A Method in Women Confronting Terrorism." In Unhas International Conference on Social and Political Science (UICoSP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/uicosp-17.2017.34.

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Naping, Hamka, Dr Safriadi, and Icha Musywirah. "Change of Function and Role of Coastal Women in Biangkeke Village Regency of Bantaeng." In Unhas International Conference on Social and Political Science (UICoSP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/uicosp-17.2017.24.

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Seniwati, Ms, Dwia Aries Tina Pulubuhu, and Andi Alimuddin. "Empowerment of Women as a Form of Soft Power to Prevent the Terrorism Action." In Unhas International Conference on Social and Political Science (UICoSP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/uicosp-17.2017.37.

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Reports on the topic "POLITICAL SCIENCE / Women in Politics"

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Roza, Vivian, and Mayra Buvinic. Women, Politics and Democratic Prospects in Latin America. Inter-American Development Bank, December 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008900.

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Over the last decade, Latin America has witnessed unprecedented gains of more than 50 percent in the number of women in power. This paper explains these gains and discusses factors that fuel and help forecast the continuing growth in women's political participation. The authors also explore the possible implications of this growth for the future conduct of democracy and the barriers women must overcome so that their share in the political ranks gets closer to their share in the population.
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Hrynick, Tabitha, Godefroid Muzalia, and Myfanwy James. Key Considerations: Risk Communication and Community Engagement for Mpox Vaccination in Eastern DRC. Institute of Development Studies, July 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/sshap.2024.024.

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This brief presents social and political considerations for the design and implementation of vaccination-related risk communication and community engagement (RCCE) strategies for mpox in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). A nationwide outbreak of mpox (clade I) was declared in late 2022 and now affects 23 of its 26 provinces. Notably, the outbreak is characterised by widespread human-to-human transmission unlike previous outbreaks primarily involving animal-human contact. While mpox hotspots are emerging around the country, this brief focuses on eastern DRC where complex political history and ongoing armed conflict – on top of poor infrastructure and rural isolation of many communities – present significant challenges. These challenges demand carefully designed and tailored strategies. Furthermore, a mutated, more virulent mpox strain has also emerged in the eastern province of South Kivu. Although little remains known about transmission dynamics in the outbreak overall, sexual transmission of the new strain is of concern, putting stigmatised populations such as sex workers and others at risk. Overall, however, children are the most affected population, with transmission driven by close physical contact. Along with pregnant women and people with compromised immunity (e.g., people with HIV/AIDS), children are also at higher risk of complications and death. The World Health Organization (WHO) recommends targeted vaccination approaches in the context of mpox outbreaks, including as postexposure prophylaxis for these populations. The DRC Ministry of Public Health has announced intentions to vaccinate both children and adults with the LC16 and MVA-BN mpox vaccines, respectively, under a temporary emergency use authorisation as these vaccines are not yet approved in the country. Efforts are now mobilising to design vaccine and related RCCE interventions. This brief draws on a SSHAP roundtable discussion on mpox in the DRC (May 2024), consultation with social science experts and health and humanitarian actors active in or knowledgeable about the region and outbreak, and academic and grey literature.
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Milani, Carlos R. S., and Mahrukh Doctor. The Politics and Policies of Climate Change in Brazil: mapping out the field. Brazilian Political Science Review, December 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55881/art0001.

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Climate issues have altered power relations and become a political problem in the field of political science and international relations. Since the 1980s, climate debates have problematized and contributed to redefine the boundaries between national and international politics, hierarchies between economic and environmental priorities, and connections between human and natural dimensions, thus intervening in the definition of modes of regulation and conflict resolution nationally and globally. Therefore, climate change has also led to debates on the role of the State, international organizations, economic operators, corporations, and CSOs. Climate change has become a fundamental issue in the contemporary world, in all dimensions of social life, from local to global, affecting the way knowledge is produced and taught in various disciplines, including political science and international relations. This article introduces the Special Issue on ‘The Politics and Policies of Climate Change in Brazil’, addressing the subject from the perspective of political science, political sociology and international relations.
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Lamsal, Kamal Raj. Federalism as a means of political participation of minorities. Fribourg (Switzerland): IFF, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.51363/unifr.diff.2023.38.

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In Nepal, women, indigenous peoples, Dalits, and other marginalized communities have a small representation in politics however they cover the larger portion of the population. To address that, the federal constitution of Nepal (2015) has several provisions for accommodating people from marginalized groups into the mainstream. The main objective of this article is to identify how the idea of constitutional protection in federal Nepal has positive implications. For that, this article employs secondary data from various sources and primary data from the field. Data from the two local-level elections of federal Nepal have been analyzed. Out of 77 districts, Surkhet has been presented as a case. This article also uses a qualitative approach and descriptive style. The key finding of the study is that the federal form of governance accommodates cultural and ethnic minorities in the decision-making processes at the local level.
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Byrne, Maisie-Rose. Playing Politics with Periods: Why the Abolition of the ‘Tampon Tax’ is Spreading Across the World. Institute of Development Studies, May 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2023.025.

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From pet food to sunscreen, proposals to cut value-added tax (VAT) on a range of products and services are ever increasing. One of the best-known and far-reaching campaigns of this type has been the fight to abolish VAT on feminine hygiene products. More popularly known as the ‘tampon tax’, this issue has united campaigners from across to globe, contributing to policymakers in up to 25 countries removing or reducing taxes on menstrual products since Kenya’s landmark decision in 2004. Framed through a simple and evocative lens of fairness and equality, the campaign to end the ‘tampon tax’ has caught the attention of the public, press and policymakers alike, catapulting the oft-taboo issue of menstrual health to the top of the political agenda. Whilst social, economic, and menstrual health contexts vary per adopting country, the core message of the political announcements has stayed the same: abolishing the ‘tampon tax’ will address gender equality by resulting in more accessible and affordable menstrual products for women and girls.
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Pretorius, Philip Christo. Various Facets of Populist, Authoritarian and Nationalist Trends in Japan and Taiwan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0052.

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This report provides a brief overview of the tenth event in ECPS’s monthly Mapping European Populism (MEP) panel series, titled "Various Facets of Populist, Authoritarian and Nationalist Trends in Japan and Taiwan" held online on February 29, 2024. Moderated by Dr. Dachi Liao, Emeritus Professor at the Institute of Political Science at National Sun Yat-sen University in Taiwan, the panel featured speakers Dr. Yoshida Toru, Full Professor of Comparative Politics at Doshisha University in Japan, Dr. Airo Hino, Professor, School of Political Science and Economics, Waseda University, Dr. Szu-Yun Hsu, Assistant Professor, Political Science, McMaster University, Dr. Jiun-Chi Lin, Postdoctoral researcher at the Institute of Marketing Communication, National Sun Yat-sen University.
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Aggio, Carlos. 'Lady Leaders': The Case of Quotas for Women's Representation in Argentina. Inter-American Development Bank, July 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0006873.

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Argentina has taken steps to increase women's participation in politics. In 1991, it established that 30% of the candidate list for the Chamber of Deputies had to be women. As a consequence of the measure, the percentage of women deputies has increased from 5.44% in 1991/93 to 27% in 1995/97. At the same time, the country was under Menem's presidency that was considered to neglect democratic institution such as Parliament. The main aim of this paper is to answer the question: Does a quota system enhance women's participation in weak democracies? The main argument is given that the numeric increase of women has occurred in a weak and or neglected Parliament, the potential achievements of the initiatives has been neutralized. Additionally, the study argues that women have begun to make their voices heard in a political space that was traditionally controlled by men and this, in itself, constitutes a remarkable achievement.
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HEFNER, Robert. IHSAN ETHICS AND POLITICAL REVITALIZATION Appreciating Muqtedar Khan’s Islam and Good Governance. IIIT, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.001.20.

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Ours is an age of pervasive political turbulence, and the scale of the challenge requires new thinking on politics as well as public ethics for our world. In Western countries, the specter of Islamophobia, alt-right populism, along with racialized violence has shaken public confidence in long-secure assumptions rooted in democracy, diversity, and citizenship. The tragic denouement of so many of the Arab uprisings together with the ascendance of apocalyptic extremists like Daesh and Boko Haram have caused an even greater sense of alarm in large parts of the Muslim-majority world. It is against this backdrop that M.A. Muqtedar Khan has written a book of breathtaking range and ethical beauty. The author explores the history and sociology of the Muslim world, both classic and contemporary. He does so, however, not merely to chronicle the phases of its development, but to explore just why the message of compassion, mercy, and ethical beauty so prominent in the Quran and Sunna of the Prophet came over time to be displaced by a narrow legalism that emphasized jurisprudence, punishment, and social control. In the modern era, Western Orientalists and Islamists alike have pushed the juridification and interpretive reification of Islamic ethical traditions even further. Each group has asserted that the essence of Islam lies in jurisprudence (fiqh), and both have tended to imagine this legal heritage on the model of Western positive law, according to which law is authorized, codified, and enforced by a leviathan state. “Reification of Shariah and equating of Islam and Shariah has a rather emaciating effect on Islam,” Khan rightly argues. It leads its proponents to overlook “the depth and heights of Islamic faith, mysticism, philosophy or even emotions such as divine love (Muhabba)” (13). As the sociologist of Islamic law, Sami Zubaida, has similarly observed, in all these developments one sees evidence, not of a traditionalist reassertion of Muslim values, but a “triumph of Western models” of religion and state (Zubaida 2003:135). To counteract these impoverishing trends, Khan presents a far-reaching analysis that “seeks to move away from the now failed vision of Islamic states without demanding radical secularization” (2). He does so by positioning himself squarely within the ethical and mystical legacy of the Qur’an and traditions of the Prophet. As the book’s title makes clear, the key to this effort of religious recovery is “the cosmology of Ihsan and the worldview of Al-Tasawwuf, the science of Islamic mysticism” (1-2). For Islamist activists whose models of Islam have more to do with contemporary identity politics than a deep reading of Islamic traditions, Khan’s foregrounding of Ihsan may seem unfamiliar or baffling. But one of the many achievements of this book is the skill with which it plumbs the depth of scripture, classical commentaries, and tasawwuf practices to recover and confirm the ethic that lies at their heart. “The Quran promises that God is with those who do beautiful things,” the author reminds us (Khan 2019:1). The concept of Ihsan appears 191 times in 175 verses in the Quran (110). The concept is given its richest elaboration, Khan explains, in the famous hadith of the Angel Gabriel. This tradition recounts that when Gabriel appeared before the Prophet he asked, “What is Ihsan?” Both Gabriel’s question and the Prophet’s response make clear that Ihsan is an ideal at the center of the Qur’an and Sunna of the Prophet, and that it enjoins “perfection, goodness, to better, to do beautiful things and to do righteous deeds” (3). It is this cosmological ethic that Khan argues must be restored and implemented “to develop a political philosophy … that emphasizes love over law” (2). In its expansive exploration of Islamic ethics and civilization, Khan’s Islam and Good Governance will remind some readers of the late Shahab Ahmed’s remarkable book, What is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic (Ahmed 2016). Both are works of impressive range and spiritual depth. But whereas Ahmed stood in the humanities wing of Islamic studies, Khan is an intellectual polymath who moves easily across the Islamic sciences, social theory, and comparative politics. He brings the full weight of his effort to conclusion with policy recommendations for how “to combine Sufism with political theory” (6), and to do so in a way that recommends specific “Islamic principles that encourage good governance, and politics in pursuit of goodness” (8).
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Philip, Raisa. Mothers vs Children: Co-opting Child Rights as Gender Backlash. Institute of Development Studies, April 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/backlash.2023.003.

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This paper examines how progressive rights frameworks are instrumentalised as gender backlash tools to suppress feminist activism. I engage with the events following Rehana Fathima’s political act ‘Body and Politics’ which faced strong backlash in the form of censure through law, and discourse capture. Using a conceptual framework I developed, I explore how various backlash concepts – co-option, censure, and discourse capture - discursively interact with each other, and identify factors that facilitate cohesion across backlash actors. I argue that in the Rehana Fathima case, the rights framework facilitated the agendas of powerful actors and not the constituents it was framed to serve. I conclude by making a case for political allyship across movements and among actors who are working on counter backlash strategies; and for deeper engagement of feminist development agendas with the sexuality of women.
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Racu, Alexandru. The Romanian Orthodox Church and Its Attitude towards the Public Health Measures Imposed during the COVID-19 Pandemic: Too Much for Some, Too Little for Others. Analogia 17 (2023), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/17-3-racu.

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This paper discusses the religious dimension of the public debate concerning the public health measures adopted by the Romanian authorities during the pandemic and focuses on the role played by the Romanian Orthodox Church within this context. It delineates the different camps that were formed within the Church in this regard and traces their evolution throughout the pandemic. It contextualizes the position of the Church in order to better understand it, placing it within the broader context of the Romanian society during the pandemic and integrating it within the longer history of post-communist relations between the Romanian Orthodox Church, the Romanian state and the Romanian civil society. It analyses the political impact of the public health measures and the role of the Church in shaping this impact. Finally, starting from the Romanian experience of the pandemic and from the ideological, theological and political disputes that it has generated within the Romanian public sphere, it develops some general conclusions regarding the relation between faith, science and politics whose relevance, if proven valid, surpasses the Romanian context and thus contributes to a more ecumenical discussion regarding the theological, pastoral and political lessons that can be learned from an otherwise tragic experience.
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