Journal articles: 'Political science in Australia'

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SPANN, R. N. "Political Science in Australia*." Australian Journal of Politics & History 1, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 86–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1955.tb00986.x.

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Zulkarnain and Aos Yuli Firdaus. "Australia Foreign Policy Effect On Indonesia Post Independence of Timor Leste." Britain International of Humanities and Social Sciences (BIoHS) Journal 4, no. 2 (June 16, 2022): 282–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/biohs.v4i2.667.

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As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. First, the Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released. Second, the joint training was cancelled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were cancelled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens. However, the relationship between people must still be considered when making policies about Indonesia because of widespread reactions to Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process.

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Taylor, Brendan. "Is Australia's Indo-Pacific strategy an illusion?" International Affairs 96, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 95–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz228.

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Abstract Australia has been among the most prominent advocates of the increasingly popular Indo-Pacific concept. This article argues that Canberra's enthusiasm for the concept stems from its appeal to the two dominant traditions of Australian foreign policy—a ‘dependent ally’ tradition and a ‘middle power’ approach. While these two traditions are typically seen as being in tension, the Indo-Pacific concept provides a rare point of convergence between them. The article begins by outlining the appeal of the Indo-Pacific concept to each of these traditions. Using a case-study of recent Australian policy toward the South China Sea disputes, however, the article then demonstrates that Australia has in practice implemented its stated Indo-Pacific strategy far less consistently than its very vocal support would appear to suggest. This disjuncture is attributed to the growing influence of a third, generally understudied, ‘pragmatic’ Australian foreign policy tradition. Because Australia has been such a prominent champion of the Indo-Pacific concept, the article concludes that this divergence between the rhetoric and the reality of Australia's Indo-Pacific strategy threatens to have a negative impact on the concept's broader international appeal and sustainability, particularly among Australia's south-east Asian neighbours.

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Weller, Patrick, and Paula Cowan. "Political Science in Australia 2011: Grants and Staffing." Australian Journal of Political Science 47, no. 2 (June 2012): 295–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2012.677008.

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Halvorson, Dan. "From Cold War Solidarity to Transactional Engagement: Reinterpreting Australia's Relations with East Asia, 1950–1974." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 2 (April 2016): 130–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00640.

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This article challenges the position that genuine and substantive Australian engagement with Asia began only in the 1980s during the final phase of the Cold War. In reality, the deepest points of Australia's political and security engagement occurred much earlier, from 1950 to 1971, with the most intense phase from 1966 to 1968. The Cold War instilled a sense of solidarity with the non-Communist states of East Asia, with which Australia fostered and mostly enjoyed close relationships. These relationships were grounded in shared values and a non-Communist identity that transcended the narrow security interest of Australia's “forward defence” strategy. The conditions for this solidarity were eroded from 1967 to 1972 by a series of compounding factors that transformed Cold War geopolitics in East Asia. By 1974, Australia had been politically distanced from the region with its engagement premised on a broadening but shallower transactional basis.

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Skead, Natalie, Tamara Tulich, Sarah Murray, and Hilde Tubex. "Reforming proceeds of crime legislation: Political reality or pipedream?" Alternative Law Journal 44, no. 3 (March 6, 2019): 176–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1037969x19831100.

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In recent decades, Australian states and territories have introduced a raft of legislation aimed at stripping those involved in criminal activity of their ill-gotten gains. However, in doing so, this far-reaching legislation has the potential to undermine legal principles and protections. We recently completed a study into proceeds of crime legislation in Western Australia, New South Wales and Queensland. From our findings it is clear that Western Australia’s legislation is the most far-reaching and potentially the most inequitable. In this article, we provide a critique of Western Australia's legislation informed by our research, and identify pressing areas for reform.

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Fozdar, Farida, Sarah Prout Quicke, and David Mickler. "Are Africans in Australia a Diaspora?" Diaspora Studies 15, no. 1 (February 21, 2022): 87–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/09763457-20221002.

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Abstract Migration from the African continent to Australia has increased in volume and diversity in the last three decades, with the most recent census identifying 2.6 % of the total Australian population as either born in, or having at least one parent born in, Africa. In examining demographic and socioeconomic characteristics, and interrogating political, economic, social and cultural transnational practices, using an interdisciplinary approach that combines demography, political science and sociology, this paper seeks to identify in what ways and for what purposes this population might be considered a pan-African diaspora. We argue that there is some evidence of (i) pan-African consciousness underpinning the collective identity of African-Australian community organisations; (ii) governments, NGO s, communities and individuals engaging in activities that contribute meaningfully to Australian society, countries of origin and identity formation; (iii) significant diversity and important cleavages among these populations. Broader research is required to more adequately identify and measure the multifaceted transnational contributions of African-background peoples in Australia.

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Metcalfe, Jenni, and Toss Gascoigne. "Science journalism in Australia." Public Understanding of Science 4, no. 4 (October 1995): 411–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/0963-6625/4/4/005.

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This paper considers the trends and current realities of science journalism in Australia. It also examines the role that science journalism is playing in setting the agenda for media coverage of science and technology in Australia, and the influence of that coverage in developing an informed public willing to be involved in science debates. Surveys show that media attention to science and technology has increased considerably over the past decade. Yet coverage seems shallow and technology-based, and does not appear to have succeeded in making a real impact on people or in changing the ways they think about science and technology and its impact on their lives. The challenges currently facing science journalism in Australia include: the need for more in-depth and critical analysis of science and technology; overcoming the negative or trivial perceptions of editors, chiefs of staff, news directors and other gatekeepers about the importance of science and technology stories; and integrating science and technology with social, economic and political issues.

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Lehmann, Caitlyn. "Editorial." Children Australia 42, no. 4 (November 29, 2017): 225–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cha.2017.44.

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Among the plethora of minor parties fielding candidates in Australia's 2016 federal election was a relative newcomer called Sustainable Australia. Formed in 2010 and campaigning with the slogan ‘Better, not bigger’, the party's policy centrepiece calls for Australia to slow its population growth through a combination of lower immigration, changes to family payments, and the withdrawal of government agencies from proactive population growth strategies (Sustainable Australia, n.d.). At a global level, the party also calls for Australia to increase foreign aid with a focus on supporting women's health, reproductive rights and education. Like most minor parties, its candidates polled poorly, attracting too few votes to secure seats in the Senate. But in the ensuing months, the South Australian branch of The Greens broke from the national party platform by proposing the aim of stabilising South Australia's population within a generation (The Greens SA, 2017). Just this August, Australian business entrepreneur Dick Smith launched a ‘Fair Go’ manifesto, similarly calling for reductions in Australia's population growth to address rising economic inequality and a “decline in living standards” (Dick Smith Fair Go Group, 2017).

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Sharman, J. C., and Patrick Weller. "Where is the Quality? Political Science Scholarship in Australia." Australian Journal of Political Science 44, no. 4 (December 2009): 597–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140903296537.

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Kellow, Aynsley. "Assessing Political Science Quality: ‘Excellence in Research for Australia’." European Political Science 11, no. 4 (January 20, 2012): 567–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/eps.2011.70.

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Grimmer, Martin, and Dennis C. Grube. "Political branding: A consumer perspective on Australian political parties." Party Politics 25, no. 2 (May 25, 2017): 268–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817710585.

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Why are voters in advanced democracies turning away from established mass parties to take their electoral chances elsewhere? This article draws on concepts from marketing scholarship, specifically branding and brand equity, to apply a ‘consumer’ lens that assesses the major parties in Australia as failing ‘brands’ being left behind by disillusioned voters. An initial sample of 200 voters were asked what words or phrases came to mind when they thought of each of four Australian federal political parties. The strength of associations for each party, elicited from this sample, was then validated on a broader sample of 1015 voters, in addition to whether the association was considered positive, neutral or negative. Data revealed distinct brand associations for each party and the extent of penetration and brand equity across subgroups of voters. We find that Australian mass parties are caught in a downward spiral of negative brand associations and low brand penetration, leading to voter dissatisfaction.

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13

Bean, Clive. "Orthodox Political Participation in Australia." Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology 25, no. 3 (December 1989): 451–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/144078338902500306.

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Mulcock, Jane, and Natalie Lloyd. "Human-Animal Studies in Australia: Current Directions." Society & Animals 15, no. 1 (2007): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853007x169306.

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AbstractIn 2004, Natalie Lloyd and Jane Mulcock initiated the Australian Animals & Society Study Group, a network of social science, humanities and arts scholars that quickly grew to include more than 100 participants. In July 2005, about 50 participants attended the group's 4-day inaugural conference at the University of Western Australia, Perth. Papers in this issue emerged from the conference. They exemplify the Australian academy's work in the fields of History, Population Health, Sociology, Geography, and English and address strong themes: human-equine relationships; management of native and introduced animals; and relationships with other domestic, nonhuman animals—from cats and dogs to cattle. Human-Animal Studies is an expanding field in Australia. However, many scholars, due to funding and teaching concerns, focus their primary research in different domains. All authors in this issue—excepting one—are new scholars in their respective fields. The papers represent the diversity and innovation of recent Australian research on human-animal interactions. The authors look at both past and present, then anticipate future challenges in building an effective network to expand this field of study in Australia.

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Monteath, Peter. "Globalising German Anthropology: Erhard Eylmann in Australia." Itinerario 37, no. 1 (April 2013): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000247.

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The German presence in nineteenth-century South Australia is associated primarily with the immigration of Prussian Lutherans escaping religious persecution in their homeland. Their settlement in the fledgling British colony aided its early, stuttering development; in the longer term it also fitted neatly South Australia's perception of itself as a “paradise of dissent.” These Germans took their religion seriously, none more so than the Lutheran missionaries who committed themselves to bringing the Gospel to the indigenous people of the Adelaide plains and, eventually, much further afield as well. In reality, however, the story of the German contribution to the history of this British colony extended far beyond these pious Lutherans. Among those who followed in their wake, whether as settlers or travellers, were Germans of many different backgrounds, who made their way to the Antipodes for a multitude of reasons. In South Australia as much as anywhere, globalising Germany was a multi-facetted project.The intellectual gamut of Germans in South Australia is nowhere more evident than in the realm of anthropology. The missionaries were not alone in displaying a keen interest in the Australian Aborigines. Anthropologists steeped in the empirical tradition that came to dominate the nascent discipline at the end of the nineteenth century also turned their attention to Australia. Indeed, in Germany and elsewhere, Australia occupied a special position in international discourse. The American anthropologist Lewis Henry Morgan had observed in 1880 that Australian aboriginal societies “now represent the condition of mankind in savagery better than it is elsewhere represented on the earth—a condition now rapidly passing away.”

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16

Sumner, C. J. "Taking Account of the Victim in Sentencing in South Australia." International Review of Victimology 3, no. 1-2 (January 1994): 111–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026975809400300208.

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South Australia's practical measures to give effect to the spirit and letter of the 1985 UN Declaration of Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power have meant changes to legislation and to legal procedures. This extract from a previously given Paper on these changes concentrates on the principles of Anglo-Australian law adopted by Courts in Australia in sentencing offenders, and in particular deals with the relevance of the victim in sentencing.

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Prokhovnik, Raia. "From Sovereignty in Australia to Australian Sovereignty." Political Studies 63, no. 2 (September 13, 2013): 412–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.12069.

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Bean, Clive. "CONSERVATIVE CYNICISM: POLITICAL CULTURE IN AUSTRALIA." International Journal of Public Opinion Research 5, no. 1 (1993): 58–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/5.1.58.

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Calyx, Cobi, and Jenny Low. "How a climate change sceptic politician changed their mind." Journal of Science Communication 19, no. 03 (June 16, 2020): C04. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.19030304.

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This is a story of how an Australian in a position of power changed their mind about climate change, in response to deliberations of a panel of scientists broadcast on television. The politician then put on record their thought processes in changing mind, sparking public response. The unexpectedly positive outcomes of a speech to parliament and role of social media in shaping action are explored. Given Australia contributes disproportionately to greenhouse gas emissions, this story of science and political communication and has global value in climate change research.

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Sheppard, Jill, Marija Taflaga, and Liang Jiang. "Explaining high rates of political participation among Chinese migrants to Australia." International Political Science Review 41, no. 3 (May 22, 2019): 385–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512119834623.

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Studies of political participation regularly observe the underrepresentation of immigrant citizens and ethnic minorities. In contrast, evidence from Australia suggests that immigrant Australians are overrepresented in certain forms of participation, including donating money and working for a party or candidate. Drawing on major theories of ethnic political participation (including socialisation, recruitment and clientelism), this study uses 2013 Australian Election Study data to show that China-born migrants to Australia participate at higher rates than native-born and other migrant citizens. The study finds support for two explanatory theories: (a) that contributions of money by recently-arrived migrants are an aspect of clientelist relationships between migrants and legislators; and (b) that political interest in and knowledge of the host country’s political system are not necessary, and indeed perhaps even depress participation among newly-arrived migrants. These findings suggest an under-explored vein of transactional politics within established democratic systems.

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Young, Sally. "Political and Parliamentary Speech in Australia." Parliamentary Affairs 60, no. 2 (January 1, 2007): 234–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsm004.

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White, Ben, and Lindy Willmott. "Future of assisted dying reform in Australia." Australian Health Review 42, no. 6 (2018): 616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah18199.

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The Voluntary Assisted Dying Act 2017 (Vic) will come into force in June 2019, becoming the first law in Australia in 20 years to permit voluntary assisted dying (VAD). This paper considers how other Australian states and territories are likely to respond to this development. It analyses three key factors that suggest that law reform is likely to occur in other parts of Australia: (1) the growing international trend to permit VAD; (2) social science evidence about how VAD regimes operate; and (3) changes to the local political environment. The paper argues that these three factors, coupled with the effect of Victoria changing its law, suggest that other VAD law reform is likely to occur in Australia. It also considers the different types of laws that may be adopted, including whether other states and territories will follow the very conservative Victorian approach or adopt more liberal models. What is known about the topic? Despite sustained law reform efforts in parliaments across the country, Victoria is the first Australian jurisdiction to pass a law permitting VAD in 20 years. What does this paper add? This paper addresses likely future trends in VAD law reform in Australia. Drawing on international developments, a growing body of social science evidence about how VAD regimes work in practice, and evidence about a changing local political environment, the paper argues that other states and territories in Australia will also enact laws about VAD. What are the implications for practitioners? The legalisation of VAD has significant implications for health professionals, health administrators and health systems. Understanding how reform may occur and what legal models may be considered supports participation in the law reform process and preparation for likely change.

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Beilharz, Peter. "Rewriting Australia." Journal of Sociology 40, no. 4 (December 2004): 432–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783304048385.

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Sociologists in Australia often talk about a politics of fear, or of moral panic, in order to explain the apparent awkwardness of a situation where leftwing intellectuals cannot come to grips with a rightwing political moment. This article addresses the question of dominant images of Australia through the 20th century as a part of the dominant leftwing historiography, which has now been replaced by a rightwing political narrative. The central theoretical and historical issue here is the problem of populism, and its shift from left to right. This leads to a discussion of the politics of fear and uncertainty, and how to begin to think about them, and to questions of the role of sociologists in all this.

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Sawer, Marian, and Jennifer Curtin. "organising for a more diverse political science: australia and new zealand." European Political Science 15, no. 4 (September 2, 2016): 441–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41304-016-0070-y.

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Jones, Timothy H. "Freedom of Political Communication in Australia." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 45, no. 2 (April 1996): 392–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300059042.

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In three important decisions,1 handed down on the same day in October 1994, the Australian High Court continued its exploration of the implied constitutional guarantee of freedom of political communication. Two years previously, in the judgments in Nationwide News Pty Ltd v. Wills2 and Australian Capital Television Pty Ltd v. The Commonwealth,3 a majority of the High Court had distilled an implication of freedom of political communication from the provisions and structure of the Australian Constitution.4 This was not an implication of freedom of expression generally, since it was derived from the concept of representative government which the majority considered to be enshrined in the Constitution: “not all speech can claim the protection of the constitutional implication of freedom … identified in order to ensure the efficacious working of representative democracy and government”.5 The extent of this implied constitutional guarantee was left rather unclear, since a number of different views were expressed. As Justice Toohey has now explained,6 there were two possibilities. The first was a more limited “implied freedom on the part of the people of the Commonwealth to communicate information, opinions and ideas relating to the system of representative government”. The second was a rather more expansive “freedom to communicate in relation to public affairs and political matters generally”. In the recent trilogy of cases a majority of the High Court was prepared to endorse the second of these alternatives.7 In Cunliffe v. The Commonwealth Chief Justice Mason concluded that it would be too restrictive to limit the implied freedom to “communications for the purposes of the political processes in a representative democracy”.8

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Bean, Clive. "The Forgotten Cleavage? Religion and Politics in Australia." Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, no. 3 (September 1999): 551–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900013962.

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AbstractIn Australia, religion historically has been seen as a secondary but nonetheless significant sociopolitical cleavage, in part cutting across the class divide. In recent times, Australian scholars, like those elsewhere, have been inclined to argue that the political significance of religion is a legacy of the past and that religion no longer plays an important role in shaping mass political behaviour. Although class is also said to have declined in political significance, it is still treated as being of some importance as a cornerstone of the party system. However, many scholars seem more willing to dismiss the relevance of religion altogether. Using sample survey data collected over more than 25 years, this article examines the role of religion in modern Australian electoral politics and assesses the adequacy of such arguments.

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Poynting, Scott. "‘Islamophobia Kills’. But Where Does it Come From?" International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 9, no. 2 (January 28, 2020): 74–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v9i2.1258.

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This paper examines the global provenance of Australian Islamophobia in the light of the Christchurch massacre perpetrated by a white-supremacist Australian. Anti-Muslim racism in Australia came with British imperialism in the nineteenth century. Contemporary Islamophobia in Australia operates as part of a successor empire, the United States-led ‘Empire of Capital’. Anti-Muslim stories, rumours, campaigns and prejudices are launched from Australia into global circulation. For example, the spate of group sexual assaults in Sydney over 2000–2001 were internationally reported as ‘ethnic gang rapes’. The handful of Australian recruits to, and supporters of, IS, is recounted in the dominant narrative as part of a story propagated in both the United Kingdom and Australia about Islamist terrorism, along with policy responses ostensibly aimed at countering violent extremism and targeting Muslims for surveillance and intervening to effect approved forms of ‘integration’.

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Dale, Gregory. "Appealing to Whom? Australia's ‘Appellate Jurisdiction’ Over Nauru." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 56, no. 3 (July 2007): 641–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei186.

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A peculiar and unique agreement exists between Australia and Nauru, which has ensured that, since 1976, appeals may be brought from the Supreme Court of Nauru, an independent Republic, to the High Court of Australia by virtue of a bilateral treaty1 and statutes of the respective Parliaments.2 In 1998 and 1999 two High Court judgments left a question mark hanging over the constitutional validity of this appellate scheme.3 Furthermore, in 2001, the Australian Law Reform Commission (ALRC) expressed the view that Australia should terminate the agreement as the arrangement was of no perceived ‘utility’ to Australia.4 For 29 years only two rather trivial cases were appealed from the Supreme Court to Australia's High Court.5 In 2005 a much more significant case, Ruhani, 6 was appealed from Nauru to Australia. The case was not only significant in that it concerned the validity of the so-called ‘Pacific Solution’, which involved Australia holding asylum-seekers offshore in Nauru for the processing of their refugee claims, but it also raised doubts about the desirability of the offshore municipal model of foreign appeals. This article examines the latter of those issues, intending to demonstrate that the model of foreign appeal adopted in the Nauru Treaty is a compromised version of appeal in comparison with the other two more common models.

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Lewis, Milton. "Alcoholism in Australia, the 1880s to the 1980s: from medical science to political science." Australian Drug and Alcohol Review 7, no. 4 (October 1988): 391–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09595238880000721.

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Lange, Cheryl, Zahra Kamalkhani, and Loretta Baldassar. "Afghan Hazara Refugees in Australia: Constructing Australian Citizens." Social Identities 13, no. 1 (January 2007): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504630601163353.

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Fozdar, Farida, Brian Spittles, and Lisa K. Hartley. "Australia Day, flags on cars and Australian nationalism." Journal of Sociology 51, no. 2 (March 31, 2014): 317–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783314524846.

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Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "Engaging Southeast Asia? Labor's Regional Mythology and Australia's Military Withdrawal from Singapore and Malaysia, 1972–1973." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 4 (October 2010): 32–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00047.

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This article draws on previously classified Australian and British archival material to reevaluate Australian Prime Minister Gough Whitlam's foreign policy. The article focuses on the Whitlam government's decision in 1973 to withdraw Australian forces from Malaysia and Singapore—a decision that constitutes a neglected but defining episode in the evolution of Australian postwar diplomacy. An analysis of this decision reveals the limits of Whitlam's attempt to redefine the conduct of Australian foreign policy from 1972 to 1975, a policy he saw as too heavily influenced by the Cold War. Focusing on Whitlam's approach to the Five Power Defence Arrangement, this article contends that far from being an adroit and skillful architect of Australian engagement with Asia, Whitlam irritated Australia's regional allies and complicated Australia's relations with its immediate neighbors. Australia's subsequent adjustment to its neighborhood was not the success story implied in the general histories of Australian diplomacy. Whitlam's policy toward Southeast Asia, far from being a “watershed” in foreign relations, as often assumed, left Australia increasingly isolated from its region and more reliant on its chief Cold War ally, the United States.

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JENSEN, MICHAEL J., and TITUS C. CHEN. "Illiberal Media in a Liberal Democracy: Examining Identity in Australia’s Mandarin Language News." Issues & Studies 57, no. 02 (June 2021): 2150005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251121500053.

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The regime of censorship in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) extends beyond its borders through the extraterritorial application of its media regulations to popular social media platforms like WeChat. This research investigates the effects of the PRC’s extraterritorial control of online content on the identity narratives and norms communicated by comparing Australia’s Special Broadcast Service (SBS) Mandarin language news and the news targeting Australian audiences published on popular WeChat Official Accounts (OAs). We find significant differences in the news content between these two platforms: SBS provides more political content and a focus on political and cultural integration, while WeChat pages tend to avoid political topics that are not otherwise press releases from the PRC and they encourage strong cultural ties with Mainland China. Finally, SBS tends to both inform and cultivate democratic political identities and identification with the Australian political system, whereas WeChat tends to differentiate the Chinese diaspora from the wider Australian community. We situate these findings within a wider understanding of PRC’s national security strategies and doctrine. Whether by requirement or practice, not only the WeChat OAs in Australia implement PRC’s communication controls, but the content on these pages also challenges the liberal democratic practices and norms and supports foreign influence and espionage in Australia.

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Possamai, Adam, and Alphia Possamai-Inesedy. "The Baha'i faith and Caodaism." Journal of Sociology 43, no. 3 (September 2007): 301–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783307080108.

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In Australia, new immigrant and ethnic communities constitute the largest segment of the phenomenon of increasing religious diversity and change. These groups celebrate and maintain a way of life and a religious culture from elsewhere, but they are also working in Australian society: not just resisting pressures for assimilation, but helping members to translate the norms and values of their land of origin into the new Australian context. In this process, a de-secularization of the world at both local and global levels occurs; indeed, while offering support to migrants, these groups offer a site of `cultural security' to them and simultaneously promote and diffuse their religion in Australia's public sphere. This article focuses on the Baha'i faith and Caodaism; two groups with an ever-increasing growth in the Western world, and an involvement at local, national and international levels. The research shows that these two groups have had different measures of success in Australia, highlighting the fact that the de-secularization process does not have the same intensity among these groups. This article aims at finding the reason behind this difference of intensity.

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Maksum, Ali, and Try Sjahputra. "The Indonesia-Australia partnership to counter radicalism and terrorism in Indonesia." UNISCI Journal 20, no. 58 (January 15, 2022): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31439/unisci-133.

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Indonesia and Australia have always been helpful partners since Indonesian Independence in 1945. However, the relationship was worsened after Bali Bombings in 2002 and 2005 as well as Australian embassy bombing in 2004 that killed many Australians. Thus, using Australian perspective, this article attempts to examine the response of Australian government in dealing with terrorism problems in Indonesia as well as the feedback from Indonesia. The research reveals that given the fact that Australia has many interests in Indonesia added with the geographical proximity, it is naturally urged to resolve the terrorism issues in Indonesia. The study found out that Australia proposed some programs to Indonesia due to its domestic interest and international factors. At the same time, Indonesia was also the main beneficiary of Australian counter terrorism policy.

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Numbers, Ronald L. "Creationists and their critics in Australia: an autonomous culture or 'the USA with Kangaroos'?" Historical Records of Australian Science 14, no. 1 (2002): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/hr02002.

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No country outside the United States has given creationism a warmer reception than Australia, which has spawned an internationally successful creationist ministry and at times even welcomed creation science into the classrooms of state-supported schools. A half-century ago, however, when organized anti-evolutionism first appeared in Australia, it attracted virtually no attention, and for over three decades thereafter it remained isolated on the far margins of Australian society, too obscure and impotent to warrant public concern. As late as 1984 one of the best informed students of Australian fundamentalism predicted that `because of the different national traditions and educational systems, the [creationist] controversy is not likely to become as intense in Australia as in USA�.The following decade proved him a false prophet. The most intense creation-evolution debates in the world have occurred on Australian soil, and Australian creationists have insinuated themselves into the religious, scientific, educational, and political life of the country. In this brief history of creationism and anti-creationism in Australia during the past half-century or so, I highlight two distinctive (though not unique) characteristics of the Australian encounter: the efforts of both sides to tar the other with a `made in America� brush and the contribution of anti-creationists to the success of the creationists. Paradoxically, by hounding and ridiculing creationists, the critics significantly boosted the visibility and viability of creationism in Australia.

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Shcherbunov, Vladimir O. "MILITARY-POLITICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN AUSTRALIA AND THE UNITED STATES AMID THE GROWING INFLUENCE OF CHINA IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 4 (2021): 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2021-4-32-46.

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This article aims to analyze the political-military relations between the Australian Union (AU) and the United States since the mid-2010s, considering their historical continuity, and taking into account the deteriorating relations between Australia and China in 2020–2021. The growing tensions between the two countries and China, which followed the failed “policy of engagement”, have been unfolding largely due to Beijing’s activities in the Asia-Pacific since the mid-2010s, which Australia and the United States began to perceive as a threat to the liberal world order they were promoting (the “rule-based order”). The author concludes that in 2016–2021, despite the deep economic ties between the three countries and the uncertainty after the election of President D. Trump, the military-political relations between the US and Australia continued to strengthen, taking an anti-Chinese orientation, with an emphasis on the multilateral formats as part of implementing the American global strategy

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Christiansen, Keryn. "Vertical Transmission, May 2007." Microbiology Australia 28, no. 2 (2007): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ma07042.

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As you read this column, I along with two members of the society, Liz Harry and Belinda Ferrari, will have taken part in Science Meets Parliament. This annual event, organised by the Federation of Australian Scientific and Technological Societies (FASTS), provides the opportunity for scientists to understand political processes and for members of parliament to gain insight into how science contributes to Australia?s environmental, social and economic development. It is important that microbiological issues are raised and the that the society is represented. Two issues will be presented ? biological production of fuel and antimicrobial resistance. This should be a stimulating two days on which I will report in the next edition of Microbiology Australia.

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Laughland-Booÿ, Jacqueline, Zlatko Skrbiš, and Bruce Tranter. "Narratives of nationhood: Young Australians’ concepts of nation and their attitudes towards ‘boat people’." Journal of Sociology 53, no. 2 (April 11, 2017): 367–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783317704991.

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In Australia, questions surrounding national identity often feature in public discussions on asylum seekers. Using qualitative interview data collected from 40 participants in an ongoing study of young people in Queensland, we explore the connections between young people’s understandings of Australian national identity and their attitudes towards ‘boat people’. We identify distinct points of interconnection and disjuncture between participants’ notions of being ‘Australian’ and their thoughts on how Australia should respond to asylum seekers. With respect to the asylum seeker debate, we find narratives of Australian nationhood are flexible in interpretation and can serve contrasting and competing functions.

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MCALLISTER, IAN. "Civic Education and Political Knowledge in Australia." Australian Journal of Political Science 33, no. 1 (March 1, 1998): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361149850697.

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HARMAN, G. S. "Education, Political Science and the Australian Political System." Australian Journal of Politics & History 19, no. 3 (April 7, 2008): 377–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1973.tb00634.x.

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Raffin, Luke. "Indivisible Partners or Enduring Combatants? Divisions and Triumphs in the EU-Australian Relationship." Journal of Contemporary European Research 3, no. 2 (September 20, 2007): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v3i2.38.

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Casting the spotlight over a complex and dynamic relationship, this article seeks to diagnose the state of relations between the European Union and Australia by contrasting the sources of tension with the forces of unity in the relationship. After illuminating the substantial differences between the EU and Australia in the political, military and economic spheres, the article asserts that the Common Agricultural Policy (‘CAP’) has disproportionately influenced the EU-Australia dialogue and — like the Howard Government’s propensity to bilateralism — needlessly impeded the advancement of relations. The impact of bilateral relations with the United States and the increasingly contentious challenges posed by global climate change have threatened to destabilise the bond between Brussels and Canberra. However, the article insists that the destructive potential of CAP-related disagreement is dissipating. Rather, debates over agriculture in the EU-Australia dialogue have been emasculated by rapidly intensifying social, political and cultural integration. Moreover, the development of Australia’s relationships with its Asian neighbours promises to optimise Australian engagement with Europe. After carefully weighing these competing factors, the article concludes that — despite the transitory phases of discord — the future for the EU-Australia relationship is bright.

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Côté, Rochelle R., Xianbi Huang, Yangtao Huang, and Mark Western. "Immigrant network diversity in the land of the fair go." Journal of Sociology 55, no. 2 (December 10, 2018): 199–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783318817684.

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Using data from a first national Australian survey of networks, this article explores factors linked with differential diversity of immigrant social capital. Past international research shows that ethnic minorities have less diverse social capital, an important resource for securing opportunities and getting ahead. A similar research focus has not existed so far in Australia. This article explores social capital in Australia, focusing on immigrants from different world regions. Findings show significant inequalities in social capital across immigrants and that time spent in Australia does not improve these inequalities when compared with those who are native-born. Conclusions posit the need for a greater focus on social capital and ethnic inequality in Australia.

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Baum, Fran, Adam Graycar, Toni Delany-Crowe, Evelyne de Leeuw, Carol Bacchi, Jennie Popay, Lionel Orchard, et al. "Understanding Australian policies on public health using social and political science theories: reflections from an Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia Workshop." Health Promotion International 34, no. 4 (April 19, 2018): 833–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/heapro/day014.

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AbstractThere is strong, and growing, evidence documenting health inequities across the world. However, most governments do not prioritize policies to encourage action on the social determinants of health and health equity. Furthermore, despite evidence concerning the benefits of joined-up, intersectoral policy to promote health and health equity, it is rare for such policy approaches to be applied systematically. To examine the usefulness of political and social science theory in understanding the reasons for this disjuncture between evidence and practice, researchers and public servants gathered in Adelaide for an Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia (ASSA) Workshop. This paper draws together the learnings that emerged from the Workshop, including key messages about the usefulness of various theories as well as insights drawn from policy practice. Discussions during the Workshop highlighted that applying multiple theories is particularly helpful in directing attention to, and understanding, the influence of all stages of the policy process; from the construction and framing of policy problems, to the implementation of policy and evaluation of outcomes, including those outcomes that may be unintended. In addition, the Workshop emphasized the value of collaborations among public health researchers, political and social scientists and public servants to open up critical discussion about the intersections between theory, research evidence and practice. Such critique is vital to render visible the processes through which particular sources of knowledge may be privileged over others and to examine how political and bureaucratic environments shape policy proposals and implementation action.

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McKinnon, Merryn, and Chris Bryant. "Thirty Years of a Science Communication Course in Australia." Science Communication 39, no. 2 (March 25, 2017): 169–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1075547017696166.

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Since 1985, the Science Circus program has recruited science graduates Australia-wide and provided them with science communication training leading to a university degree. On qualifying these graduates demonstrate highly diverse career paths reflecting the relevance of science communication training to other disciplines. Graduates, by their activities, have contributed to the growth of science communication as an academic discipline and an “industry”—both in Australia and abroad. It suggests that science communication training can have impact far beyond narrowly defined disciplines and skill sets, and this impact is worthy of further exploration.

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Bean, Clive. "Testing the precepts of republican political theory against citizen attitudes, beliefs and practices." Journal of Sociology 37, no. 2 (June 2001): 141–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/144078301128756265.

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Quite apart from the constitutional debate over whether Australia should become a republic, republican political theory has recently experienced something of a revival in the Australian context through the work of Philip Pettit in the Reshaping Australian Institutions Project at the Australian National University. This article outlines the fundamental assumptions of this version of republican theory and then proceeds to test them empirically with sample survey data which explore citizen attitudes, beliefs and practices on these questions. The results indicate that the tenets of republication theory are widely accepted by the Australian public, but that this endorsement does not translate strongly into behavioural outcomes. The article concludes with a discussion of why this might be the case and of the wider implications of these findings.

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MacLennan, Gary. "Political Correctness (and Courtesy) in Australia." Monthly Review 48, no. 10 (March 3, 1997): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-048-10-1997-03_3.

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Parker, Jonathan. "Undergraduate Research-Methods Training in Political Science: A Comparative Perspective." PS: Political Science & Politics 43, no. 01 (January 2010): 121–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510990677.

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AbstractUnlike other disciplines in the social sciences, there has been relatively little attention paid to the structure of the undergraduate political science curriculum. This article reports the results of a representative survey of 200 political science programs in the United States, examining requirements for quantitative methods, research methods, and research projects. The article then compares the results for the United States with a survey of all political science programs in Australia, Canada, Finland, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. The results suggest (1) that the state of undergraduate methods instruction is much weaker in the United States than indicated in previous research, (2) this pattern is repeated in other countries that emphasize broad and flexible liberal arts degrees, and finally (3) this pattern of weak methods requirements is not found in more centralized, European higher education system that emphasize depth over breadth. These countries demonstrate a consistent commitment to undergraduate training in research methods that is followed up with requirements for students to practice hands-on research. The model of weak methods requirements in the discipline is not the norm internationally, but differs depending upon the type of higher education system.

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Mackerras, Malcolm. "Australia." European Journal of Political Research 41, no. 7&8 (December 2002): 897–905. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0304-4130.2002.00039.x.

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Mackerras, Malcolm. "Australia." European Journal of Political Research 42, no. 7-8 (December 2003): 880–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0304-4130.2003.00110.x.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Political science in Australia'

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