Academic literature on the topic 'POLITICAL SCIENCE / Imperialism'

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Journal articles on the topic "POLITICAL SCIENCE / Imperialism"

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van der Putten, Frans-Paul. "Small Powers and Imperialism The Netherlands in China, 1886–1905." Itinerario 20, no. 1 (March 1996): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300021562.

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Ever since its publication in 1966, Tussen Neutraliteit en Imperialisme (‘Between Neutrality and Imperialism’) has been the standard work on Dutch policy towards China between 1863 and 1901. In this study the author, F. van Dongen, stresses the adherence to neutrality towards the strong European neighbour states as the fundamental guideline for Dutch foreign policy, not only within Europe but also in the Far East. This policy stemmed from the fact that the European balance-of-power system had been extended to China in the late nineteenth century, through the participation of most European states in imperialist policies concerning that country. According to Van Dongen this adherence to neutrality slowed down imperialist tendencies, as the Netherlands were anxious to avoid entering in conflicts between the great powers, but at the same time the Dutch were forced to ‘play a modest part in the common Western policy towards China’. Whenever the great powers took a united stand the Netherlands must follow suit. So as a result of its European policy the Netherlands joined the imperialist powers in China, although usually careful not to take the initiative. The Netherlands were, therefore, classified by Van Dongen as a reluctant and generally passive element of imperialism in China: ‘the Dutch were at worst accessories after the fact’. Finally he concluded that whenever Dutch actions concerning China ‘savoured of imperialism, this was not the result of a deliberate policy to exercise control over the empire or to obtain Chinese territory, but an almost accidental by-product of the general aim of promoting the Netherlands’ economic interest'.
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Plys, Kristin. "Theorizing Capitalist Imperialism for an Anti-Imperialist Praxis." Journal of World-Systems Research 27, no. 1 (March 21, 2021): 288–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2021.1022.

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How does one craft an explicitly left theory of anti-imperialism that would animate an anti-imperialist praxis? World-systems analysis has a long history of engagement with theories of anti-imperialism from an explicitly Leninist perspective. For the founding fathers of World-Systems Analysis—Immanuel Wallerstein, Giovanni Arrighi, Samir Amin, and Andre Gunder Frank—anti-imperialism was an early central concern. Each of the four founders of world-systems analysis reads Lenin’s theory of imperialism seriously, but each has slightly different interpretations. One significant commonality they share is that they adopt Lenin’s periodization of imperialism, seeing imperialism as emergent in the late 19th century as part of a particular stage within the historical development of capitalism. However, as I will argue in this essay, perhaps it would be preferable to temporally expand Lenin’s concept of imperialism. Walter Rodney’s concept of “capitalist imperialism,” as I shall show in this essay, similarly calls Lenin’s periodization into question. Thereby, putting Rodney in conversation with Amin, Arrighi, Frank, and Wallerstein, leads me to further historicize world-systems’ theories of global imperialism thereby refining existing theories and levying that to build stronger praxis.
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Knott, Janae. "Thought Leadership and Women’s Liberation Politics." Caribbean Quilt 6, no. 2 (February 4, 2022): 60–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/cq.v6i2.36953.

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Claudia Jones’ life and intellectual work have made impactful contributions in several spaces, including Marxist-Leninist ideology and anti-imperialism discourse. This review analyzes The Left of Karl Marx: The Political Life of Black Communist Claudia Jones written by Carol Boyce Davies. Davies offers valuable insight into Jones’ anti-imperialist ideas, which are layered as she believed imperialism was the root cause of racism and fascism. Further- more, Davies draws upon a wide range of Jones’ journalistic pieces to highlight the impact she has had in areas like Communist ideology and women’s political liberation.
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Ford, Joseph Brandon, and Lewis Feuer. "Imperialism and the Anti-Imperialist Mind." Contemporary Sociology 17, no. 3 (May 1988): 307. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2069608.

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Woods, Colleen. "Seditious Crimes and Rebellious Conspiracies: Anti-communism and US Empire in the Philippines." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (January 9, 2017): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416669423.

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This article details how US colonial policymakers and Filipino political elites, intent on fostering a non-revolutionary Philippine nationalism in the late 1920s and 1930s, produced an anti-communist politics aimed at eliminating or delegitimizing radical anti-imperialism. Communist-inspired, anti-imperial activists placed US imperialism in the Philippines within the framework of western imperialism in Asia, thereby challenging the anti-imperial ideology of the US empire. Americans and elite Filipinos met this challenge by repressing radical, anti-imperialist visions of Philippine independence through inter-colonial surveillance and cooperation, increased policing, mass imprisonment, and the outlawing of communist politics in the Philippines.
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Schefke, Brian. "The Hudson’s Bay Company as a Context for Science in the Columbia Department." Scientia Canadensis 31, no. 1-2 (January 23, 2009): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/019755ar.

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Abstract This article aims to elucidate and analyze the links between science, specifically natural history, and the imperialist project in what is now the northwestern United States and western Canada. Imperialism in this region found its expression through institutions such as the Hudson’s Bay Company (HBC). I examine the activities of naturalists such as David Douglas and William Tolmie Fraser in the context of the fur trade in the Columbia Department. Here I show how natural history aided Britain in achieving its economic and political goals in the region. The key to this interpretation is to extend the role of the HBC as an imperial factor to encompass its role as a patron for natural history. This gives a better understanding of the ways in which imperialism—construed as mercantile, rather than military—delineated research priorities and activities of the naturalists who worked in the Columbia Department.
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Kuorikoski, Jaakko, and Aki Lehtinen. "Economics Imperialism and Solution Concepts in Political Science." Philosophy of the Social Sciences 40, no. 3 (July 28, 2009): 347–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0048393109341452.

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Nunan, Timothy. "“Doomed to Good Relations”." Journal of Cold War Studies 24, no. 1 (2022): 39–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01056.

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Abstract This article sheds new light on the end of the Cold War and the fate of anti-imperialism in the twentieth century by exploring how the Soviet Union and the Islamic Republic of Iran achieved a rapprochement in the late 1980s. Both the USSR and Iran had invested significant resources into presenting themselves as the leaders of the anti-imperialist movement and “the global movement of Islam,” and both the Soviet and Iranian governments sought to export their models of anti-imperialist postcolonial statehood to Afghanistan. However, by the mid-1980s both the Soviet Union and revolutionary Iran were forced to confront the limits to their anti-imperialist projects amid the increasing pull of globalization. Elites in both countries responded to these challenges by walking back their commitments from world revolution and agreeing to maintain the Najibullah regime in Afghanistan as a bulwark against Islamist forces hostile to Marxism-Leninism and Iran's brand of Islamic revolution. This joint pragmatic turn, however, contributed to a drought in anti-imperialist politics throughout the Middle East, leaving the more radical voices of transnational actors as one of the only consistent champions of anti-imperialism. Drawing on new sources from the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, as well as sources from Iran, Afghanistan, and the “Afghan Arabs,” the article sheds empirical and analytical light on discussions of the fate of anti-imperialism in the twilight of the Cold War.
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Hall, Martin, and John M. Hobson. "Liberal International theory: Eurocentric but not always Imperialist?" International Theory 2, no. 2 (July 2010): 210–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971909990261.

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This article has two core objectives: first to challenge the conventional understanding of liberal international theory (which we do by focussing specifically on classical liberalism) and second, to develop much further postcolonialism’s conception of Eurocentrism. These twin objectives come together insofar as we argue that classical liberalism does not always stand for anti-imperialism/non-interventionism given that significant parts of it were Eurocentric and pro-imperialist. But we also argue that in those cases where liberals rejected imperialism they did so not out of a commitment to cultural pluralism, as we are conventionally told, but as a function of either a specific Eurocentric or a scientific racist stance. This, in turn, means that Eurocentrism can be reduced neither to scientific racism nor to imperialism. Thus while we draw on postcolonialism and its critique of liberalism as Eurocentric, we find its conception of Eurocentrism (and hence its vision of liberalism) to be overly reductive. Instead we differentiate four variants of ‘polymorphous Eurocentrism’ while revealing how two of these rejected imperialism and two supported it. And by revealing how classical liberalism was embedded within these variants of Eurocentrism so we recast the conventional interpretation. In doing so, we bring to light the ‘protean career of polymorphous liberalism’ as it crystallizes in either imperialist or anti-imperialist forms as a function of the different variants of Eurocentrism within which it is embedded. Finally, because two of these variants underpinmodernliberalism (as discussed in the Conclusions) so we challenge international relations scholars to rethink their conventional understanding of both classical- and modern-liberalism, as much as we challenge postcolonialists to rethink their conception of Eurocentrism.
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Phuyel, Shyam Prasad, and Tara Nath Ghimire. "Meta- analysis: Base of Major Social Science Theories." Patan Prospective Journal 3, no. 01 (October 9, 2023): 143–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ppj.v3i01.59028.

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Meta-analytic techniques in social science analysis are becoming increasingly relevant today. In this article, we will present how a meta-analysis method can be a useful base for sociologists. Different methods for meta-analysis, unique "concept-driven" literature searches. However, this search strategy may limit the researcher's ability to fully exploit the substantial body of pertinent research in fields with high theoretical diversity, such as social science. We tend to adopt a "beat-driven" strategy, where repetitive searches and updated computerized search techniques are used to find more publications cross disciplinary. This measure-based search approach is typically illustrated by two meta-analyses that look at how various social factors affect the all-cause mortality rate. A trend like imperialism might be a jumble of different perspectives on what humanity means. Imperialism, both political and economic, is occasionally mentioned. Imperialism is not limited to historical methods, political or economic facets. Instead, imperialism may be a collection of various human endeavors. To reach a conclusion, systematic reviews and meta-analyses combine the findings of various studies. While meta-analyses of applied scientific discipline analysis may run into practical issues due to the nature of the analysis domain, they are particularly useful for combining evidence to inform policy. Data from secondary sources were used to write this article.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "POLITICAL SCIENCE / Imperialism"

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Nash, Fred. "Meta-imperialism : a study in political science." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.239964.

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Udezulu, Ifeyinwa E. "Imperialism or realism: United States and West Africa." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1988. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1339.

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The purpose of the thesis is to utilize the realist-neorealist paradigm to analyze the United States policy objectives in West Africa, comparably to other African regions. The basic premise of the realist paradigm purports that states are unitary actors and they act to protect their national interest. Through a critical analysis of secondary data, my findings clearly point to the fact that the former colonial powers, Britain and France are the major actors in West Africa not the United States. The United States policy strategy centers solely on the crisis areas of other regions, the Horn, Central Africa and Southern Africa. This is because of the power struggle between the super powers and because these areas are endowed with vast mineral resources. The Nigerian oil and Chadian conflict with Libya are the only two areas of U.S. interest in West Africa.
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Ogbe-Ogunsuyi, Austin. "The politics of the transnational television: beyond the cultural imperialism question." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1994. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/3314.

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Providing an improved basis for articulating the nature of transnational television and its potentials for improving relations among nations, is the central focus of this study. We are motivated to research this subject because we believe the existing perspectives on it need to be revised in line with present day reality. Our point of departure is the thorny issue of "cultural imperialism." In re-evaluating this issue, some fundamental questions are raised to determine whether past perspectives fit present day realities. Using the elite theory of power in various societies, aided by Johan Galtung's model of a global communication in "four worlds," we see a pattern of global television that suggests commonalities in underlying reasons for their establishment in various countries. In both developed and developing countries. We acknowledge with the support of a literature and data existence of a global systemic domination by the technology rich nations over the technology poor ones. But there are also substantial evidence to prove that some of the poorer nations exercise some degree of autonomy. That makes more difficult to try to explain "cultural imperialism" simply as a relationship that sees developed and developing nations as simply a dominant/subordinate association. Through a strategy of originating intent we are able to show that the elite in various societies acquire television mainly to satisfy either their political, economic or social interests.
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Knisely, Lisa Catherine. "Revolutionary representations: Gender, imperialism, and culture in the Sandinista Era." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/292086.

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This thesis employs the critical insights of poststructuralism, postcolonial scholarship, and Third World feminisms to intervene in feminist scholarship on women and war. It is argued that gender and political violence are mutually constituted and therefore there can be no assumed relationship of women to war. This study's primary focus was to trace discursive representations of gender, violence, citizenship, and nation in Sandinista Nicaragua and the United States during the Reagan presidency. Textual analysis of three cultural areas: memoirs and testimonials, murals, and newspaper articles was used to explore dominant constructions of gender as they intersected with Sandinista nationalism and imperialist U.S. foreign policy. The process of mutual constitution of gender and political violence are then examined in the specific cases of Nicaragua and the U.S. It is concluded that discursive constructions of gender were essential to the politics of both Nicaraguan revolution and U.S. imperialism.
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Villanueva, Lira Jose Ricardo. "The influence of Marxism in the disciplinary 'idealist' origins of IR : a revisionist study through the prism of imperialism." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2015. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/6909/.

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Marxism is largely absent from the historiography of the discipline of International Relations (IR). This is striking because the formative years of the discipline coincide with a vibrant period in Marxist political thought. This was, after all, the era of, among others, Lenin, Kautsky, Bukharin and Luxemburg. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate to what extent and in what ways Marxist writings and precepts informed the so-called idealist stage of the discipline. Building on the work of revisionist scholars, the thesis reconstructs the writings of five benchmark IR thinkers. The cases of John Hobson, Henry Brailsford, Leonard Woolf, Harold Laski and Norman Angell, are analysed in order to explore the influence that Marxism might have played in their thinking, and in the “idealist years” of the discipline more generally. The thesis demonstrates that although Marxist thought has been neglected by mainstream IR disciplinary historians, it played a significant role in the discipline’s early development. As such, this thesis both challenges the exclusion of Marxist thought from the mainstream disciplinary histories of IR and contributes to a deeper understanding of the role it played in early 20th century IR theory.
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Stanski, Keith Raymond Russell. "'Warlord' : a discursive history of the concept in British and American imperialism, 1815-1914 and 1989-2006." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:303a15ac-8f59-4861-9cc0-e514193e1e17.

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The renewed interest in empire, particularly in its British and American variants, has brought into sharper relief the difficulties both metropoles faced in projecting order in the global south. Far from cohesive entities, the British and American empires tried to manage territories that defied many of the political, economic, and legal systems, as well as normative and moral understandings, that enabled their imperial ascendancy. Despite a considerable literature about how metropoles comprehended these frustrated imperial plans, limited insights can be found into the way Britain and the United States coped with the influence of war in the uneven expansion of order. This challenge is brought into focus by examining one of the most direct formulations of the relationship between war and order in US and British imperialism, namely the concept of warlord. The concept’s history, it is argued, provides a glimpse into the far-reaching influence cultural constructions of war had in how US and British policymakers, journalists, and advocates conceived of and projected order in the non-European world. Such influential understandings also inspired overstated conclusions about the degree to which both imperial powers could realise their visions of order in the global south. Drawing on discursive and historical methods, the dissertation develops a conceptual framework that distils the core features of ‘warlords’ in the US and British imperial imaginaries. This conceptual approach is used to revisit some of the most formative encounters with colonial and contemporary ‘warlords’, as captured in British and American policy debates, political commentary, and popular culture, during two highpoints in British and American imperial history, 1815-1914 and 1989-2006 respectively. These arguments bring to the forefront how instead of an ancillary part of conclusions about the inferiority of non-European cultures, as suggested in much of the post-colonial literature, notions of war conditioned many of Britain and the United States’ enduring conception of and strategies for managing the uneven development of order in the global south.
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Alfvin, Gustav. "The killers of sand : A case study on how a shortage of sand is breaking down India from within." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk historia och internationella relationer, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-182506.

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This is a study on the Indian government's use of mercantilism and imperialism in their policy choices in regards to the diminishing supply of sand. Because of this the study will revolve around the globally growing problem that is a sand shortage, and how the Indian government is preparing to handle it. What consequences the solutions have had and how different levels inside the government are working against each other. Then the rising phenomenon that is the Indian sand mafia will be analyzed, who are their partners and benefactors. How come they could emerge and what exactly is a sand mafia? These are some of the questions this thesis will answer
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Seibel, Kevin S. "Perceptions of ideological imperialism why the establishment of democracy in the Middle East alone will not defeat Islamist terrorism /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA491185.

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Reman, Axel, and Sadredin Mahmoudi. "Kinas ekonomiska expansion på den afrikanska kontinenten : En fallstudie av Kinas närvaro i Afrika, med fokus på Kenya." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-157396.

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The purpose of this essay is to explain China’s growing economic presence in Africa through a case study regarding the relationship with Kenya, as well as to highlight the specific features of this presence. In order to achieve this goal, two theoretical perspectives will be applied to examine the data. These two perspectives are the “world-systems theory” developed by Immanuel Wallerstein, and the theory of “Imperialism” as defined by Johan Galtung.     Through a textual analysis of the sources used, the essay has found that Chinese outward FDI finances projects in Africa that are commercially viable and mutually beneficial in economic terms. Research has also shown that Chinese outward FDI also attracts an alignment in voting patterns of African countries towards the Chinese in the UN General Assembly. Neither of these phenomena are consistent with the common misconception that China acts with imperialistic ambitions. Culturally, an influx of Chinese workers in Kenya have resulted in a heated debate concerning racial discord, as well as a change to working conditions within the affected African countries, defined as ‘’The Shanghai effect’’. According to the world-systems theory, the core state - in this case China, has an unequal relationship with Kenya, the peripheral state.    Our data suggests that China’s growing economic presence in Africa is not fueled by imperialistic ambitions. Therefore, we conclude that China utilises their position of being a core state with a long-term perspective - seeking and utilising mutual benefits where they can be found.
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Farnia, Navid. "National Liberation in an Imperialist World: Race and the U.S. National Security State, 1959-1980." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1563474429728204.

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Books on the topic "POLITICAL SCIENCE / Imperialism"

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Meta-imperialism: A study in political science. Aldershot, Hants, England: Avebury, 1994.

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Feuer, Lewis Samuel. Imperialism and the anti-imperialist mind. Buffalo, N.Y: Prometheus Books, 1986.

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Wizarat, Shahida. Fighting imperialism liberating Pakistan. Karachi: Centre for Research & Statistics, 2011.

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Pessoa, Fernando. Contra la democracia: Una antología de escritos políticos. México, D.F: Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, Dirección de Difusión Cultural, Departamento Editorial, 1985.

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Political thought and action: A centre-right perspective of democracy, socialism, and imperialism. Kingston, Jamaica: Meridian Press, 1997.

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Lenin, Vladimir Ilich. Imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism: A popular outline. Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1986.

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Lenin, Vladimir Ilich. Imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism: A popular outline. New York: International Publishers, 1993.

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Richard, Faber, ed. Imperialismus in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Würzburg: Königshausen & Neumann, 2005.

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Richard, Hrsg :. Faber, ed. Imperialismus in Geschichte und Gegenwart. W urzburg: K onigshausen & Neumann GmbH, 2005.

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Muthu, Sankar. Enlightenment against empire. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "POLITICAL SCIENCE / Imperialism"

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Rieppel, Lukas. "Earth Science and Extractive Capitalism in the Age of Empire." In Historiographies of Science, 1–24. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-92679-3_16-1.

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AbstractThis chapter situates the practice of geology within the history of European imperialism, arguing that the earth sciences are deeply bound up with the political economy of extractive capitalism. On a mundane level, the practice of geology primarily consists of extracting specimen collections from far-flung parts of the world to make broader claims about the history, morphology, and physical structure of the earth. In addition, the earth sciences also developed in tandem with the imperial project of resource extraction. In what follows, I draw out these connections by offering a schematic history of geology that links the practice of science to the political economy of extractive capitalism.
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Sigalas, Mathilde. "Between Diplomacy and Science: British Mandate Palestine and Its International Network of Archaeological Organisations, 1918–1938." In European Cultural Diplomacy and Arab Christians in Palestine, 1918–1948, 187–211. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-55540-5_10.

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AbstractThis chapter studies the influence of Western archaeological organisations on scientific and diplomatic issues in interwar Palestine. It analyses their role on a local scale and the establishment of a scientific network of archaeologists in Palestine from 1918 to 1938. The analysis from the archives of six schools and societies founded by Western powers in Jerusalem revealing the increasing influence of American scholars in the archaeological field. It asks what motivated American actors to invest in the archaeological field and related diplomatic issues, as the US government did not have direct political power in the Middle East at that time. It ultimately demonstrates the presence of informal American imperialism in scientific and diplomatic issues in relation to the British authorities during the Mandate period.
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Maddern, Stacy. "Cultural imperialism." In Encyclopedia of Critical Political Science, 369–70. Edward Elgar Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781800375918.ch81.

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Chico, Tita. "Political Science." In The Experimental Imagination, 104–33. Stanford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503605442.003.0005.

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Late seventeenth-century natural philosophers inherited the conjunction of politics and science at the core of Francis Bacon’s experimental project. Thomas Sprat’s The History of the Royal Society, Margaret Cavendish’s The Blazing World, and Jonathan Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels use the conventions of literary knowledge to express their scientific-political visions, insisting that natural philosophy cannot be understood apart from the political institutions enabling and enabled by its practice and promulgation. These writers use the experimental imagination to envisage, in turn, civil government, absolutist monarchy, and imperialism. Sprat advances scientific triumphalism and a model for schooling gentlemen into civil society.
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"Imperialism." In Socialism National or International Routledge Library Editions: Political Science Volume 48, 89–109. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203706008-9.

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Saccarelli, Emanuele, and Latha Varadarajan. "Theories of imperialism and empire." In Encyclopedia of Critical Political Science, 136–40. Edward Elgar Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781800375918.ch22.

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Dubow, Saul. "Science and South Africanism." In A Commonwealth of Knowledge, 158–202. Oxford University PressOxford, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199296637.003.0005.

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Abstract The previous chapter showed how, in the tension between imperialism and colonial nationalism, incipient ideas about a broader white South Africanism began to take form. It pointed as well to underlying continuities linking the tradi­ tions and institutions that underwrote Cape colonial nationalism to the emerging South African state of the early twentieth century. In this chapter the discussion focuses more closely on the emergence of South Africanist sentiment associated with the achievement of political union in 1910. The ideological and practical role of science in promoting reason and rationality in the post-war reconstructionist era is highlighted.
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Smith, Woodruff D. "Lebensraum—Theory and Politics in Human Geography." In Politics and the Sciences of Culture in Germany 1840-1920, 219–33. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195065367.003.0013.

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Abstract Thus far we have been concerned with the interaction between politics and cultural science mainly from the standpoint of how the the former affected the latter. The relationship can, of course, go the other way. The fact that ideologies or current political issues can influence the structure of theory in the social sciences is often due to the previous absorption into ideology of concepts and vocabulary from the world of theory. And ideas from social science, even those adopted in politics mainly as a form of legitimation, can become important guidelines for policy in their own right. Darwinism, for example, was used throughout Europe in the later nineteenth century to legitimate preexisting ideologies (laissez1aire liberalism, imperialism, etc.). But the Darwinian conception of the dynamics of life also strongly affected the ways in which social Darwinists constructed the political world around them. Theoretical structures with strong affinities to ideologies can, by influencing political thinking, also influence the outcome of politics.
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Smith, Woodruff D. "Intellectual Politics and Cultural Science in the Wilhelmian Era." In Politics and the Sciences of Culture in Germany 1840-1920, 193–218. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195065367.003.0012.

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Abstract Many German academics specializing in the social and cultural sciences experienced a quickening of their interest in politics in the early 1890s and perceived an opportunity to exert an influence on the nation’s future that they had not had in many years.’ The opportunity arose in part from obvious sources, including the fall of Bismarck in 1890, the adoption of the “New Course” by the Caprivi government, and the appearance of highly divisive issues (such as those surrounding the Caprivi policy of lowering tariffs) that encouraged the disputants to seek academic buttressing for their positions. In addition, the colonial movement had recently demonstrated the ability of imperialism to mobilize educated Germans for political action. This demonstration was taken to heart by alert politicians-who increasingly tried to tie domestic issues to those of foreign and imperial policy in order to gamer the support of the educated-and by politically oriented academics, who did the same thing. The latter recognized that they had a chance of affecting politics by focusing their fields of study on major issues (such as the social question and its political cognate, the growing power of the Social Democrats) within some sort of nationalist ideological context.
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Amoah, Lloyd G. Adu. "Digital Imperialism and the Cyberization of Contemporary Life." In Advances in IT Standards and Standardization Research, 1–22. IGI Global, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-6684-9962-7.ch001.

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Abstract:
Cyberization has become the new inescapable reality of contemporary life. Cyberization points to the ways in which daily living in the last thirty years has become decidedly entangled in digital artifacts, infrastructure, and networks. The recent COVID-19 pandemic provides the most recent empirical, incontrovertibly global, and demonstrable snapshot of this reality. This chapter concerns itself with what all this means for Africa's place in the scheme of global power mediated by the era of cyberization. Using Ghana's attempt at scientific and technological advance under President Kwame Nkrumah and its cyberization experience in the era of neoliberal capitalism as a case study, and drawing insights from the fields of techno-politics, science and technology studies (STS), development studies and international relations, the chapter offers some conceptual building blocks wound around the idea of digital imperialism as a starting point for catalyzing theorizing about Africa and the power dynamics of the cyberization turn in the global political economy.
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Conference papers on the topic "POLITICAL SCIENCE / Imperialism"

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MEKKI, Prof Dr Hayet. "SABBAT AL HOUT WITH IMPERIALISM IS ONE OF THE URBAN AND POLITICAL FEATURES OF ALGERIA IN THE OTTMAN ERA." In I. International Century Congress for Social Sciences. Rimar Academy, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/soci.con1-4.

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Sabbat eh hour is considered one of the sabbat’s that were occurred as a result of purely political factors as it holds the critical agent’s hall in the ottman period. Therefor sabbat is the only example that contains a memorial inscription as well as a vegetarianism and geometric décoration « ornements » ;and it attracts people to drink from a fountain that was a created in a wall. This sabbat has a political and a security role in protecting the critical agent and preserving the interest of the naval’s officers.
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