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Journal articles on the topic 'Political science – Great Britain – Philosophy'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Ulunyan, Arutyun. "“Cotton Shadow” of the Great Game (1880s — Early 20th Century)." ISTORIYA 13, no. 12-1 (122) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023789-6.

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The article analyzes the interconnection between the political and economic interests of Britain in the context of the Great Game in the 1880s — early 20th century and the strengthening of the British participation in making and development of the Russian cotton industry. Archival sources, materials of parliamentary reports, the British press, publications of British and Russian participants in the events, all of them, provide legitimate basis to detect the peculiarities of the links between Britain’s economic and political interests during this period. The “cotton shadow” of the Great Game turned out to be a phenomenon that allows even at the statistical level to reveal the prevailing importance of economic interests over purely political assessments of the likely Russian threat to Britain in Central and East Asia and partially overshadow them.

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2

Rosner, David, and J. Rogers Hollingsworth. "A Political Economy of Medicine: Great Britain and the United States." Journal of American History 74, no. 4 (March 1988): 1386. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1894499.

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3

Boyer, George R. "The Evolution of Unemployment Relief in Great Britain." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 34, no. 3 (January 2004): 393–433. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219504771997908.

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The history of unemployment relief in Britain from 1834 to 1911 was not a “unilinear progression in collective benevolence,” culminating in unemployment insurance. The combination of poor relief and private charity to assist cyclically unemployed workers from 1834 to 1870 was more generous, and more certain, than the relief provided for the unemployed under the various policies adopted from 1870 to 1911. A major shift in policy occurred in the 1870s, largely in response to the crisis of the Poor Law in the 1860s. Because the new policy—a combination of self-help and charity—proved unable to cope with the high unemployment of cyclical downturns, Parliament in 1911 bowed to political pressure for a national system of relief by adopting the world's first compulsory system of unemployment insurance.

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4

Riall, Lucy. "The Shallow End of History? The Substance and Future of Political Biography." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 40, no. 3 (January 2010): 375–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2010.40.3.375.

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The “Great Man” tradition of political life-writing in Britain originated in the Dictionary of National Biography (which commenced publication in 1882) and continues to this day in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. The commercial popularity of the genre has persisted despite the challenges of post-structuralism and the rise of cultural and gender history. Contemporary political biographers who wish to incorporate new methodologies in their work, however, could approach the lives of Great Men through a study of how they acquired their reputations, thereby helping to explicate not only the importance attached to political heroes in history but also the creation of political biography itself. One case in point is my biography of Giuseppe Garibaldi, which analyzes the construction of, and political strategy behind, the remarkable fame and popularity of this revolutionary leader.

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5

Clements, B., and C. D. Field. "Public Opinion toward Homosexuality and Gay Rights in Great Britain." Public Opinion Quarterly 78, no. 2 (June 1, 2014): 523–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfu018.

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6

Paci, Simone, Nicholas Sambanis, and William C. Wohlforth. "Status-Seeking and Nation-Building: The “Piedmont Principle” Revisited." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 51, no. 1 (June 2020): 65–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01520.

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The pursuit of status on the international stage through participation in the Crimean War was critical to Italy’s drive toward unification. Piedmont’s Prime Minster Count Camillo di Cavour’s entry into the wartime alliance with France and Great Britain was a major component in his nation-building project, which Italy’s enhanced status after the war brought to fruition. Primary sources highlight the nexus between status competition at the international level and domestic political outcomes. Similar processes can explain the success and failure of other nation-building enterprises.

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7

Buultjens, Ralph. "The Ethics of Excess and Indian Intervention in South Asia." Ethics & International Affairs 3 (March 1989): 73–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1989.tb00213.x.

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This article examines four interlinked historical aspects of intervention from a philosophic and ethical perspective. What are the dimensions of intervention and how is it managed? What conditions govern intervention? How can intervention be evaluated? What are the moral issues in intervention? India, the world's largest democracy, has promoted its power through intervention in neighboring countries under the cloak of morality. The United States, Great Britain, and Russia have nonetheless tacitly endorsed India's role as the policing force in the region. Does this recognition justify India's actions toward its weaker and smaller neighbors?

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8

Mirzekhanov, Velikhan. "The Ideology of Colonization: Metamorphoses of the Colonial Question in the Political Philosophy of Alexis de Tocqueville." ISTORIYA 13, no. 4 (114) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021057-1.

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In this article the evolution of views on the empire, colonies and colonization by Alexis de Tocqueville, the outstanding French liberal thinker of the 19th century, are analyzed. It was shown that in the process of expanding the scale of the colonization of the 19th century Tocqueville, like many other French thinkers, began to defend and justify colonial domination, trying to justify colonial policy in every possible way and try to give it legitimacy. Although Tocqueville was fully aware of the vices of colonization, he was ready to defend it. He believed that the French nation could not afford not to be the dominant colonial power. Justifying the expansion of the French empire, he believed that the colonial project could contribute to the political unification of the French, and at the same time he feared that France would lose its position and its international reputation, lagging behind Great Britain in the annexation of overseas possessions. Tocqueville’s ideas about progress and the understanding of progress were fairly typical of nineteenth-century European thinkers. In 19th century Europe as a rule, attempts to justify colonization were combined with a linear theory of progress and a belief in the superiority of Europeans over other worlds.

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9

Kharkovsky, Ruslan. "Mahdist State in the Colonial Struggle of France and Great Britain in Sudan (1880s — 1890s)." ISTORIYA 13, no. 2 (112) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840020471-7.

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The article analyzes the evolution of the “Sudanese question” in the system of international relations in the last third of the 19th century. The thesis is argued that for Great Britain control over the Sudanese territories was an important link in the struggle for the creation of the world’s largest colonial empire. The threat of war between Britain and France during this period was quite real. The military, primarily naval, weakness of France was one of the essential reasons for its retreat from Sudan. The settlement of the colonial differences between England and France in Northeast Africa later became one of the reasons for the emergence of the Entente as a counterbalance to the growing German Empire.

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10

GIANNAKOPOULOS, GEORGIOS. "“MAKE BRITAIN GREAT AGAIN”: ANGLO-AMERICAN THOUGHT AND WORLD POLITICS IN THE AGE OF EMPIRES." Modern Intellectual History 15, no. 2 (January 30, 2017): 593–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244316000378.

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11

Page, Arnaud. "“The greatest victory which the chemist has won in the fight (…) against Nature”: Nitrogenous fertilizers in Great Britain and the British Empire, 1910s–1950s." History of Science 54, no. 4 (November 29, 2016): 383–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0073275316681801.

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This paper analyses the rise of synthetic nitrogen in Great Britain and its empire, from the First World War to the aftermath of the Second World War. Rather than focus solely on technological innovations and consumption statistics, it seeks to explain how nitrogen was a central element in the expansion of a form of agricultural governance, which needed simplified, stable, and seemingly universal input/output formulae. In the first half of the twentieth century, nitrogen was thus gradually constructed as a global indicator of development, as it was particularly adapted to scientific and political regimes increasingly relying upon abstraction and quantification. Yet, the history of nitrogenous fertilizers in the interwar years also shows that this cannot be reduced to a simple story of triumphant modernity, as their development and globalization was imperfect, unstable, accompanied by resistance and the resilience or emergence of other models. Rather than assuming an all-powerful “state” project, the paper thus seeks to recover the multiplicity of actors, and attempts to account for the rise of nitrogenous fertilizers; not just as the progressive application of a technological breakthrough, but as a difficult process embedded in technological, financial, and military constraints, corporate strategies, political imperatives, and the changing institutional framework of agricultural research.

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Orihara, Minami, and Gregory Clancey. "The Nature of Emergency: The Great Kanto Earthquake and the Crisis of Reason in Late Imperial Japan." Science in Context 25, no. 1 (January 27, 2012): 103–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889711000317.

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ArgumentHijōji(emergency) was an important keyword in the militarist Japan of the 1930s. Previous scholarship has assumed that such language sprung from the global financial crisis of 1929, and subsequent diplomatic events. Our article demonstrates, however, that a full-bodied language of emergency was crafted well before the collapse of the global economy, and against the backdrop of the Great Kanto Earthquake of 1923, which destroyed the Japanese capital. While previous “great earthquakes” had been opportunities to strengthen Japanese participation in the global project of science, this one led more dramatically to a crisis of reason, and indirectly contributed to the spiritual, anti-western, and anti-rational rhetoric of what became the “Showa Restoration.” This and other post-disaster landscapes, we argue, should be examined as compelling sites for the crafting of political language – sites of opportunity and meaning as well as trial. While the phrase “state of emergency” was coined under very different circumstances in post-war Britain, it gained power and charisma in Japan, and likely other places around the world, by its association with natural catastrophe. Thus did modern politics establish a new connection with the traditional realm of the sublime, and in the case of Japan, the supernatural. Emergency's ability to associate politics with nature would never disappear, and has perhaps even strengthened in the early twenty-first century.

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Sergeev, Evgeny. "Soviet Agitprop about Great Britain and the British in the Second Half of the 1920s — Early 1930s." ISTORIYA 13, no. 7 (117) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022198-6.

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The author examines the propaganda materials that were published by the Soviet regime during the second half of the 1920s and early 1930s, when relations between Moscow and London experienced ups and downs against the background of changes that characterised the evolution of the Versailles-Washington world order. The article illustrates the peculiarities of the perception by the Bolshevik leadership not only of the UK domestic political life, but also of key international events that influenced bilateral relations. The conclusions reached by the author demonstrate that it was in the period under review when the conceptual principles of the totalitarian ideology as well as the methods and techniques of “brainwashing” acquired a completed form in the Soviet Union.

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Prokopov, Alexander. "Communist International and Independent Labour Party of Great Britain in 1933 — Early 1934." ISTORIYA 12, no. 1 (99) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840013562-7.

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15

Massiera, Bernard, Ben Mahmoud Imed, and Long Thierry. "Comparison of Sporting Values in Europe: Effects of Social Institutionalization in Three European Territories." Journal of Human Values 24, no. 3 (July 19, 2018): 208–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971685818781242.

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This study examines the representations conveyed by sports practitioners and the ideologies that govern sports institutions in three European countries. Sports organizations seem to construct identitary references for practitioners through the values they convey and the forms of sociability that they develop. This international study compares the practices and representations of sport based on a questionnaire sent to a sample of practitioners in Cardiff, Great Britain; Nice, France; and Pitesti, Romania. The findings indicate some differences. In Great Britain, sports practices remain imbued with educational values, in line with the ideals that were at the origin of the sporting movement. In France, sports practices seem more rooted in an orthodoxy promoted by community supervision. In Romania, sport remains attached to a therapeutic vocation and social mobility in connection with the communist past.

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16

Wheeler, Michael. "Great Deaths: Grieving, Religion, and Nationhood in Victorian and Edwardian Britain (review)." Victorian Studies 45, no. 3 (2003): 556–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2003.0142.

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17

Blouet, Olwyn M. "Bryan Edwards, F.R.S., 1743-1800." Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 54, no. 2 (May 22, 2000): 215–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2000.0108.

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Bryan Edwards was a Jamaican planter and politician who published a well–respected History of the West Indies in 1793. He articulated the planter view concerning the value of the West Indian colonies to Great Britain, and opposed the abolition of the slave trade. Edwards disputed European scientific speculation that the ‘New World’ environment retarded nature, although his scientific interests have largely gone unnoticed. Elected a Fellow of The Royal Society in 1794, he became a Member of Parliament in 1796, and wrote a History of Haiti in the following year. As Secretary of the African Association, Edwards edited the African travel journals of Mungo Park.

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18

Carlsson, Moa. "Computing views, remodeling environments." Social Studies of Science 52, no. 2 (October 6, 2021): 227–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03063127211048943.

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This article traces the development and expansion of early computer systems for analyzing views at three state-owned agencies in the United States and Great Britain: the US Forest Service, the Central Electricity Generating Board of England and Wales, and the Greater London Authority. Following the technology over four decades, from 1968 to 2012, the article traces assumptions incorporated into initial programs and propagated through to the present. These programs were designed to address questions about visual environments and proximities by numerical calculations alone, without the need for field observations. Each historical episode provides unique insights into the role of abstraction and calculation in the production of landscapes and the built environment, and shows how computer-generated view data became an important currency in planning control, not primarily for aesthetic but for financial and political reasons.

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19

Steiner, Philippe. "Wealth and Power: Quesnay's Political Economy of the “Agricultural Kingdom”." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 24, no. 1 (March 2002): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10427710120115846.

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The Physiocrats “New Science” of Political Economy is often represented as unrelated to the pursuit of national power. A recent study (Fourquet 1989), which rests on the approaches of Fernand Braudel (1979) and Immanuel Wallerstein (1980), has radicalized the thesis already propounded by Edmond Silberner (1939) who claimed that Quesnay was profoundly ignorant of military matters and failed to understand the power struggles being played out on the seas and in the colonies. Did not Quesnay propose turning back to an agricultural economy, banishing industry, trade, and the navy—in short, all the active forces thanks to which Great Britain had snatched domination of the world economy from Holland and thanks to which she would prevent France from obtaining it?Yet this thesis is weak. It must be remembered that Quesnay's first economic writings date from 1756–57, that is to say a period when confrontation between France and England was at a peak, with the start of the Seven Years' War. How could an author who claims to de ne the economic government ofan agricultural nation ignore the military problems which were so crucial in this period? Even if he wanted to, how could he succeed in doing so once he came to deal with taxes and the highly sensitive question of finance? How could he make himself understood by his contemporaries with a political theory that set aside all the burning issues of the day? How could he find an audience among those developing the science of commerce who always accorded great importance to the pursuit of power?Under scrutiny the traditional thesis appears inaccurate. After recalling the writings of some of his contemporaries, whom Quesnay knew and read (section 1), I shall show that articles drafted between 1756 and 1757, like published or unpublished works which Mirabeau and Quesnay elaborated between 1757 and 1760, give significant room to the nation's military power, particularly when the economic government is in question (section 2). From the years 1763–64 the idea of a natural order does not lead Quesnay to neglect the pursuit of power (section 3). These links between power and wealth in the work of the founder of Physiocracy will lead finally to some remarks on political economy as a form of rationalization of politics.

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20

Skaggs, Neil T. "Thomas Tooke, Henry Thornton, and the Development of British Monetary Orthodoxy." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 25, no. 2 (June 2003): 177–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1042771032000083282.

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The first half of the nineteenth century in Great Britain was one of nearly continuous controversy over monetary issues. The Restriction of Cash Payments and the Bullion Controversy dominated the first two decades. After Resumption in 1821, a series of banking crises kept monetary issues on the front burner, until they boiled over again in the Currency-Banking Controversy of the 1840s. Of the many writers contributing to the monetary literature during the period, few contributed so much as Thomas Tooke. Long recognized as a collector of economic data without peer in his era, Tooke's reputation as an economic theorist has grown in recent years (cf. Laidler 1972; Arnon 1991; M. Smith 2001). Readers of Tooke's works have long known that his views on monetary theory changed radically from the 1820s to the 1840s, when he adopted a starkly anti-quantity theory approach. In his early years as a collector of economic data, Tooke allied himself with David Ricardo in the effort to return Great Britain to the gold standard. But though both subscribed to the quantity-theory/price-specie-flow-mechanism (QT-PSFM) framework for analyzing the economy's adjustment to monetary disturbances, their theoretical approaches differed in important respects. The differences were great enough to lead Arnon (1989, 1991) to conclude that Tooke and Ricardo should be viewed primarily as political, not theoretical, allies and to suggest that Tooke's approach shared greater affinities with the work of moderate bullionists than with Ricardo (Arnon 1991, pp. 48, 58, 108).

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21

Ataie, Iraj Jannatie. "Poems." Index on Censorship 17, no. 9 (October 1988): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228808534537.

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Iraj Jannatie Ataie (b. 1947), renowned in Iran as a poet, playwright and songwriter, was imprisoned under the Shah and is now in exile from the Khomeini regime. He lives in Britain, where several of his plays have recently been staged to great critical acclaim. Prometheus in Evin, staged in Farsi at the Royal Court in London last year, was hailed by The Guardian as ‘a brilliant and compelling universal story … which must place [Ataie] in the forefront of international playwrights today’. The play, which examines with ruthless honesty the lot of. the intellectual under repressive regimes, has now been produced in English (in Ataie's own translation) by the Mazdak Theatre Group (Young Vic Studio, 3–22 October 1988). A benefit reading of Ataie's poems, in aid of the Kurdish refugees, will be held at the Young Vic on 16 October 1988. The poems below were written in English.

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22

SARTORI, ANDREW. "BEYOND CULTURE-CONTACT AND COLONIAL DISCOURSE: “GERMANISM” IN COLONIAL BENGAL." Modern Intellectual History 4, no. 1 (March 8, 2007): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244306001053.

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This essay will explore the presence of Germany as a key trope of Bengali nationalist discourse in the late nineteenth century and the early twentieth. It will problematize the exhaustiveness of a conventional spectrum of interpretation in the analysis of colonial intellectual history that has been defined at one extreme by the cultural violence of colonial interpellation and at the other by a hermeneutic conception of authentic intercultural encounter across the limits of great traditions. When Bengalis actually began to interact directly with Germans and German thought, it was an encounter whose parameters had already been deeply determined in the course of the preceding forty or fifty years. But I shall also argue that this appeal to the trope of Germany emerged from within a more complex, multilateral configuration in which “Germany” was itself a key figure of Victorian discourses in Britain itself.

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23

Forneris, Elias P. "Raymond Aron’s War: A ‘History of the Present’ (1940–1944)." Tocqueville Review 43, no. 2 (December 1, 2022): 7–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.43.2.7.

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Raymond Aron’s exile in Great Britain during the Second World War was a less-known yet formative part of his career, during which he co-founded the journal La France libre. The articles he published between 1940 and 1944 in La France libre from London have previously been studied in a fragmented manner, but they have not yet been analyzed as a whole. This essay examines Aron’s articles compiled in Volume I of the Chroniques de guerre ( ‘From the Armistice to the National Insurrection’). Volumes II and III of Aron’s wartime articles merit their own separate analyses. The first objective of this essay is to present the theoretical contributions made by Aron in Volume I of his La France libre articles, with regard to a ‘history of the present.’ It argues that Aron adopted an ingenious approach to analyzing the history of the war as it unfolded, building upon his own philosophy of history from the Interwar. The second objective of the essay is to show that Aron’s wartime writings also marked his shift from being a scholar to entering “ l’engagement”: committing to political stances. In this regard, his anti-Gaullism in London has been generally overstated relative to his far more elaborate stances on contemporary French history. Revisited, Aron’s wartime articles thus help complete the picture of his career.

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24

Nielsen, Jens Petter. "At the Sources of Norway’s Foreign Policy Orientation: the Part Played by the November Treaty of 1855." ISTORIYA 12, no. 7 (105) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016485-2.

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This article deals with the background for the November treaty of 1855 between Great Britain and France on the one hand, and the United kingdoms of Sweden and Norway on the other. The November treaty explicitly pointed to Russia as a potential aggressor against Norway and Sweden and offered these states protection by the two Western Powers. The author elucidates the prerequisites for the conclusion of the treaty, and its role as a first step in Norway’s orientation between East and West — and a foreboding of independent Norway’s foreign policy (from 1905).

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25

Rosenfeld, Louis. "The Chemical Work of Alexander and Jane Marcet." Clinical Chemistry 47, no. 4 (April 1, 2001): 784–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clinchem/47.4.784.

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Abstract Alexander Marcet was an authority on urinary calculi and their analysis when few medical practitioners appreciated the usefulness of chemistry in the explanation and treatment of disease. In An Essay on The Chemical History and Medical Treatment of Calculous Disorders, he described the discovery of an xanthine stone. He drew line illustrations of simple chemical apparatus useful for bedside analysis. His microtechnique used drops of solution and pinhead pieces of calculi; reagents were acids and alkalies and the blowpipe in conjunction with a small alcohol lamp. He reported the earliest description of a disorder later named “alcaptonuria”. Marcet’s work and that of a few others, on the chemical composition of urine and calculi, laid the foundations of our present knowledge. Between 1807 and 1820, his lectures to the medical students at Guy’s Hospital were illustrated by experiments. Jane Haldimand Marcet wrote the very popular Conversations on Chemistry (16 editions in Great Britain). Her book dominated elementary chemical instruction during the first half of the 19th century. She followed Lavoisier’s scheme of classification and explained chemical reactions in terms of affinity, aggregation, gravitation, and repulsion. Her advocacy that experimentation accompany lecture was new. The availability of serious scientific education in the new women’s academies set the stage for increasing women’s involvement in science. She also published a series of Conversations. The topics were Political Economy, Natural Philosophy, and Vegetable Physiology.

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Litvak, N. V. "The French Scientific and Pedagogic Community Alarmed: Review of the International Symposium." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 6, no. 1 (March 28, 2022): 176–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2022-1-21-176-178.

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On January 7–8, 2022, an event Après la déconstruction. Reconstruire les sciences et la culture (After the Deconstruction. Reconstruction of Sciences and the Culture) organized by the College of Philosophy, the Observatory of decolonialism, and the Committee Laïcité République, took place at the Sorbonne. The colloquium brought together prominent figures from around the world in the heart of Paris, in the historical Salle Louis Liard of Sorbonne University in which PhD theses are defended. Due to the constrictions of the venue — hence the COVID-19 restrictions — apart from 220 delegates to the symposium, more than 400 participants took part via the Internet. Minister of National Education Jean-Michel Blanquer delivered the opening speech. Speakers from France and the best universities of the USA, Canada, and Great Britain took part in three sessions and twelve thematic panels. Researchers, political scientists, sociologists, historians, economists, artists, and representatives of many other professions, mathematicians included, followed the lead of French philosophers present at the conference. The keynote of the symposium was the concern about the increasing politicization of science and education and the need to respond to its threats. The convention regarded the so-called woke ideology, or decolonization thinking, and cancel culture as the main threats to the world, science, and education, since this ideology may result in the cancellation of the very Western civilization. The participants discussed, darkly, pseudo-scientific approaches to the study of Islam, new taboos in mass culture, post-truth in the media, and knowledge transfer in educational training today. It was suggested that every fake or pseudoscientific paper should be countered with a scientific one, academics should back their peers confronted by student activists and university administration, resist deconstruction by transmitting knowledge and language to younger generations. The new axiological turn calls for facing the new ethics not only in everyday encounters but within the scientific discourse as well.

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Smirnova, Irina. "“Athos” Course of Lord Bulwer-Lytton: about the History of British-Russian Diplomatic Relations in the Balkans in the 1860s." ISTORIYA 13, no. 7 (117) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022289-6.

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The article discusses the goals and objectives of the British diplomats on the “Athos” track in the context of the diplomatic confrontation between Great Britain and Russia which relied extensively on the Church contacts in their Balkan politics. It explores such a little-studied aspect of the Athos problem as the role of Russian and British diplomats in addressing the issue of the Athos monasteries’ properties sequestrated by Alexandru Cuza, prince of the United Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia, through the lens of the activities of Sir George Bulwer-Lytton, ambassador to Constantinople, in the 1860s. It uses Lord Bulwer's participation in the work of European commissions and conferences, to illustrate the methods and practices of British diplomats aimed at forcing Russia out of the Balkan region (and even out of the Middle East): such as erosion of the credibility of the Russian Empire, defamation of its representatives in Greek communities and their displacement from principle foreign-policy objectives, and indoctrination into endless conflicts in the multinational environment of Orthodox monasticism on the Holy Mount. It shows that from the mid-19th century one of the primary instruments of British politics not only on Mount Athos, but also in the Orthodox East, as a whole, was the right of British subjects (Ionian Greeks in the case of Athos) to official support and protection of British diplomats, while Russian Athonites were deprived of that right due to the lack of official Russian patronage over Russian subjects in the Ottoman Empire. The confrontation between Great Britain and Russia in the Balkans and the Eastern Mediterranean played a prominent role in the development of Russian-Greek relations and the occurrence of such a phenomenon as “Russian Athos”.

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Bizup, Joseph. "An Historical Geography of Railways in Great Britain and Ireland, and: Railways and the Victorian Imagination (review)." Victorian Studies 43, no. 2 (2001): 333–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2001.0004.

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Pavlov, Nikolay. "Germany in the Middle East: from Bismarck to Hitler." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-2 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840019238-0.

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Germany has always been interested in expanding its influence in the Middle East where the strategic interests of the main imperialist powers competing among one another met. For a long time this region was for Germany a territory that provided access to sea, played the role of the military and political bridgehead, was a source of raw materials and a market for German goods. Having embarked on the path of colonial conquests much later than Great Britain and France, Germany was forced not to conquer but to win back its share of the “colonial pie”. Nevertheless, Germany managed to take a leading place in relations with the countries of the Middle East, which considered it as a central European power capable of becoming a conductor of their interests in Europe. However, Germany’s defeat in two world wars led to the fact that it lost its positions in the region and two new German states needed one decade to start a new dialogue with the countries of the region in the conditions of Cold war and bloc confrontation.

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30

Novichenko, Irina. "Model Dwellings for Working People: How British Co-operators Built Houses in the 1860s." ISTORIYA 12, no. 9 (107) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017059-3.

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The article attempts to analyze the first steps of “co-operative social housing” in Great Britain, the peculiarities of the emergence of the idea and the mechanisms of its implementation during ten years, from 1860 to 1870. On the basis of publications in the newspaper “The Co-operator” (1860—1870), the question of organizing the activities of co-operative building societies and the process of forming ideas about a “healthy house for working people” under the influence of the educational activities of Edward Thomas Craig and Florence Nightingale. Co-operators approached the issue of housing construction in a utilitarian manner, adhered to the latest methods of organizing a healthy house, created their own culture of living in cities, and ennobled the urban space around them.

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31

Kotova, Elena. "The last Congress of the Holy Alliance. Alexander I and K. L. Metternich in Verona in 1822." ISTORIYA 13, no. 9 (119) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022834-6.

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The last congress of the Holy Alliance was held 200 years ago. The era of congresses has played an important role in the history of Europe. During this period, the foundations of the Vienna system of international relations were laid, formulated at the Congress of 1814—1815. The concert of European powers that developed at that time — Russia, Austria, France, Great Britain, Prussia — determined world politics. The revolutions of 1820—1821 in European countries became a serious challenge to the Vienna system. At the congresses of the Holy Alliance, measures were developed to combat the revolutionary and national liberation movement. Alexander I and Metternich were among the leading actors in international politics of that time. The article pays special attention to their relationship.

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32

Weiler, Peter. "Labour History and the Labour Movement in Britain, and: Thomas Burt, Miners' MP, 1837-1922: The Great Conciliator (review)." Victorian Studies 43, no. 4 (2001): 625–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2001.0123.

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Novichenko, Irina. "Rochdale Pioneers: Myths and Facts." ISTORIYA 13, no. 11 (121) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023121-2.

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The history of the Rochdale Pioneers, the founders of the consumer co-operatives in Great Britain, is repeated by all who turn to the history of the co-operative and labour movements. This “story” is always the same, researchers retell approximately the same facts. The article attempts to trace how the “typical story” about the Rochdale Pioneers developed in Russian and British historiography and how it is seen in the light of recent research. The documents of the “Rochdale Society of Equitable Pioneers” and the data from recent studies of British historians helped to consider the background of the event; the circumstances of the creation of the Society, the number of founding pioneers, their professional affiliation, age composition, adherence to Owenist and other socio-political ideas; relations with other cooperatives and authorities; the rules and objectives set out in the Statute of 1844 and subsequent statutes; the main directions of the Society's activity in 1844—1860s; the fate of the founding pioneers. Particular attention is paid to the evolution of the principles of the Rochdale co-operative system and to the efforts to preserve the heritage of the Pioneers.

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34

Bizup, Joseph. "BOOK REVIEW: David Turnock.AN HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF RAILWAYS IN GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. and Michael Freeman.RAILWAYS AND THE VICTORIAN IMAGINATION." Victorian Studies 43, no. 2 (January 2001): 333–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/vic.2001.43.2.333.

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35

Grant, H. Roger. "Railwaymen, Politics and Money: The Great Age of Railways in Britain, and: The Oxford Companion to British Railway History (review)." Victorian Studies 42, no. 3 (2000): 527–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2000.0060.

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36

Schiemenz, Günter P. "A heretical look at the Benzolfest." British Journal for the History of Science 26, no. 2 (June 1993): 195–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087400030752.

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The Benzolfest of 1890 in honour of August Kekulé fell into that economically prosperous, politically peaceful period of European imperialism which is characterized by the splendour of the courts of Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, Empress of India; Emperor Franz Josef of Austria, King of Hungary; and the German Emperor Wilhelm II, King of Prussia. Whoever could afford it (and even some of those who could not) tried to imitate these models and to participate at least to a modest extent in the glamour of the imperial courts. Merits were honoured by the bestowal of titles, orders and medals, and many an effort to the benefit of the common weal in deeds and money was induced by the prospect of becoming a Privy Councillor (Geheimrat) or a Councillor of Commerce (Kommerzienrat), of being awarded the Order of the Red Eagle [of Prussia] (the fourth class being almost automatically given to a major of the Prussian army who in this peaceful time had never had a chance to distinguish himself, and not so automatically to a distinguished professor on the occasion of his sixtieth birthday), or even of being raised to hereditary nobility, the epithet von added to the name being the permanently visible sign of particular excellence.

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37

Дьяков, А. В. "Historicism after the History: Anglo-Saxon Historiography and Postmodern (In Memory of Alun Munslow)." Диалог со временем, no. 80(80) (December 5, 2022): 163–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2022.80.80.008.

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Статья обращается к творчеству Кита Дженкинса и Алана Манслоу, с именами которых связана имевшая значительный резонанс программа реформирования академической историографии. Идеи этих авторов получили широкое распространение и долгое время представлялись потенциально революционизирующими благодаря эф-фективному сочетанию актуальных теоретических демаршей и академической практики, привлекающей молодых исследователей, стремящихся к отходу от идеологически окрашенной традиции историописания. Вместе с тем, принятие идей, исповедуемых Дженкинсом и Манслоу, в пространстве британской исторической науки объясняется сочетанием двух существенных факторов: во-первых, значительным сходством ряда постмодернистских установок, касающихся дискурсивных стратегий и вообще языка историка, с концепциями «лингвистического поворота» и деятельностью таких авторов, как Х. Уайт, а во-вторых, политической конъюнктурой в Великобритании рубежа тысячелетий, обеспечившей благоприятную почву для принятия «французской теории». Объясняя причины критической реакции на теоретическую и практическую деятельность Дженкинса и Манслоу в последнее десятилетие, автор выдвигает тезис об имплицитном принятии британской исторической наукой ряда привнесенных ими установок, сделавшихся частью ассоциирующегося с традицией теоретического дискурса, показывая, что за отказом от тех идей, которые пропагандировали эти авторы, в действительности скрывается их частичное усвоение, что открывает новую перспективу в истории историографии. The article refers to the oeuvre of Keith Jenkins and Alun Manslow, whose names are associated with a program of reforming academic historiography that had a significant resonance. The author demonstrates that the ideas of these two authors have become widespread in academic circles and have long been considered potentially revolutionary due to the effective combination of topical theoretical demarches and academic practice that attracts young researchers seeking to move away from the ideologically charged tradition of historical writing. At the same time, the author explains the acceptance of the ideas professed by Jenkins and Munslow in the space of British historical science by a combination of two significant factors: firstly, a significant similarity of a number of postmodernist attitudes regarding discursive strategies and the historian’s language in general, with the concepts of the “linguistic turn” and the activities authors such as H. White, and secondly, the political situation in Great Britain at the turn of the millennium, which provided fertile ground for the adoption of the "French theory". Explaining the reasons for the critical reaction to the theoretical and practical activities of Jenkins and Munslow in the last decade, the author puts forward the thesis about the implicit acceptance by British historical science of a number of attitudes introduced by them, which have become part of the theoretical discourse associated with tradition, showing that behind the rejection of those ideas that were propagated these authors, in fact, hides their partial assimilation, which opens up a new perspective in the history of historiography.

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38

Aleksander, Orlov. "Great Britain in 1801: before the Signing of the Peace of Amiens (According to Reports of the Priest of the Russian Embassy in London, Yakov Smirnov)." ISTORIYA 12, no. 1 (99) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840013685-2.

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39

Sergeev, Evgeny. "Between Scillas of the European Revolution and Haribdes of the First World War: the Policy of Soviet Russia and Great Britain in the East in 1918." ISTORIYA 12, no. 1 (99) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840013687-4.

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40

Weiler, Peter. "BOOK REVIEW: Sidney Pollard.LABOUR HISTORY AND THE LABOUR MOVEMENT IN BRITAIN. and Lowell J. Satre.THOMAS BURT, MINERS' MP, 1837-1922: THE GREAT CONCILIATOR." Victorian Studies 43, no. 4 (July 2001): 625–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/vic.2001.43.4.625.

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41

Parry, Jonathan. "The Great Tradition: Constitutional History and National Identity in Britain and the United States, 1870-1960, by Anthony Brundage and Richard A. Cosgrove." Victorian Studies 51, no. 1 (October 2008): 181–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/vic.2008.51.1.181.

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42

Tusan. "Britain, the Empire and the World at the Great Exhibition of 1851, edited by Jeffrey A. Auerbach and Peter H. Hoffenberg." Victorian Studies 51, no. 4 (2009): 757. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/vic.2009.51.4.757.

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43

Flint, John. "BOOK REVIEW: Neil Parsons.KING KHAMA, EMPEROR JOE, AND THE GREAT WHITE QUEEN: VICTORIAN BRITAIN THROUGH AFRICAN EYES.Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1998." Victorian Studies 42, no. 1 (October 1998): 130–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/vic.1998.42.1.130.

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44

Shacillo, Vyacheslav. "The First (1895) and the Second (1903) Venezuelan Crises: a Comparative Analysis of Geopolitical Consequences." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-1 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018150-4.

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The article presents a comparative analysis of the geopolitical consequences of two international crises in Latin America in the end of 19th — the beginning of the 20th century. The first Venezuelan crisis caused by a territorial dispute between Venezuela and the British Empire, worsened also relations between Washington and London. The government of the USA considered that the territorial claims of Great Britain to one of the Latin American countries threatened the vital interests of the United States and were in contradiction with the principles of the Monroe doctrine. Based on such considerations, the White House demanded the convening of an international tribunal to resolve this territorial dispute. The British government originally refused to accept the American proposal, and then, under the pressure of international circumstances, agreed to arbitration and actually recognized the Monroe doctrine. Afterwards, the process of rapprochement between the two countries began. During the Second Venezuelan crisis, caused by the financial demands of a number of European countries to the Venezuelan government, the main opponent of the United States was the German Empire, which also did not recognize the Monroe doctrine and tried to strengthen its financial and military positions in Latin America. The German-American confrontation in Venezuela seriously worsened relations between Washington and Berlin and led to a closer Anglo-American cooperation. Thus, both crises changed the geopolitical situation not only in Latin America, but also worldwide.

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45

Robinson. "National Identity in Great Britain and British North America, 1815–1851: The Role of Nineteenth-Century Periodicals, by Linda E. Connors and Mary Lu MacDonald." Victorian Studies 55, no. 2 (2013): 379. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/victorianstudies.55.2.379.

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46

Gella, Tamara. "Russia and Japan as an Image of the “Other” on the Pages of British Periodicals of the Early 60s of the 19th Century." ISTORIYA 13, no. 7 (117) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022001-0.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the socio-cultural perception of Russia and Japan as an image of the “other” in British society in the early 60s of the 19th century. Unlike previous studies of this problem, the source base was the publications of a number of British periodical journals. The choice of Russia and Japan as objects of study is due to the fact that both countries were perceived by English contemporaries as Asian countries with an Asian mentality of their population. However, Russia was also perceived as a Slavic country. In this regard, conducting a fragmentary cross-section of country studies within the framework of the British socio-cultural perception of Japan and Russia may be of interest both for understanding the relationship of Great Britain with these states, and for clarifying the Middle Victorian mentality as such. The article emphasizes that the criteria for the authors’ coverage of the events in Japan and Russia and the life of their peoples were different. With regard to Japan, the articles described not only its state system and the political situation in the country, but considerable attention was paid to Japanese nature, architecture, commerce, everyday life and culture of the Japanese. As for the Russian subjects, the materials were mainly devoted to the domestic and foreign policy of Russia since the beginning of the reign of Alexander II with a constant excursion into the history of the country. In this article, conclusions were drawn that British magazines, creating “Russian” and “Japanese” images, proceeded from the presence of the so-called “Japanese myth”, on the one hand, and on the other hand, from the prevailing stereotypical perception of the Russian people, thereby distorting the real picture of Russia and Japan in the early 60s of the 19th century.

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47

Petrova, Maria. "Behaviour Strategies of the Foreign Diplomats at the Perpetual Diet of the Holy Roman Empire in the 18th Century." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-1 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018149-2.

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The article analyses the changes that took place in the official diplomatic communication of European rulers after the Thirty Years' War and the conclusion of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, which affirmed a number of sovereign rights to the Estates of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation (and former vassals of the emperor), including the right to send and receive ambassadors. The new sovereigns, primarily the princes-electors, began to fight for the so-called royal honours (honores regii), which were de facto expressed in a certain set of ceremonies in relation to the ambassadors of the crowned heads and republics assimilated to them. The arena of the struggle for the royal honours was the Imperial Diet of the Holy Roman Empire in Regensburg — a general assembly of all Imperial Estates (in the middle of the eighteenth century — their representatives), by which since the end of the 17th century foreign diplomats had been accredited (first France, a little later — Great Britain, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, in the middle of the eighteenth century — Russia). Having declared their representatives in 1702 as the ministers of the first rank, the electors tried for a century to force the “old” monarchs to send ambassadors to the Diet, and they, by custom, were sent only to the sovereigns. Comparing the various ways out of the ceremonial impasse, the author comes to the conclusion that the struggle for elusive precedence, which foreign diplomats of the second rank (envoys or ministers plenipotentiary) waged with the representatives of the electors at the Imperial Diet, was a deliberately unwinnable strategy, leading either to their isolation or to the recall from their posts. A much more effective strategy that did not damage state prestige was to send to Regensburg so-called ministers without character or residents, who occupied a less honorable position in comparison with ambassadors and envoys, but according to their status were freed from the opportunity to compete with them and, as a result, to come into conflict.

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48

Connellan, Owen, and Nathaniel Lichfield. "Great Britain." American Journal of Economics and Sociology 59, no. 5 (November 2000): 239–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1536-7150.00096.

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49

Sterkhov, Dmitry. "Between Hegemony and Federalism. The Prussian Plans to Create the North German Imperial Confederation in the Summer of 1806." ISTORIYA 13, no. 9 (119) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840019088-5.

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The article is focused on Prussian attempts to separate the North German territories from the rest of the Holy Roman Empire during the summer months of 1806 with the aim of creating a North German Imperial Confederation under the Prussian protection. The reasons behind the possible foundation of the North German Imperial Confederation as well as the journalistic activities around this Prussian project are also in the centre of attention. The structure of the supposed North German Confederation are analyzed on the basis of plans and projects elaborated by the Prussian politicians and diplomats in July and August 1806. The deliberations over the joining to the Confederation were conducted by the Prussian government with the Electors of Hesse and Saxony as well as with the Hanseatic cities of Hamburg, Lübeck and Bremen which were supposed to become the major members of the Prussian-dominated North German state. The analysis has shown that the Prussian government considered the possible North German Imperial Confederation as thelegal successor of the Holy Roman Empire, with Habsburgs being replaced by the Hohenzollern dynasty. The Prussian claims on the inheritance of the Holy Roman Empire and on the hegemony in the Northern Germany were met with discontent on the part of Hesse and especially Saxony, which impelled the Prussian politicians to repeatedly modify their projects, adding more elements of federalism to them. Despite all the concessions, Prussia eventually failed to unite the Northern Germany under its protection. The reasons for this lie both in the separatism of the North German principalities and cities, and in inner inconsistency and crudity of the Prussian projects. France and Great Britain also impeded the Prussian plans since neither of them was interested in a separate North German state under Prussian control. Napoleon's refusal to support Prussia's attempts to unify the Northern Germany was used by the Prussian government as a pretext to declare war on France in October 1806 which ended with dramatic Prussian defeat. Despite the fact that the Prussian plans to create a North German Imperial Confederation in the summer of 1806 were never realized, this was one of the many possible ways of the evolution of the German statehood in the early 19th century. It was finally put into practice half a century later, in the form of the North German Confederation in 1866.

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Lyttelton, Adrian. "Political language in Italy and Great Britain." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 14, no. 1 (March 2009): 66–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545710802647775.

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