Journal articles: 'Political science – European Union countries'

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Jeannet, Anne-Marie, Tobias Heidland, and Martin Ruhs. "What asylum and refugee policies do Europeans want? Evidence from a cross-national conjoint experiment." European Union Politics 22, no. 3 (April 23, 2021): 353–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14651165211006838.

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The protection of asylum seekers and refugees has become one of the most politically divisive issues in the European Union, yet there has been a lack of research on public preferences for asylum and refugee policies. This article analyzes which policies Europeans prefer and why. We advance a theoretical framework that explains how asylum and refugee policies that use limits and conditions enable individuals to resolve conflicting humanitarian and perceived national interest logics. Using an original conjoint experiment in eight countries, we demonstrate that Europeans prefer policies that provide refugee protection but also impose control through limits or conditions. In contrast to the divisive political debates between European Union member states, we find consistent public preferences across European countries.

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Economou, Athina, and Christos Kollias. "Terrorism and Political Self-Placement in European Union Countries." Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 21, no. 2 (April 1, 2015): 217–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/peps-2014-0036.

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AbstractStudies have shown that citizens’ risk-perceptions and risk-assessment are affected by large scale terrorist acts. Reported evidence shows that individuals are often willing to trade-off civil liberties for enhanced security particularly as a post-terrorist attack reaction as well as adopting more conservative views. Within this strand of the literature, this paper examines whether terrorism and in particular mass-casualty terrorist attacks affect citizens’ political self-placement on the left-right scale of the political spectrum. To this effect the Eurobarometer surveys for 12 European Union countries are utilized and ordered logit models are employed for the period 1985–2010 with over 230,000 observations used in the estimations. On balance, the findings reported herein seem to be pointing to a shift in respondents’ self-positioning towards the right of the political spectrum.

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Gregor, Jiří. "Political Budget Cycles in the European Union." Acta Universitatis Agriculturae et Silviculturae Mendelianae Brunensis 64, no. 2 (2016): 595–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.11118/actaun201664020595.

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This paper provides research on the theme of the political budget cycles. The goal is to find out whether or not the government tries to manipulate the state budget and its components for the purpose of re-election across the countries of the European Union. In order to verify this theory a dynamic panel data model was used. The results were significant, but only if predetermined elections were not counted into the estimations. In that case, the theory of the political budget cycles could be accepted as valid for the EU countries. The main driving force of the political budget cycles across the countries of the European Union is fluctuation of the government expenditures. During the election year, the government expenditures are higher, and a year after the election, government expenditures are lower. This is reflected into the state budget balance.

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Elbashir, Rania. "LIBYA'S FOREIGN TRADE WITH EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." MEST Journal 10, no. 2 (July 15, 2022): 64–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.12709/mest.10.10.02.07.

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The subject of this empirical and theoretical work is the exchange of foreign trade in Libya with the countries of the European Union. The scientific objective of the research is to make a scientific classification of the volume of foreign trade between Libya and the European Union countries and to discover the factors that hinder foreign trade and explain them scientifically. European countries also support this cooperation and contribute significantly to the formulation of future cooperation policies with Libya in various social, political, and economic fields. However, this cooperation takes place in light of objective difficulties arising from the conflicting interests of Western countries in North Africa and Libya. Since these relations are burdened with many problems of different nature, we started this paper from two assumptions: The first premise is that in the trade relations between Libya and the European Union, there are common interests for foreign trade that are more feasible. The second premise is that more encouragement and protection for investments by the countries of the European Union helps in new qualitative development and economic growth in Libya, which will significantly improve trade relations between Libya and the countries of the European Union.

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Doronina, Olha. "LIFELONG LEARNING STRATEGIES IN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES." Grail of Science, no. 16 (July 11, 2022): 471–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.36074/grail-of-science.17.06.2022.074.

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A traditional definition of lifelong learning is “all learning activity conducted throughout life with the goal of enhancing knowledge, skills, and competences within a personal, civic, societal, or employment-related viewpoint” (European Commission, 2001). Over the years, the European Union has placed a strong emphasis on the development of the knowledge triangle "education, innovation, and research," as well as the development of skills. Lifelong learning has been deemed a high political priority by numerous EU organizations with a series of decisions and resolutions (European Commission, 2021). It has been acknowledged that to ensure an individual's life development and self-fulfillment, it is vital to regularly update knowledge and competences as a result of increasing skill differentiation and globalization.

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Mejlgaard, Niels. "Science’s disparate responsibilities: Patterns across European countries." Public Understanding of Science 27, no. 3 (August 12, 2017): 262–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963662517724645.

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It is a distinctive feature of European science policy that science is expected to meet economic and broader societal objectives simultaneously. Science should be governed democratically and take significant responsibilities towards the economy, the political system and civil society, but the coherency of these multiple claims is underexplored. Using metrics that emerge from both quantitative and qualitative studies, we examine the interrelatedness of different responsibilities at the level of countries. A total of 33 European Union member states and associated countries are included in the analysis. We find no trade-off between economic and broader societal contributions. Europe is, however, characterised by major divisions in terms of the location of science in society. There is a significant East–West divide, and Europe appears to be far from accomplishing an integrated European Research Area.

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Marrese, Michael. "CMEA: effective but cumbersome political economy." International Organization 40, no. 2 (1986): 287–327. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027156.

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The Council for Mutual Economic Assistance is primarily a forum for bilateral bargaining between the Soviet Union and each of the other CMEA countries. The bilateral negotiations are conducted with tremendous concern for Soviet long-term preferences and for the short-term economic-political stability of East European countries. The CMEA provides the Soviet Union with an effective but cumbersome politico-economic policy-making apparatus that is becoming less effective and increasingly cumbersome over time. From the East European perspective, the CMEA tends to solidify the positions of the East European leaders yet generate long-term economic costs. What are the preferences upon which the CMEA is constructed? How are CMEA characteristics related to these preferences? What are the economic costs and benefits to member countries in static and dynamic terms? Why have costs for all member countries risen over time? How is intra-CMEA trade likely to change during the next decade?

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Lodge, Juliet. "European Union and the EFTA countries: enlargement and integration." International Affairs 71, no. 1 (January 1995): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624064.

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Gänzle, Stefan, Dominic Stead, Franziska Sielker, and Tobias Chilla. "Macro-regional Strategies, Cohesion Policy and Regional Cooperation in the European Union: Towards a Research Agenda." Political Studies Review 17, no. 2 (June 13, 2018): 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929918781982.

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Since 2009, the European Union has developed strategies for the Baltic Sea, Danube, Adriatic-Ionian and Alpine macro-regions. These macro-regional strategies represent a new tool of European Union governance that seeks to combine the community’s territorial cooperation and cohesion policy repertoire with intergovernmental ‘regional cooperation’ involving European Union member and partner countries. By establishing comprehensive governance architectures for cross-sectoral and trans-boundary policy coordination in areas such as transport infrastructure and environmental protection, macro-regional strategies seek to mobilise European Union member and non-member states alike in promoting and harmonising territorial and trans-governmental cooperation. Both the macro-regional strategies and the macro-regions themselves have been met with increasing interest across several disciplines, including geography, regional planning, political science and public administration, triggering questions and debates on issues such as their impacts on existing practices of territorial cooperation and their relation to previously established forms of regional cooperation. Authored by scholars based in the above-mentioned fields of study, this contribution seeks to take stock of research on the subject to date, reflect on conceptual starting points and highlight new directions for future research in the political sciences.

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Tikhova, VLADLENA V. "DEVELOPMENT OF MILITARY AND POLITICAL COOPERATION OF THE EUROPEAN UNION (1945-1992)." Journal of Law and Administration 17, no. 1 (April 29, 2021): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2021-1-58-3-12.

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Introduction. This paper analyzes the history of development of the European Union’s political and military cooperation. The author gives an in-depth review of the origins of the European integration, its reasons and key political figures who played the crucial role in this process. The author shows that the establishment of cooperation between West European countries right after 1945 dealt with projects that were not implemented. Much attention is paid to the activities of the Western European Union (WEU) that played a considerable role in shaping the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. The article also presentshow different the members of the European Union are, how the views of the European countries vary in many areas and how difficult it is to coordinate the positions of the member-states on important issues concerning the foreign, security and defense policy of the European Union.Materials and methods. Building on the system analysis of the theories of international relations, international integration and the materials of related sciences such as political and conflict resolution studies the author considers the development stages of the European countries’ political and military collaboration from the establishment of the EuropeanDefense Community to the European Political Cooperation.Results. Proceeding from the results of the analysis the author concludes that the activities aimed to build military and political collaboration of the European states had laid a solid foundation to establish the second pillar of the EU - the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) by the time the Maastricht Treaty was signed in 1992.Discussion and conclusions. The materialsof this paper describe the stages and historicalroots of the development of the military and political collaboration of the European countries. Complexities and contradictions that are inherent in this process explain the challenges the EU’s current foreign, security and defense policies have to face.

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Bourantonis, Dimitris, Sarantis Kalyvitis, and Constantine Tsoutsoplides. "The European Union and Greece: Political Acceptability and Financial Transfers." Politics 18, no. 2 (May 1998): 89–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00065.

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In this paper a conceptual model is developed that relates loyalty to a community of countries to the material benefits derived from it, measured by the transfer of extra income. We argue that the extent of a country's welfare, and consequently its acceptance to participate in a community increase together with the latter's scope for influence on the former. We use the paradigm of Greece, which is one of the main recipient countries in the EU. It was found that financial transfers concerning regional policy affect in the long-run ‘the acceptance of European integration’ by the public in Greece while social policy funds appear to have short-run positive effects on public opinion.

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Târlea, Silvana, Stefanie Bailer, Hanno Degner, Lisa M. Dellmuth, Dirk Leuffen, Magnus Lundgren, Jonas Tallberg, and Fabio Wasserfallen. "Explaining governmental preferences on Economic and Monetary Union Reform." European Union Politics 20, no. 1 (January 8, 2019): 24–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518814336.

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This article examines the extent to which economic or political factors shaped government preferences in the reform of the Economic Monetary Union. A multilevel analysis of European Union member governments’ preferences on 40 EMU reform issues negotiated between 2010 and 2015 suggests that countries’ financial sector exposure has significant explanatory power. Seeking to minimize the risk of costly bailouts, countries with highly exposed financial sectors were more likely to support solutions involving high degrees of European integration. In contrast, political factors had no systematic impact. These findings help to enhance our understanding of preference formation in the European Union and the viability of future EMU reform.

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Turner, Thomas, and Daryl D’Art. "Public Perceptions of Trade Unions in Countries of the European Union." Labor Studies Journal 37, no. 1 (January 5, 2012): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x11429266.

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Balinska, Yana. "UPDATING THE IDEAS OF EUROSKEPTICISM IN THE COUNTRIES OF WESTERN EUROPE: FROM BREXIT TO COVID19." Politology bulletin, no. 86 (2021): 148–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2021.86.148-160.

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The problem of Euroscepticism is especially relevant in connection with the growing electoral support of Eurosceptics, which was demonstrated by the May 2014 elections to the European Parliament. The purpose of this article was to identify the key features of modern understanding of this phenomenon and to determine the reasons for its significant relevance in Western Europe. Among the main research methods: political science — analysis of specialized scientific sources revealed features of political science interpretation of the concept; comparative — allowed to compare the attitude to the key ideas of Euroscepticism in different countries and at different times; historical — allowed to study the transformation of understanding of the concept of «Euroscepticism». The reasons for the active spread of Euroscepticism were: Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union; difficulties in the process of enlargement of the European Union in 2004; protracted financial and economic crisis; the refugee problem and the COVID19 epidemic with its socio-economic and political consequences.

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Orenstein, Mitchell A. "What Happened in East European (Political) Economies?" East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 23, no. 4 (September 16, 2009): 479–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409342109.

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Assessing the results of neoliberal reform remains controversial even twenty years after 1989. While neoliberal reform programs appeared to have finally produced rapid economic growth in the 2000s after a long transitional recession, the 2008 global economic meltdown plunged Central and East European countries back into crisis. This article offers a mixed assessment of the results of neoliberal economic reforms and questions the easy compatibility of democracy and radical reform observed during the 1990s. Since the 2000s, both democratic and authoritarian countries in Eastern Europe have experienced rapid growth. Geopolitics, more than reform or democracy, seems to separate the winners from the losers. Successful countries are those that either joined the European Union or developed close political and economic relations with Russia. Those betwixt and between and those suffering internal strife (or both) still have not reached 1989 levels of economic production.

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Okoń-Horodyńska, Ewa, Anna Zachorowska-Mazurkiewicz, Rafał Wisła, and Tomasz Sierotowicz. "Gender in the creation of intellectual property of the selected European Union countries." ECONOMICS & SOCIOLOGY 8, no. 2 (September 20, 2015): 115–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.14254/2071-789x.2015/8-2/9.

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Bolonina. "“Non-Recognition” of the EAEU by the European Union: Political Aspects." Contemporary Europe 101, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 200–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope12021200208.

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The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) positions itself as an open integration formation and considers the cooperation with external partners as a key feature of its functioning. However, while it is developing a growing network of trade agreements in the framework of a Great Eurasian Partnership, it faces difficulties in establishing a formal dialogue with a neighboring integration formation – the European Union (EU). In this article we propose to analyze political causes of such “non-recognition”, conditioned by the context of political tensions between Russia and the EU countries and by the perception of the EAEU as a tool for promotion of an integration model, alternative to the European one. The article offers recommendations to enhance the dialogue between the two integration unions, oriented at strengthening of objective economic prerequisites for EU ‒ EAEU cooperation, as well as at the formation of the EAEU identity, separate from the identities of its member-states.

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Kuhn, Theresa, and Aaron Kamm. "The national boundaries of solidarity: a survey experiment on solidarity with unemployed people in the European Union." European Political Science Review 11, no. 2 (May 2019): 179–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773919000067.

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AbstractAmidst the European sovereign debt crisis and soaring unemployment levels across the European Union, ambitions for European unemployment policies are high on the political agenda. However, it remains unclear what European taxpayers think about these plans and who is most supportive of European unemployment policies. To contribute to this debate, we conducted a survey experiment concerning solidarity towards European and domestic unemployed individuals in the Netherlands and Spain. Our results suggest that (1) Europeans are less inclined to show solidarity towards unemployed Europeans than towards unemployed co-nationals, (2) individuals with higher education, European attachment, and pro-immigration attitudes show more solidarity towards unemployed people from other European countries, but (3) even they discriminate against foreigners, and (4) finally, economic left-right orientations do not structure solidarity with unemployed people from abroad.

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Motsyk, Alexander. "Research and approaches to the integration processes in the European Union." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 126–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.126-133.

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The article is devoted to the study of modern trends of integration processes. We studied the methodological principles and approaches to the study of the integration of subjects. Specifically analyzed integration levels: individual, regional, domestic, interstate, global. Also, isolated and characterized various forms of integration: political, economic, informational, cultural and others. We analyzed the integration process as a result of the relationship, cooperation, convergence and integration into a single unit of any parts, components countries, their economies, social and political structures, cultural, social and political groups, ethnic groups, political parties, movements and organizations. It is proved that integration has several levels of development. Interaction at the level of enterprises and organizations (first level) – directly to producers of goods and services. The integration of the economies of the main links of different countries is complemented by the interaction at the country level (the second level). The third level of development of integration processes – interaction at the level of parties and organizations, social groups and individuals from different countries – can be defined as a social and political one. Fourth level – is the level of the actual integration group as an economic community, with its characteristics and peculiarities. It was noted that today is used by political science approaches to the study of integration. It is important to the following principles: federalism, functionalism, communicative approach, and others. Keywords: Integration, levels, approaches, studies, European integration, politics, economics, features

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Brusis, Martin. "European Union incentives and regional interest representation in Central and East European countries." Acta Politica 45, no. 1-2 (April 2010): 70–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ap.2009.31.

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Brosius, Anna, Erika J. van Elsas, and Claes H. de Vreese. "Trust in context: National heuristics and survey context effects on political trust in the European Union." European Union Politics 21, no. 2 (January 5, 2020): 294–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116519896010.

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Trust in the European Union is strongly related to trust in national political institutions through extrapolation, i.e. cues from national politics. Most evidence for this mechanism, however, is based on surveys using question blocks that present several institutions at once in non-randomized order. We conducted six split-ballot survey experiments in five European countries, asking about trust in national and European Union institutions (a) separately or in the same question block and (b) in different question orders. Our findings demonstrate survey context effects: asking about two institutions within the same question block increases the correlation of reported levels of trust in these institutions. Furthermore, our findings indicate that national primes decrease reported trust in the European Union, providing novel micro-level evidence for extrapolation and cue-taking from national politics in the formation of public opinion about the European Union.

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Oosterhof, Albert. "Legal Aspects of the EU Enlargement Negotiations." Leiden Journal of International Law 7, no. 2 (1994): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500002983.

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The recently concluded enlargement negotiations between the European Union and four applicant countries -Austria, Sweden, Finland and Norway-have so far been the last in a series of intensive negotiating efforts since the conclusion of the Treaty on the European Union (EU), the Agreement on the European Economic Area (EEA), the European Agreements with the Central and Eastern European countries and the conclusion of the Uruguay Round.

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Sicakkan, Hakan G. "Political Asylum and Sovereignty-Sharing in Europe." Government and Opposition 43, no. 2 (2008): 206–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2007.00253.x.

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AbstractIn focusing on the relationships between asylum recognition rates and the different institutional arrangements through which European states share or preserve their sovereignty, this article seeks to show how sovereignty-sharing affects the right to political asylum in practice. After a qualitative overview of variations in sovereignty-sharing forms, the article presents the results from a multiple regression analysis of the relationship between legal and institutional frames of asylum decision-making in 17 West European countries (EU-15, Norway and Switzerland) and the asylum recognition rates in these countries. The article ends with a brief assessment of the significance of the results for a potential policy change in the European Union.

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Casanova, José Luís. "Crisis and Cultural Change: The Countries with Adjustment Programmes in the European Union." Comparative Sociology 17, no. 2 (April 4, 2018): 187–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341454.

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AbstractAfter the financial crisis in 2008 significant changes occurred in the European Union, particularly in the countries that had adjustment programmes. According to empirical work by Hofstede, Inglehart and Schwartz it’s predictable that societal changes have a cultural impact. Data from European Social Survey since 2002 show that changes in political orientations are bigger than in Human Values, and deepen after 2008. Changes on countries that had adjustment programmes diverge significantly from those in the rest of the Eurozone, mainly on political orientations. Bigger challenges to theeucome from the extensive fall on trust in politics, the European Parliament and satisfaction with democracy, the rise of the values of Tradition and Security, and the decrease of Self-direction. This evolving cultural conservatism associated with continued degradation of democracy is nurturing nationalism and authoritarianism.

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Smits, Jeroen, Wout Ultee, and Jan Lammers. "Occupational Homogamy in Eight Countries of the European Union, 1975-89." Acta Sociologica 42, no. 1 (January 1999): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000169939904200104.

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Bengtsson, Rikard, Ole Elgstrom, and Jonas Tallberg. "Silencer or Amplifier? The European Union Presidency and the Nordic Countries." Scandinavian Political Studies 27, no. 3 (September 2004): 311–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.2004.00108.x.

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Belli, Simone, and Jenny Morín Nenoff. "Cooperation in Science and Innovation between Latin America and the European Union." Journal of Open Innovation: Technology, Market, and Complexity 8, no. 2 (May 18, 2022): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/joitmc8020094.

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Since the launch of the Strategic Partnership in 1999, the European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean countries have formed a political agenda for bi-regional dialogues. In this study we present a comprehensive analysis of the political and the technical levels of the bi-regional cooperation. The analytical approach that we develop to study bi-regional STI relations is based on a thorough examination of the legal foundations of the EU, which allows for assessment of the possibilities and limits. We identify the LAC dimension of the EU’s scientific policies, offering an overview of the challenges and achievements of bi-regional STI cooperation. These are derived from an analysis of limitations in the current cooperation programs. Additionally, the latter is being connected to the discussion of support needs that are raised by the survey participants. We provide a list of suggestions for further instruments and activities, as the main motive is to strengthen and widen the cooperation with concrete actions.

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Vosejpková, M. "Approaches to the rural development problems in the European Union and in some of the Central and Eastern European countries." Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 48, No. 4 (February 29, 2012): 171–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/5299-agricecon.

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Utilisation of regional policy helps to reduce disparities among regions. The approaches to solving these problems in the European Union differ from the approaches practised in Central and Eastern European countries. The development of rural areas in the European Union is realised through the principles of regional policy and its instruments, i.e. Structural Funds, in co-operation with the Common Agricultural Policy. The applied assistance from the Structural Funds is aimed at the objectively defined areas. The situation of countries with many socio-economic problems is reflected in the weak demographic structures of these regions. Solutions of the problematic situation can be found in implementation of the approach supporting the development of multi-functional agriculture and a broader social and territorial context of economic development in all adopted tools of rural development. The way of supporting diversification of the competitive rural economic structure based on encouraging new activities leads also through integrated programmes. Regional policy realisation in the CEECs depends on the institutional framework created in the dependence of the habits applied by the past political regime of the relevant country. The basic issue for the sustainable development of rural areas can be seen in diversification of agricultural activities, creation of small firms and development of tourism together with sustaining the countryside specifics.

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Glied, Viktor, and Łukasz Zamęcki. "Together, but Still Separated? Migration Policy in the V4 countries." Politics in Central Europe 17, s1 (October 1, 2021): 647–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2021-0027.

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Abstract The migration policies of the V4 countries present many similarities that seem to be the effect of congruent historical and economic determinants. During the migration crisis in 2015–2016, the Visegrad states partially coordinated their political communication using the same communication panels, which strongly impacted domestic political relations. The V4’s approach was a refusal of the open-door policy promoted by Germany and Sweden, and the European Union. Our main findings are that the migration crisis strengthened the cohesion among V4 countries, although the source of this cohesion was clearly a populistic stance toward the possible implications of uncontrolled migration (migrants and refugees). This communication style and the resulting political tensions were reflected in the V4 states’ resentment based on a sense of shared historical experiences rooted in Central European location and shared experience of the repercussions of communism. In this sense, a strong commitment to the idea of a sovereign nation-state, and a reluctance towards postmodern values are also important factors. This study charts the changes in V4 migration policy since 2015, highlighting the crucial developments in V4 countries’ negotiations with the European Union. It also deals with the foreign and domestic effects of the migration crisis and the V4 states’ discourse of migration, which was complemented by a debate on the future of the EU that became especially important in Hungary and Poland.

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BİCİL, İbrahim Murat, and Kumru TÜRKÖZ. "Are European Union countries efficient or inefficient in energy use?" Eastern Journal of European Studies 12, no. 2 (2021): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/ejes-2021-0201.

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Polyakov, Maxim, Igor Khanin, Vladimir Bilozubenko, Maxim Korneyev, and Gennadij Shevchenko. "Factors of uneven progress of the European Union countries towards a circular economy." Problems and Perspectives in Management 19, no. 3 (September 17, 2021): 332–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ppm.19(3).2021.27.

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The increased final consumption exacerbates the problem of the scarcity of natural resources and leads to environmental pollution. The concept of circular economy, which implies the formation of closed-loop chains of production and consumption with maximum regeneration and recycling of materials, is considered as an alternative to the firmly established “linear economy” (take-make-dispose). As a part of sustainable development strategy, the European Union adopted a general policy on the transition to a circular economy. However, for objective reasons, such transition is quite uneven at the level of member countries, which adversely affects the total progress. Therefore, the need arises to assess the positions of individual countries and identify major reasons for the uneven transition to support the countries that are lagging.The goal of the study is to identify the factors of uneven progress of the EU countries towards a circular economy. For that reason, a set of empirical data (20 indicators) has been compiled; cluster, classification, and parametric analyses have been conducted. As a result, three clusters of the EU countries have been obtained and six indicators, included into combinations that make all clusters different, have been identified. These indicators can be interpreted as the key factors contributing to the uneven progress of the EU countries towards a circular economy. The difference in harmonic means by clusters allowed quantitatively estimating a “circular gap”. It is of practical value for the EU policy aimed at bridging the gaps between member countries during the transition to a circular economy.

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Winzen, Thomas, and Frank Schimmelfennig. "Explaining differentiation in European Union treaties." European Union Politics 17, no. 4 (July 8, 2016): 616–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116516640386.

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Since the early 1990s, European integration has become increasingly differentiated. Analysing the conditions under which member states make use of the opportunity to opt out of, or exclude other countries from, European integration, we argue that different explanations apply to treaty and accession negotiations, respectively. Threatening to block deeper integration, member states with strong national identities secure differentiations in treaty reform. In enlargement, in turn, old member states fear economic disadvantages and low administrative capacity and therefore impose differentiation on poor newcomers. Opt-outs from treaty revisions are limited to the area of core state powers, whereas they also occur in the market in the context of enlargement.

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Dudauri, Tamar. "REGULATION OF LEGAL MIGRATION FROM GEORGIA TO EU COUNTRIES AND INTEGRATION INTO THE LABOR MARKET." International Journal of Social Science and Economic Research 07, no. 12 (2022): 4017–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.46609/ijsser.2022.v07i12.018.

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Migration processes have become not only an important factor in modern international relations, but also have a serious impact on the state's domestic policy. In addition to combating illegal migration, protecting borders and providing asylum, an integral part of migration policy is also regulation of legal migration channels, including labor migration. Effective management of legal migration is in the common interest of EU member states and the EU as a Union. The paper presents a comprehensive analysis of the stages and principles of the formation of the supranational component of the regulation of legal migration in the European Union. The author pays special attention to the political and legal component, methods and tools of migration regulation in the European Union. The assessment of the current situation of the common migration policy of the European Union is of interest for the integration processes and the future development of the European Union.

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Lakotová, Lenka. "Long-term Sustainability of Pension Systems of European Union Countries." Politická ekonomie 69, no. 1 (March 5, 2021): 48–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/j.polek.1307.

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Blanco-González, Alicia, Camilo Prado-Román, and Francisco Díez-Martín. "Building a European Legitimacy Index." American Behavioral Scientist 61, no. 5 (February 1, 2017): 509–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217693282.

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This article outlines an approach to building a country-level legitimacy index designed specifically for European Union member states. The index allows intercountry as well as longitudinal comparisons. Changes over time reflect varying levels of confidence in the political system and may serve as leading indicators for differences in the economic, social, and political stability of member states. Source data for the index are derived from the European Social Survey, taken between 2002 and 2012 in 35 countries. The index is built around three dimensions (legality, justification, and consent). Results from the index vary among member states but, overall, show a tendency toward diminishing legitimacy. Citizens trust their police forces and laws, but are dissatisfied with institutions and the economy. Moreover, they feel increasing distance from their leaders, their representative bodies, and the effectiveness of political institutions. These trends highlight the need for public–private efforts to increase the legitimacy of European Union member states.

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Kunz, Rahel, and Julia Maisenbacher. "Women in the neighbourhood: Reinstating the European Union’s civilising mission on the back of gender equality promotion?" European Journal of International Relations 23, no. 1 (July 26, 2016): 122–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066115621120.

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The European Union has launched its New European Neighbourhood Policy as a reaction to a ‘changing neighbourhood’. A key novelty in the New European Neighbourhood Policy is the special role attributed to gender equality promotion as an important ingredient of Europeanisation. The literature has so far focused on assessing whether and to what extent neighbourhood countries adopt and implement European Union gender equality norms. Bringing together the feminist and postcolonial literature on gender equality promotion and European identity formation, this article resituates the New European Neighbourhood Policy within the broader debate regarding processes of European identity formation and Europe’s relations with Others. We combine the concept of delineating gendered and racialised coding with the concept of contrapuntal reading to analyse key official European Union documents alongside the voices expressing themselves through new (social) media. This allows us to highlight silences and exclusions within New European Neighbourhood Policy narratives, to resituate these narratives in their historical context, and to render visible the diversity of competing and interrelated narratives related to gender equality promotion. We read the recent focus on gender equality promotion in the New European Neighbourhood Policy as an expression of the ambivalence of European Union identity building: at a moment when neighbouring countries move closer to Europe, either adopting the acquis communautaire or going through democratisation processes, they are placed at a spatial and temporal distance outside Europe. Our analysis highlights the persistence of colonial practices of Othering and hierarchical Self–Other definitions that are reproduced through current New European Neighbourhood Policy policies. Yet, we suggest that this moment might also present an opportunity to render visible and take seriously the co-constitutive relationship between the European Union and its Others, which could point to alternative forms of interaction and identity building.

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Bygnes, Susanne, and Aurore Flipo. "Political motivations for intra-European migration." Acta Sociologica 60, no. 3 (August 7, 2016): 199–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001699316659909.

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Motivations for migrating within the European Union have mainly been attributed to economic, career and lifestyle choices. This article suggests that political dissatisfaction is also an important motivator of recent intra-European migration. In our analysis of in-depth interviews with Romanian migrants in Spain and with Spanish migrants in Norway, we found a common emphasis on the political dimensions of their decision to migrate. In the interviews, the economic component of migration was often related to bad governance and negative perceptions of the state. The similarities of Spanish and Romanian migration narratives are especially striking because Spain and Romania represent substantially different migratory, political and economic contexts. However, migration is more obviously intertwined with conventional acts of political protest in the Spanish case. We suggest that differences in democratic contexts are pivotal in people’s reactions to and framing of their deep dissatisfaction with domestic politics, as found in many European countries today.

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Djurovic, Gordana, and Damjan Lajh. "Relationship with the European Union: Slovenia and Montenegro Compared." Politics in Central Europe 16, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 667–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0030.

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Abstract As part of former Yugoslavia and non -members of the Eastern Bloc, Slovenia and Montenegro enjoyed a special status and relationships with the European Communities (EC) before most other socialist countries. Economic and social interactions with the EC and its member states thus formed part of Slovenian and Montenegrin life even during socialism, particularly after Yugoslavia signed special agreements on trade relations with the EC in the 1970s and 1980s. In this respect, Europeanisation as ‘practical’ integration with the EC was closely linked with liberalisation processes concerning the economy, society and politics along with democratic transition processes that began in the late 1980s. When Slovenia joined the European Union (EU) in 2004 following a relatively smooth integration process, Montenegro was still holding EU candidate member status, after having officially started its accession negotiations in June 2012. The article analyses selected development and integration aspects of Slovenia and Montenegro, their relationship with the EU, together with their similarities and differences. The aim is to highlight developments in both countries and determine whether Slovenia, as an ex -Yugoslav republic and EU member since 2004, may serve as a good example for Montenegro to follow while pursuing European integration.

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BIELER, ANDREAS. "The EU, Global Europe, and processes of uneven and combined development: the problem of transnational labour solidarity." Review of International Studies 39, no. 1 (May 29, 2012): 161–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210512000083.

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AbstractIn 2006, the European Union launched its new free trade strategy Global Europe with the explicit goal of increasing European competitiveness. This article explores the positions of trade unions and other social movements on Global Europe. Importantly, while Northern social movements and trade unions from the Global South reject Global Europe due to its impact of deindustrialisation on developing countries, European trade unions support it in so far as it opens up new markets for the export of European manufactured goods. It will be argued that this has to be understood against the background of the dynamics underlying the global economy and here in particular uneven and combined development. Due to the uneven integration of different parts of the world into the global economy, workers in developed countries may actually benefit from free trade, while workers in the Global South are more likely to lose out. It will, however, also be argued that while these different positions within the social relations of production are shaping the position of trade unions, they do not determine them. Over time, through direct engagement, trade unions in the North and South may be able to establish relations of transnational solidarity.

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Hamzaoui, Djaouida. "European Neighborhood Policy." Contemporary Arab Affairs 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2020.13.1.105.

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In 2004, the European Union proposed a project entitled the European Neighborhood Policy as a new strategic option. The project had been adopted by the European Council one year earlier in a proposal to the concerned states. The European Neighborhood Policy proposes the development of the scope of cooperation between the European Union and the southwestern Mediterranean countries through several political, economic, social, and cultural fields. Yet, the sphere of security is set at the top of its priorities. It is based on the principles of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law, as well as on establishing security and stability between the countries on the two shores of the Mediterranean neighboring Europe. This would be based on a common framework and a larger volume of mutual cooperation that is embodied in a genuine partnership that would confront common challenges. The study explores and provides an answer to the following question: To what extent can the European Neighborhood Policy be considered a representation of regionalism and the embodiment of a genuine European desire through which it would be able to build a “security group” in the Mediterranean basin?

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Langan, Mark. "Decent work and indecent trade agendas: the European Union and ACP countries." Contemporary Politics 20, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2014.881602.

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Steiner, Nils D. "Attitudes towards the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership in the European Union: The treaty partner heuristic and issue attention." European Union Politics 19, no. 2 (February 13, 2018): 255–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518755953.

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Why has the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partisanship met with strong public resistance among some Europeans and in some European Union member states, but not in others? This article argues that one important perspective to explain the pattern of support for TTIP is the role of heuristic opinion formation and issue attention. Analysing multiple waves of Eurobarometer data, I find that views of the two treaty partners, the US and the European Union, shape attitudes towards TTIP and that the largely post-materialist concerns over TTIP resonated specifically in those European countries whose citizens’ attention was less focused on economic issues. In showing how opinions towards concrete real-world trade policy proposals are shaped by the political context, these findings complement previous research on citizens’ general stances towards trade.

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Kokeev, A. "Germany and EU Reforms." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2014): 27–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-27-34.

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Germany is playing a key role in the resolution of the EU crisis. Berlin has not only proposed changes in the economic and finance spheres, but also the initiation of the political reform of the EU. However, for several reasons, starting from the middle of 2013 there has been a serious shift in emphasis from the creation of a political union to the construction of an EU banking union. Angela Merkel’s victory in German elections increased the country’s European political activity, and Berlin announced new initiatives which involved amendments to fundamental EU agreements. At the same time, German European policy aims to strengthen the position of nation states in the future European integration, and slightly reduce the role of the European Commission. Here one can see a certain level of convergence between the German and British positions. However, as Angela Merkel’s visit to London in February 2014 demonstrated, the interests of the two countries in the EU are hardly compatible. To other EU countries, Germany’s leadership in the EU seems to favor German interests at the expense of other partners. The questions whether EU countries will still follow Germany’s European political direction and whether they are able to implement the necessary reforms in their own countries as well as in the EU remain open and foster Euroscepticism.

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Sulkowski, Jaroslaw, and Anna Chmielarz-Grochal. "Control de la constitucionalidad del derecho secundario de la Unión Europea en los países del «grupo Visegrad» = The constitutionality of the EU secondary law in the Visegrad Group’s countries." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional 1, no. 33 (January 1, 2014): 399. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.33.2014.13021.

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Los países del Grupo de Visegrad se unieron a la Unión Europea hace más de una década, tiempo suficiente para tratar de evaluar el funcionamiento de las normas creadas desde la Unión Europea en los tribunales constitucionales de los nuevos Estados miembros. Debido a la similitud de cultural, histórico y de la legalidad parece ser útil para analizar la situación legal en Polonia, la República Checa, Eslovaquia y Hungría. El estudio muestra que la Constitución en la medida en que se refiere a los actos de Derecho derivado de la UE en el sistema jurídico nacional puede crear cierta confusión. En Polonia y Eslovaquia, las constituciones garantizan la primacía del Derecho derivado de la UE, sin embargo, no precisa la relación entre estos actos y el Derecho derivado de la UE. En la República Checa la Constitución no se refiere a las normas creadas por la Unión Europea. En Hungría, por su parte, la ley de la UE se considera como una ley nacional, pero no elimina las dudas sobre la posibilidad de su control constitucional.The Visegrad Group’s countries joined the European Union more than 10 years ago, it’s a long time, enough to take in trying to assess the functioning of the acts created by the European Union in the constitutional courts of the new Member States. Due to the similarity of cultural, historical and legality seems to be useful to analyzethe legal situation in Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary. The study shows that the constitution in so far as they relate to the acts of secondary EU law in the national legal system may raise some confusion. In Poland and Slovakia the constitutions guarantee the primacy of the EU secondary law, however, they do not precise the relationship between those acts and the EU secondary law. In the Czech Republic the constitution does not relate to the acts created by the European Union. In Hungary, in turn, EU law is treated as anational law, but it does not eliminate the doubts about the possibility of its control with the constitution.

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LUBBERS, MARCEL, and PEER SCHEEPERS. "Divergent trends of euroscepticism in countries and regions of the European Union." European Journal of Political Research 49, no. 6 (September 14, 2010): 787–817. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2010.01915.x.

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Tuitt, Patricia. "Transitions: Refugees and Natives." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 20, no. 2 (2013): 179–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02002003.

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European Directive 2004/83 (the ‘Qualification Directive’) limits claims for asylum to those refugees coming from outside of the European Union. This provision institutionalises a long established practice in which member states of the European Union are presumed to be safe countries of origin and safe countries of asylum. This article argues that the European Union could not have come into being without producing refugees. With reference to the definition of refugee enshrined within Article 1.A (2) of the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees1 and the jurisprudence surrounding one key qualifying element of the definition – persecution – the article seeks to explore how the international law governing the status of refugee has been deployed to deny that the European Union is a place of origin of refugees.

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Buşcaneanu, Sergiu. "EU Democracy Promotion in Eastern ENP Countries." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 1 (June 18, 2014): 248–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325414535430.

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This study shows that the increased incentive structures from and the more intense socialization process with the European Union (EU) since the launch of European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) have not translated into a higher level of democratic development in Eastern ENP countries. However, on the long run (1991–2010), the EU democracy promotion in the region under consideration appears to be largely consistent. In addition, a content analysis of Progress Reports released by the European Commission on the implementation process of European Neighbourhood Policy Action Plans (ENPAPs) reveals that some Eastern neighbours of the EU have attempted to consider in their reform agendas the democracy-related objectives of these documents and that some have also sought to adopt international democratic instruments as required by the ENPAPs. Though the record is far from satisfactory on norm internalization, content analysis of Commission’s Reports suggests that one should acknowledge a modest democratization role for the EU.

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Jackson, Daniel, and Seth Jolly. "A new divide? Assessing the transnational-nationalist dimension among political parties and the public across the EU." European Union Politics 22, no. 2 (January 31, 2021): 316–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116520988915.

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European politics is increasingly being contested along two dimensions: the economic left-right dimension and a relatively new dimension focused on European integration and immigration. We test this framework at the party and individual-levels in the European Union. First, we use the Chapel Hill Expert Survey to demonstrate that there is no simple relationship between these dimensions at the party level in many European Union countries, and in fact the two dimensions are increasingly orthogonal. We then use the 2019 European Elections Study to show that the transnational-nationalist dimension significantly improves vote choice models relative to models that ignore this dimension. Even more striking, the transnational-nationalist dimension is not just significant, but actually improves vote choice models as much or more than the economic left-right dimension.

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Đukanović, Dragan. "The Process of Institutionalization of the EU’s CFSP in the Western Balkan Countries during the Ukraine Crisis." Croatian International Relations Review 21, no. 72 (February 1, 2015): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0003.

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Abstract This paper analyses the Western Balkan countries’ relationship towards the instrument of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union in the context of the measures undertaken by Brussels against the Russian Federation due to its involvement in the Ukrainian crisis. In this regard, the author first points out to what extent the countries of the Western Balkans over the past few years, that is, after the signing of the Stabilization and Association Agreement, harmonized their foreign policies with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. Certainly, the most important foreign policy challenges for the Western Balkan countries in 2014 are imposing sanctions against the Russian Federation. Some Western Balkan countries (above all, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia), according to the author’s assessment, are stretched between their intentions to join the EU and thus harmonize their foreign policy with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union on one hand, and on the other, to avoid disruption of existing relations with the Russian Federation

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Shishelina, Lyubov. "HUNGARY AND POLAND: CONFRONTATION WITH BRUSSELS." Contemporary Europe, no. 100 (December 31, 2020): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope720200515.

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The article examines the anatomy of the current conflict between Hungary and Poland with the European Commission over the mechanism of budget allocation, which created another big "headache" for Brussels against the background of other problems as Brexit and Covid. The relations between the objects of our study had been developing in different ways at certain stages of integration and convergence. In practice, they turned out to be more complicated than the parties initially imagined when deciding on the accession of the Central European countries to the European Union. On the one hand, as the CE countries "get used" to the European system, they feel more confident and, seeing its imperfections, more and more often either deviate from the norms previously adopted in the EU, or offer their own vision. On the other hand, the European Union still refuses to perceive these countries as absolutely equal members, does not see their regional and historical specifics, and tries to adapt them to itself. This increases the latent conflict within the European Union and forms within it a coalition of States that support freer political integration.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Political science – European Union countries'

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