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Journal articles on the topic 'Political satire, Germany (East)'

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Published: 26 July 2024

Last updated: 27 July 2024

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1

Aron, Hadas. "Postcommunist Germany." German Politics and Society 41, no. 4 (December 1, 2023): 107–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2023.410406.

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Abstract This article situates Germany within postcommunist Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) to explain current political outcomes, particularly, the disproportionate success of the AfD in eastern Germany. Similar to CEE, politics in eastern Germany is fragmented and volatile compared to western Germany; the political system in the east reflects conservative social values; and east German patterns of discontent are similar to CEE. However, in CEE, party systems were new and thus volatile and susceptible to populist mobilization from both mainstream and radical parties. Conversely, East Germany integrated into the developed West German party system and adopted its traditional parties, lowering the east's potential for volatility and polarization. Moreover, since the east is a minority within Germany, its relative volatility has limited impact on the German system.

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2

Ormonova, Sabira. "FORMATION OF THE SATIRE GENRE IN THE WORLD LITERATURE." Alatoo Academic Studies 2020, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 262–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17015/aas.2020.203.31.

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In this article, the author provides an overview of the origin of the genre of satire and humor in literature. Satire as a lyric-epic genre which was originated in the literature of Ancient Rome. In ancient Greek literature, the origin of satire dates back to the II- millennium BC. The development of satire in the Middle Ages continued in the literature of the countries of the East and Europe. In the literature of Western Europe during the Middle Ages, satirical elements can be found in the songs of the Vagant folk poets. 16-17th centuries satirical elements acquire a prosaic and open poetic journalistic nature and are widely disseminated in the writings of writers, working in the directions of romanticism, realism and modernism. In 17-18 centuries in England confrontation between two political parties - Tories and Whigs contributed to the development of the satire genre. 19th century magazine satire tends to feuilleton and contributes to the widespread use of satire in novels and dramas. XX century in the development of Russian satire, the release of magazines plays an important role "Satyricon" (1908-1914), "New Satyricon" (1913-1918).

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3

Jeffries, Ian. "East Germany in comparative perspective." International Affairs 67, no. 1 (January 1991): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621274.

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4

McCauley, Martin. "Germany between East and West." International Affairs 64, no. 1 (1987): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621499.

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5

Jörs, Inka. "East Germany: another party landscape." German Politics 12, no. 1 (April 2003): 135–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644000412331307554.

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6

Flockton, Chris, and Eva Kolinsky. "Recasting east Germany: An introduction." German Politics 7, no. 3 (December 1998): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644009808404523.

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7

Spaiser, Viktoria. "Young Immigrants’ Internet Political Participation in Germany." International Journal of E-Politics 4, no. 1 (January 2013): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jep.2013010101.

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This paper discusses the results of research on young immigrants’ political participation on the Internet in Germany. The research focuses on young people from Turkish and East European backgrounds. The interrelation between offline political activities and online political participation is explained and the differences between the two groups are examined. While young German Turks are particularly politically active Internet users, young German East Europeans are rather hesitant about using the Internet for political purposes. Statistical models show that young German Turks’ political Internet use is motivated by grievances, while young German East Europeans’ political Internet use is motivated by sentimental pessimism and world-weariness.

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8

Merziger, Patrick. "Humour in Nazi Germany: Resistance and Propaganda? The Popular Desire for an All-Embracing Laughter." International Review of Social History 52, S15 (November 21, 2007): 275–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859007003240.

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Two directions in the historiography of humour can be diagnosed: on the one hand humour is understood as a form of resistance, on the other hand it is taken as a means of political agitation. This dichotomy has been applied especially to describe humour in National Socialism and in other totalitarian regimes. This article argues that both forms were marginal in National Socialism. The prevalence of the “whispered jokes”, allegedly the form of resistance, has been exaggerated. The satire, allegedly the official and dominant form of humour, was not well-received by the National Socialistic public. This article will reconstruct the rise of a third form, the “German humour”, and discuss the reasons for its success by looking at why satire failed.

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9

Willnat, Lars. "The East German press during the political transformation of East Germany." Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 48, no. 3 (December 1991): 193–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001654929104800304.

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10

Thompson, Wayne C. "Germany and the East." Europe-Asia Studies 53, no. 6 (September 2001): 921–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668130120078568.

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11

Niedermayer, Oskar. "Party system change in east Germany." German Politics 4, no. 3 (December 1995): 75–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644009508404414.

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12

Gunlicks, Arthur B. "The new constitutions of east Germany." German Politics 5, no. 2 (August 1996): 262–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644009608404441.

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13

Campbell, John C., and Daniel John Meador. "Impressions of Law in East Germany." Foreign Affairs 65, no. 4 (1987): 909. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043161.

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14

Buchstein, Hubertus, and Gerhard Gohler. "After the Revolution: Political Science in East Germany." PS: Political Science and Politics 23, no. 4 (December 1990): 668. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/419910.

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15

Oswald, Hans, and Christine Schmid. "Political Participation of Young People in East Germany." German Politics 7, no. 3 (December 1998): 147–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644009808404531.

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16

Buchstein, Hubertus, and Gerhard Göhler. "After the Revolution: Political Science in East Germany." PS: Political Science & Politics 23, no. 04 (December 1990): 668–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500034065.

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17

Rodden, John. "Report Card from East Germany." Society 47, no. 4 (June 3, 2010): 343–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12115-010-9339-x.

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18

Goldstein, Cora Sol. "The Ulenspiegel and anti-American Discourse in the American Sector of Berlin." German Politics and Society 23, no. 2 (June 1, 2005): 28–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503005780880722.

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In December 1945, less than six months after the unconditional defeat of the Third Reich and the military occupation of Germany, two anti-Nazi German intellectuals, Herbert Sandberg and Günther Weisenborn, launched the bimonthly journal, Ulenspiegel: Literatur, Kunst, und Satire (Ulenspiegel: Literature, Art and Satire), in the American sector of Berlin. Sandberg, the art editor, was a graphic artist. He was also a Communist who had spent ten years in Nazi concentration camps—the last seven in Buchenwald. Weisenborn, a Social Democrat and the literary editor, was a playwright, novelist, and literary critic. He had been a member of the rote Kapelle resistance group, was captured and imprisoned by the Gestapo in 1942, and was liberated by the Red Army in 1945.

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19

Sihombing, Lambok Hermanto. "SATIRICAL HUMOR AS CRITICS OF GOVERNMENT THROUGH EASTERN INDONESIAN STAND-UP COMEDIAN." Profetik: Jurnal Komunikasi 15, no. 2 (November 19, 2022): 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/pjk.v15i2.2484.

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In Indonesia, Stand-up Comedy has become the most popular form of community entertainment, resulting in the emergence of influential youth culture. Stand-up Comedy has become a platform for comics to communicate political aspirations, worries, and criticisms. Three comics from Eastern Indonesia, Arie Kriting, Abdur, and Mamat Alkatiri, have continuously presented Stand-up Comedy material regarding socioeconomic disparity and the availability of public services in their native region. In addition to the aforementioned concerns, education, emancipation, economic, and technological issues are common discussion topics. Typically, Eastern Indonesian comic elements communicate criticisms and worries about inequality and underdevelopment. Due to the presence of some Comics from East Indonesia who regularly expressed and voiced the unrest and backwardness felt by the people of East Indonesia, this issue became popular and garnered widespread attention. This qualitative study analyzes the utilization of satire in stand-up comedy content. This study utilized Barbara Swovelin (2019) concept of Horatian Satire, Friedman's Menippean Satire (2019), and Van Dijk's Critical Discourse Analysis approach. As a result of this study, Eastern comics used sarcasm and humorto express their dissatisfaction with the government.

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20

Wu, Zhiqing. "Analyzes in effects of 1990 German reunification in economic, political and cultural perspective." Highlights in Business, Economics and Management 2 (November 6, 2022): 242–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/hbem.v2i.2369.

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After the fall of Berlin Wall, the East and West Germany faced a series of problems brought by the reunification. It was surprising to witness the unification of east socialist regime with west capitalism for the theorists. East Germany relied on subsidies from the government and investments from west Germany due to its low living standard and productivity level. The forty years of separation in culture values, political community, and economic systems generates great obstacles for the union of the two Germanie.

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21

Betthäuser, Bastian A. "The Effect of the Post-Socialist Transition on Inequality of Educational Opportunity: Evidence from German Unification." European Sociological Review 35, no. 4 (April 1, 2019): 461–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcz012.

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Abstract In 1990, German unification led to an abrupt and extensive restructuring of the educational system and economy of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) as the latter was reintegrated into the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG). However, the consequences of this large-scale institutional change for the educational inequality between children from different social class backgrounds in East Germany continue to be poorly understood. This article seeks to shed new light on this question by using a quasi-experimental approach to examine the difference in educational inequality between East and West Germany before and after German unification. We compare changes in the class gradient in the attainment of comparable school and university qualifications in East and West Germany across six birth cohorts, including three cohorts of individuals who completed their schooling after unification. We find that before unification, inequality of educational opportunity at the mid-secondary, upper-secondary and tertiary level was substantially lower in East Germany than in West Germany and that unification led to a substantial and sustained convergence of the level of inequality of educational opportunity in East Germany towards that of West Germany.

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22

Fuchs, Hans W., and Lutz R. Reuter. "Education and schooling in East Germany." International Journal of Educational Development 24, no. 5 (September 2004): 529–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijedudev.2004.03.005.

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23

Wollmann, Hellmut. "Local Government and Politics in East Germany." German Politics 11, no. 3 (December 2002): 153–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714001305.

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24

Canzler, Weert. "Transport Infrastructure in Shrinking (East) Germany." German Politics and Society 26, no. 2 (June 1, 2008): 76–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2008.260205.

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Policy on transport infrastructure in Germany will come under increasing pressure thanks to considerable changes in basic conditions. Demographic change, shifts in economic and regional structures, continued social individualization, and the chronic budget crisis in the public sphere are forcing a readjustment of government action. At root, the impact of the changes in demographics and economic structures touches on what Germans themselves think their postwar democracy stands for. Highly consensual underlying assumptions about Germany as a model are being shaken. The doctrine that development of infrastructure is tantamount to growth and prosperity no longer holds. The experience in eastern Germany shows that more and better infrastructure does not automatically lead to more growth. Moreover, uniform government regulation is hitting limits. If the differences between boom regions and depopulated zones remain as large as they are, then it makes no sense to have the same regulatory maze apply to both cases. In transportation policy, that shift would mean recasting the legal foundations of public transport.

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25

Pick, Otto. "East Germany and detente: building authority after the wall and Honecker's Germany." International Affairs 62, no. 4 (1986): 688–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618607.

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26

Poguntke, Thomas. "Alliance 90/The Greens in East Germany." Party Politics 4, no. 1 (January 1998): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068898004001002.

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27

Campbell, Ross. "Germany United?" German Politics and Society 41, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2023.410101.

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Abstract In the aftermath of unification, studies consistently uncovered differences in trust between citizens of the east and west of Germany. This article examines if this remains the case. It evaluates the trends and individual-level drivers of trust from 1984 to 2018 using data from the German General Social Survey (allbus) showing, first, that Germans are cautiously trusting of institutions, trust is more extensive than at any point since unification, and the differences between the east and west have narrowed; and, second, that trust is shaped by factors that are broadly similar between the two parts of the country. Multivariate models and post-estimation analyses show that trust is steeped in a variety of phenomena, some of which provide it with resilience and durability. The study rejects suggestions that Germany is suffering from a legitimacy crisis and concludes that the project of national integration is more complete than has previously been thought.

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28

Kalmar, Ivan, and Nitzan Shoshan. "Islamophobia in Germany, East/West: an introduction." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 28, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2020.1727867.

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29

Rohrschneider, Robert. "Report from the Laboratory: The Influence of Institutions on Political Elites' Democratic Values in Germany." American Political Science Review 88, no. 4 (December 1994): 927–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082717.

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The unification of Germany revives several questions about the future of Germany's democracy. Given the socialist-authoritarian background, how supportive are East Germany's elites of liberal democratic rights? Has the socialist-democratic experience instilled into elites a social egalitarian conception of democracies? In what ways, if at all, do elites support direct democracy procedures? I examine political elites' conceptions of democracies in the united Germany in 1991, using a survey of 168 parliamentarians from the united parliament in Berlin. I find that the socialist and parliamentary institutions in the East and the West, respectively, have substantially influenced elites' conceptions of democracies in Germany, leading to a value divergence across the East-West boundary. Yet the findings also suggest that a partial value convergence in terms of liberal democratic rights among postwar elites has taken place. The results support an institutional learning theory, but they also suggest that support for liberal democratic values has been diffused into East Germany.

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30

Rosenberg, Dorothy. "The Colonization of East Germany." Monthly Review 43, no. 4 (September 2, 1991): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-043-04-1991-08_2.

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31

Gehrig, Sebastian. "Informal Cold War Envoys: West German and East German Cultural Diplomacy in East Asia." Journal of Cold War Studies 24, no. 4 (2022): 112–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01092.

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Abstract The bifurcation of Germany during the Cold War induced the two German states to compete around the world over German cultural sovereignty, as they offered rival conceptions of what it meant to be German. The contest over this matter was fueled not only by the division of Germany but also by the military occupation. With restrictions imposed on both governments in their foreign policy activities during the early Cold War, foreign cultural diplomacy (auswärtige Kulturpolitik), a form of proxy diplomacy developed in the interwar period, became a crucial means of forging ties with countries outside Europe. This article traces how the two German governments sent language teachers, artists, academics, musicians, and exchange students to Asia as cultural ambassadors in a bid to reestablish a German presence. Divided countries along the Bamboo Curtain, especially the People's Republic of China, became the most important battlegrounds in the competition for hegemony in representing Germany in Asia. The need to engage in foreign cultural diplomacy also brought Asian ideological conflicts home to Germany. Exchange visitors and their governments tried to achieve their own interests by steering a middle course between the two German states. Foreign cultural diplomacy thus was an essential—and complicated—part of “soft power” for both German governments in trying to win over foreign audiences.

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32

Patton, David F. "Protest Voting in Eastern Germany." German Politics and Society 37, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 72–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370306.

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In 1989-1990, peaceful protests shook the German Democratic Republic (GDR), ushered in unification, and provided a powerful narrative of people power that would shape protest movements for decades to come. This article surveys eastern German protest across three decades, exploring the interplay of protest voting, demonstrations, and protest parties since the Wende. It finds that protest voting in the east has had a significant political impact, benefiting and shaping parties on both the left and the right of the party spectrum. To understand this potential, it examines how economic and political factors, although changing, have continued to provide favorable conditions for political protest in the east. At particular junctures, waves of protest occurred in each of the three decades after unification, shaping the party landscape in Germany.

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33

LÜTHI, LORENZ M. "How Udo Wanted to Save the World in ‘Erich's Lamp Shop’: Lindenberg's Concert in Honecker's East Berlin, the NATO Double-Track Decision and Communist Economic Woes." Contemporary European History 24, no. 1 (January 19, 2015): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777314000435.

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AbstractThe concert given by the West German rock star Udo Lindenberg in East Berlin on 25 October 1983 links cultural, political, diplomatic and economic history. The East German regime had banned performances by the anti-nuclear peace activist and musician since the 1970s, but eventually allowed a concert, hoping to prevent the deployment of American nuclear missiles in West Germany. In allowing this event, however, East Germany neither prevented the implementation of the NATO double-track decision of 1979 nor succeeded in controlling the political messages of the impertinent musician. Desperate for economic aid from the West, East Germany decided to cancel a promised Lindenberg tour in 1984, causing widespread disillusionment among his fans in the country.

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34

Oliver, Tim. "Book Review: Europe: Three Germanies: West Germany, East Germany and the Berlin Republic." Political Studies Review 12, no. 2 (April 7, 2014): 322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12053_117.

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35

Glees, Anthony. "Germany and the Middle East: patterns and prospects." International Affairs 69, no. 2 (April 1993): 339–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621609.

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36

Hamilton, Daniel. "Dateline East Germany: The Wall behind the Wall." Foreign Policy, no. 76 (1989): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1148924.

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37

Flockton, Chris. "Housing situation and housing policy in east Germany." German Politics 7, no. 3 (December 1998): 69–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644009808404527.

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38

Dedering, Tilman. "West Germany, East Germany and the path to Namibia’s independence." Journal of Southern African Studies 47, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 143–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2021.1861894.

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39

Qi, Xiaoyu Emily. "The Influence of Political Motivation in Germanys Economic Development." Advances in Economics, Management and Political Sciences 71, no. 1 (January 18, 2024): 277–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2754-1169/71/20241517.

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The reasons behind the German post-World War II "Wesswunder" have been the subject of a contentious discussion for decades. This also applies to a second matter, which comes up in the discussion of the causes of the 1950s "economic miracle" in West Germany. Despite multiple policy changes, the East German economy persisted in its decline, ultimately resulting in the integration of East Germany into West Germany. The paper concludes the different development path of the East German and West German after the World War II by focus on the interaction between the factor of economic and the politics in a country and how them affect in ones economic development. The factors that influence a country's economic results outside the economic system are emphasized. Due to ideological intervention, the GDR could not integrate market factors into its planned economy. The result of not respecting economic laws and only considering political interests is economic failure, which leads to a series of negative factors such as social unrest and the regression of political reform.

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40

Goldstein, Joshua R., and Michaela Kreyenfeld. "Has East Germany Overtaken West Germany? Recent Trends in Order-Specific Fertility." Population and Development Review 37, no. 3 (September 2011): 453–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1728-4457.2011.00430.x.

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41

Ebner, Christian, Michael Kühhirt, and Philipp Lersch. "Cohort Changes in the Level and Dispersion of Gender Ideology after German Reunification: Results from a Natural Experiment." European Sociological Review 36, no. 5 (April 26, 2020): 814–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcaa015.

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Abstract Modernization theorists’ ‘rising tide hypothesis’ predicted the continuous spread of egalitarian gender ideologies across the globe. We revisit this assumption by studying reunified Germany, a country that did not follow a strict modernization pathway. The socialist German Democratic Republic (GDR) actively fostered female employment and systematically promoted egalitarian ideologies before reunification with West Germany and the resulting incorporation into a conservative welfare state and market economy. Based on nationally representative, pooled cross-sectional data from the German General Social Survey (ALLBUS) from 1991 to 2016, we apply variance function regression to examine the impact of German reunification—akin to a natural experiment—on the average levels and dispersion of gender ideology. The results show: (i) East German cohorts socialized after reunification hold less egalitarian ideologies than cohorts socialized in the GDR, disrupting the rising tide. (ii) East German cohorts hold more egalitarian ideologies than West German cohorts, but the East-West gap is less pronounced for post-reunification cohorts. (iii) Cohorts in East Germany show higher conformity with gender ideology than their counterparts in West Germany; yet conformity did not change after reunification. (iv) Younger cohorts in West Germany show higher conformity with gender ideology than older cohorts.

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42

Fuller, Linda, Karl-Dieter Opp, Peter Voss, and Christiane Gern. "Origins of a Spontaneous Revolution: East Germany, 1989." Contemporary Sociology 26, no. 2 (March 1997): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2076763.

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43

Stolz, Jörg, Detlef Pollack, and Nan Dirk De Graaf. "Can the State Accelerate the Secular Transition? Secularization in East and West Germany as a Natural Experiment." European Sociological Review 36, no. 4 (June 12, 2020): 626–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcaa014.

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Abstract Germany was a divided country from 1949 until 1989. During this period, West Germany remained a rather religious country, while East Germany became, under socialist rule, one of the most secular regions in the world. We use this case of socialist state intervention as a natural experiment to test Voas’ model of secular transition, which states that all Western and Central European countries follow the same path and speed of secularization. We employ ESS, GSS, and KMU surveys, as well as church statistics, to show that Voas’ model holds for West Germany but not for the East. In East Germany, the state accelerated the secular transition substantially: through coercion, incentive structures, and education, it succeeded in triggering mass disaffiliations from the church irrespective of age, and in discouraging parents from socializing their children religiously. This led to a self-perpetuating process that resulted in a rapid increase in the number of people who were never socialized religiously at all.

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44

Woods, Roger. "EAST GERMANY IN SEARCH OF A VOICE." East Central Europe 19, no. 2 (October 3, 1992): 165–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-90000004.

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45

Woods, Roger. "East Germany in Search of a Voice." East Central Europe 19, no. 1 (1992): 165–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633092x00092.

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46

Kopstein, Jeffrey, and Daniel Ziblatt. "Honecker's Revenge: The Enduring Legacy of German Unification in the 2005 Election." German Politics and Society 24, no. 1 (March 1, 2006): 134–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503006780935261.

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A core lesson of Germany's federal election of September 2005 is the enduring legacy of the communist past in East Germany, a legacy that substantially shapes politics in unified Germany. Fifteen years after unification, the crucial difference in German politics still lies in the East. The 2005 election demonstrated the enduring east-west divide in German party politics. The result is that Germany today has two coherent party systems, one in the East and one in the West. Combined, however, they produce incoherent outcomes. Any party that hopes to win at the federal level must perform well in the very different circumstances in the East.

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47

Becker, Rolf. "Political efficacy and voter turnout in East and West Germany." German Politics 13, no. 2 (June 2004): 317–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0964400042000248223.

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48

BAUER, MICHAEL, STEFAN PRIEBE, BETTINA BLARING, and KERSTIN ADAMCZAK. "Long-Term Mental Sequelae of Political Imprisonment in East Germany." Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease 181, no. 4 (April 1993): 257–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00005053-199304000-00007.

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49

Harrison, Hope M. "The Berlin Wall after Fifty Years: Introduction." German Politics and Society 29, no. 2 (June 1, 2011): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2011.290201.

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Fifty years ago on 13 August 1961, the East Germans sealed the east-westborder in Berlin, beginning to build what would become known as theBerlin Wall. Located 110 miles/177 kilometers from the border with WestGermany and deep inside of East Germany, West Berlin had remained the“last loophole” for East Germans to escape from the communist GermanDemocratic Republic (GDR) to the western Federal Republic of Germany(FRG, West Germany). West Berlin was an island of capitalism and democracywithin the GDR, and it enticed increasing numbers of dissatisfied EastGermans to flee to the West. This was particularly the case after the borderbetween the GDR and FRG was closed in 1952, leaving Berlin as the onlyplace in Germany where people could move freely between east and west.By the summer of 1961, over 1,000 East Germans were fleeing westwardsevery day, threatening to bring down the GDR. To put a stop to this, EastGermany’s leaders, with backing from their Soviet ally, slammed shut this“escape hatch.”

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50

Parkes, Stuart. "Amnesiopolis: modernity, space, and memory in East Germany." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 25, no. 1 (November 15, 2016): 135–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2017.1258382.

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