Journal articles on the topic 'Political refugees – Government policy – Canada'
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1
Ghanem, Rejean. "Canada - A Long Way To Go: The Designated Country of Origin Policy and Refugee Protection." Contemporary Kanata: Interdisciplinary Approaches To Canadian Studies, no. 1 (September 26, 2021): 13–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/2564-4661.23.
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The Designated Country of Origin (DCO) policy was a political response to unwanted migration in Canada. Adapted from Europe, Harper took a liking to the EU’s SCO policy after Canada received a large influx of Middle Eastern and Balkan refugees seeking asylum. He adapted it in Canada, renaming it Designated Country of Origin (DCO). Under the DCO, the government of Canada would decide if a refugee's country of origin was dangerous enough to be considered for asylum. If the asylum seekers country is determined as safe, that person would be disregarded and sent back to their country of origin. Many refugees who had already settled in Canada had their files reopened and were told to return to their country of origin. The DCO policy became an integral part of the refugee status determination process in Canada to which some regarded as faulty, inefficient, and unjust. In 2019, the SCO was deemed unconstitutional and violated The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Ahmed Hussen, Minister of Immigration, wanted to create an asylum system that was considered fair and efficient. While it is important for an asylum seeker to prove they are truthful about the facts of their case, the DCO policy represents a climate of hostility towards migrants in Canada. In this piece, it will be argued that the DCO policy is a discriminatory migration tool used to “weed out” what the government deems as fake migrants. This policy could deny international protection to those who are genuinely in need. The DCO proves that the nation has a misleading reputation of being welcoming to all who come. The DCO threatened the human rights of asylum seekers who sought refuge in Canada.
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Ives, Nicole, Anna Oda, Jonathan Bridekirk, Michaela Hynie, Susan McGrath, Rana Mohammad, Mona Awwad, Kathy Sherrell, Mahi Khalaf, and Marcela Diaz. "Syrian Refugees’ Participation in Language Classes: Motivators and Barriers." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 38, no. 2 (August 23, 2022): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.40799.
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Resettlement country language literacy facilitates integration and counteracts social and economic marginalization. Thus, access to language learning is a social justice issue. Resettled refugees in Canada are eligible for free English/French language training. Between 2015-2017, Canada resettled 47,735 Syrian refugees. We explored predictors of language class participation for Syrian refugees, examining data from 1915 adult Syrian refugees in government-funded language classes in British Columbia, Ontario, and Quebec. Findings suggest access to language programs are shaped by provincial policies. Factors hindering participation varied by province and included gender, physical/mental health, education, English/French literacy, and employment. Practice and policy recommendations are discussed.
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Newbold, Bruce, and Marie McKeary. "Investigating the diversity of Canada’s refugee population and its health implications: does one size fit all?" International Journal of Migration, Health and Social Care 13, no. 2 (June 12, 2017): 145–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijmhsc-02-2015-0007.
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Purpose Based on a case study in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada, the purpose of this paper is to explore the difficulties faced by local health care providers in the face of constantly evolving refugee policies, programs, and arrivals. In doing so, it illustrates the complications faced by service providers in providing care to refugee arrivals and how the diversity of arrivals challenges health care provision and ultimately the health and well-being of refugees. Design/methodology/approach A series of semi-structured, in-depth interviews with key service professionals in both the social service and health fields in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada, examined both health and health care issues. Findings Beyond challenges for service providers that have been previously flagged in the literature, including language barriers and the limited time that they have with their clients, analysis revealed that health care providers faced other challenges in providing care, with one challenge reflecting the difficulty of providing care and services to a diverse refugee population. A second challenge reflected the lack of knowledge associated with constantly evolving policies and programs. Both challenges potentially limit the abilities of care providers. Research limitations/implications On-going changes to refugee and health care policy, along with the diversity of refugee arrivals, will continue to challenge providers. The challenge, therefore, for health care providers and policy makers alike is how to ensure adequate service provision for new arrivals. Practical implications The Federal government should do a better job in disseminating the impact of policy changes and should streamline programs. This is particularly relevant given limited budgets and resources, tri-partite government funding, short time-frames to prepare for new arrivals, inadequate background information, barriers/challenges or inequitable criteria for access to health and social services, while addressing an increasingly diverse and complex population. Social implications The research reinforces the complexity of the needs and challenges faced by refugees when health is considered, and the difficulty in providing care to this group. Originality/value While there is a large refugee health literature, there is relatively little attention to the challenges and difficulties faced by service providers in addressing the health needs of the diverse refugee population, a topic that is particularly important given limited funding envelopes, shifting policies and programs, and a focus on clients (refugees). It is this latter piece – the challenges faced by providers in providing care to refugees – which this paper explores.
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Rabiah-Mohammed, Fawziah, Leah K. Hamilton, Abe Oudshoorn, Mohammad Bakhash, Rima Tarraf, Eman Arnout, Cindy Brown, et al. "Syrian Refugees’ Experiences of the Pandemic in Canada: Barriers to Integration and Just Solutions." Studies in Social Justice 16, no. 1 (January 24, 2022): 9–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v16i1.2669.
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Research has shown high levels of housing precarity among government-assisted refugees (GARs) connected to difficult housing markets, limited social benefits, and other social and structural barriers to positive settlement (Lumley-Sapanski, 2021). The COVID-19 pandemic has likely exacerbated this precarity. Research to date demonstrates the negative consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic for refugees and low-income households, including both health-related issues and economic challenges, that may exacerbate their ability to obtain affordable, suitable housing (Jones & Grigsby-Toussaint, 2020; Shields & Alrob, 2020). In this context, we examined Syrian government-assisted refugees’ experiences during the pandemic, asking: how the COVID-19 pandemic has impacted Syrian refugees’ experiences of housing stability. To examine this issue, we interviewed 38 families in Calgary, London, and Fredericton. Using a qualitative descriptive methodology for analysis and interpretation (Thorne et al., 1997), we found the liminality of settling as a GAR has been compounded by isolation, further economic loss, and new anxieties during the pandemic. Ultimately, for many participants, the pandemic has thwarted their housing stability goals and decreased their likelihood of improving their housing conditions. Based on our findings, we discuss potential policy and practice relevant solutions to the challenges faced by refugees in Canada during the pandemic and likely beyond.
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Robert, Emilie, and Pierre-Marie David. "“Healthcare as a refuge”: building a culture of care in Montreal for refugees and asylum-seekers living with HIV." International Journal of Human Rights in Healthcare 12, no. 1 (March 11, 2019): 16–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijhrh-01-2018-0003.
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Purpose Between 2012 and 2016, the Government of Canada modified health insurance for refugees and asylum seekers. In Quebec, this resulted in refusals of care and uncertainties about publicly reimbursed services, despite guaranteed coverage for people with this status under the provincial plan. The Chronic Viral Illness Service (CVIS) at the McGill University Health Centre in Montreal continued to provide care to refugees and asylum seekers living with HIV. The purpose of this paper is to explain how and why challenges brought by this policy change could be overcome. Design/methodology/approach A qualitative case study was conducted using interviews with patients and staff members, observation sessions and a review of media, documents and articles. A discussion group validated the interpretation of preliminary results. Findings The CVIS provides patient-centered care through a multidisciplinary team. It collectively responds to medical, social and legal issues specific to refugees. Its organizational culture and expertise explain the sustained provision of care. The team’s empathetic view of patients, anchored in the service’s history, care for men who have sex with men and commitment to human rights, is key. A culture of care developed over time thanks to the commitment of exemplary figures. Because they countered the team’s values, changes in refugee healthcare coverage strengthened the service’s culture of care. However, the healthcare system reform launched in 2014 in Quebec is perceived as jeopardizing the culture of care, as it makes, refugee and asylum-seeker patients a non-lucrative venture for providers. Originality/value This research analyzes the origin of sustained provision of care to refugees and asylum seekers living with HIV through the lens of culture of care. It considers the historical and political contexts in which this culture developed.
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Sheridan, Paul, and Ketan Shankardass. "The 2012 Cuts to Refugee Health Coverage in Canada: The Anatomy of a Social Policy Failure." Canadian Journal of Political Science 48, no. 4 (December 2015): 905–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423916000020.
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AbstractIn 2012, Canada's federal government announced cuts to refugee health coverage. Evidence suggesting that the cuts represent a social policy failure has since been accumulating, including the 2014 Federal Court ruling ordering their reversal. This explanatory case study uncovers the problem definition process that led policy development by applying coding methods to governmental publications, transcripts of parliamentary proceedings and internal governmental correspondence obtained under the Access to Information Act. The systematic analysis identifies avoidable gaps that occurred and proposes an avenue for strengthening future federal social policy processes so as to avoid negative outcomes such as those that resulted here.
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Wallace, Simon. "The New Canadian Law of Refugee Exclusion: An Empirical Analysis of International Criminal Law Deportation Orders, January 2018 to July 2020." International Criminal Law Review 22, no. 4 (June 9, 2022): 721–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-bja10136.
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Abstract Perpetrators of war crimes and crimes against humanity, and senior officials in notorious government regimes, can be deported from Canada. This study reports on the first complete and systematic empirical analysis of all finalized international criminality deportation cases in Canada. The analysis, a review of deportation cases finalized between January 2018 and July 2020, shows that Canada is using deportation law in place of, and instead of, refugee exclusion law. This means that scholars interested in Canadian refugee exclusion should play close attention to deportation law. This study also found that international criminality allegations were usually made against people for their involvement in problematic police, prison, or military institutions. Most international criminality deportation investigations were minimal and revolved almost entirely around a person’s self-disclosures. This article concludes with a discussion about how deportation law and process makes international criminal law unique in the deportation context.
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Woods, Karli. "Public Policy Brief Through the Federal Government: The Social, Civic, and Cultural Integration of Resettled Refugees in Canada and Germany." Federalism-E 23, no. 1 (May 2, 2022): 16–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fede.v23i1.15445.
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This scholarly policy brief explores the Canadian refugee issues through the federal government lens in ways which the federal government should address better affordable housing for refugees, better cultural exchanges for refugees in Canada, and better access to learning English and removing those language barriers through the Citizenship test all through the federal government's recommendation to implement these policies.
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Nash, Alan E. "Environmental refugees: Consequences and policies from a western perspective." Discrete Dynamics in Nature and Society 3, no. 2-3 (1999): 227–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/s1026022699000242.
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Using Canada as an example, this paper argues that the phenomenon of the environmental refugee poses a series of important public policy issues for countries of resettlement. Arguing that Canada has an obligation to aid environmental refugees, for reasons of both self-interest and self-sacrifice, the paper then explores those reasons that have, so far, prevented Canada acting on these obligations. These lie, the paper argues, in a conjunction of both present public opinion and government practice. It is therefore in these realms that action to remove impediments to policy change must now occur.
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Kapsalis, Constantine. "Fiscal Impact of Recent Immigrants to Canada." Canadian Public Policy 47, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 170–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cpp.2020-112.
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In a recent report from the Fraser Institute, Grady and Grubel (2015) concluded that, because of the low taxes they pay and the government services they receive, the fiscal burden of recent immigrants to Canada was significant ($5,329 per immigrant in 2010). The present study, however, shows that the fiscal burden is significant only in the case of refugees and sponsored immigrants. By contrast, economic immigrants actually pay more in taxes than they receive in benefits. This is an important finding because economic immigrants are selected primarily on economic grounds, whereas refugees and sponsored immigrants are accepted primarily on humanitarian and compassionate grounds.
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Viczko, Melody, Marie-Agnès Détourbe, and Shannon McKechnie. "Understanding networks of actors involved in refugee access to higher education in Canada, England and France." Learning and Teaching 14, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 22–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/latiss.2021.140303.
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In times of intense migrations, securing a brighter future through education has become a growing concern in many societies. In particular, access to higher education for refugees has been the object of multiple initiatives among governments, civil society and non-government organisations. However, only 3 per cent of refugees access higher education, and there is a need to better understand, support and develop successful access for refugees among policymakers, educators and researchers. This research takes an original comparative digital approach to identifying those networks in three countries: Canada, England and France. Our findings suggest that the nature of issues for refugee access to higher education is constructed differently in each national context, as the social relations between government, civil society, non-government agencies and higher education institutions are uniquely configured.
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Nourpanah, Shiva. "A Study of the Experiences of Integration and Settlement of Afghan Government-Assisted Refugees in Halifax, Canada." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 30, no. 1 (May 6, 2014): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.38603.
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This article presents a qualitative study of the experiences of a sample of Afghan refugees who have settled in Canada. Using Anthony Giddens’s concepts of structure and agency, the author analyzes interview data to explore how the respondents express their agency within the structural constraints of refugee life. In light of the research findings, it is argued that Afghan refugees form a diverse and heterogeneous population, in stark contrast to the essentialized and homogenous portrayals of silent, suffering victims of circumstance as found in popular media and policy discourse.
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Adiputera, Yunizar, and Antje Missbach. "Indonesia’s Foreign Policy Regarding the Forced Displacement of Rohingya Refugees." Asia-Pacific Journal on Human Rights and the Law 22, no. 1 (June 2, 2021): 69–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718158-22010002.
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Abstract This article analyses Indonesia’s foreign policy with respect to Myanmar and the forced displacement of more than 1 million Rohingya refugees from Rakhine State, Myanmar. Its main concern is to evaluate the effectiveness of Indonesia’s policies, including diplomatic efforts and humanitarian aid contributions, in regard to finding a solution to the ongoing disaster that affects both Rohingya remaining in Myanmar and those who have found temporary sanctuary in Bangladesh. For its diplomatic and humanitarian engagement, the Indonesian government has explored various avenues and utilised a range of instruments, including the purposeful engagement of non-state actors and faith-based humanitarian organisations. Our inquiry predominantly focuses on the time between the first Andaman Sea crisis (May 2015) and the second Andaman Sea crisis (mid-2020), not least because this is when Indonesia saw the arrival of Rohingya boats at its shores, which in turn fuelled local public interest in this matter. Our analysis pays special attention to domestic appeals from large Muslim organisations that sought to pressure the Indonesian government to become more proactive on behalf of the displaced and discriminated Rohingya. Yet, while a variety of Muslim organisations have at times demanded a more interventionist stance by the Indonesian government, their pressure has not been consistent or particularly successful. Therefore, it is likely the Indonesian government will continue to pursue its ‘quiet diplomacy’ efforts in order to balance the regional non-intervention paradigm and humanitarian imperatives caused by the forced displacement.
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Al-Salem, Rouba Essam. "A New Link in the Chain? Arabic-Language Citizenship Education Courses and the Integration of Resettled Syrian Refugees in Canada." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 36, no. 1 (April 25, 2020): 14–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.40535.
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In 2015, following Canada’s resettlement of large numbers of Syrian refugees, it was praised as a role model that should be implemented elsewhere. Or should it? With the resettlement of Syrian adult refugees as a case study, this article argues that Canada’s federal and provincial efforts to promote the integration of these refugees have overlooked the contribution that citizenship and civic education activities, administered in the refugees’ native language, can make towards their integration, as a way of empowering them to become active citizens in the political and civil life of the receiving country. In particular, the article critically evaluates current government-led efforts to rely on language courses as a medium for transmitting Canadian civic concepts. It also discusses why they are falling short of ensuring that these resettled refugees are saddled with the skills and know-how to navigate their rights and responsibilities as future Canadian citizens and to contribute effectively to the political and civil life of their communities. Finally, the article suggests that the provision of a civic education course in Arabic could constitute the missing link in any chain of government-led efforts to tackle the disparity between the federal government’s declared commitment to multiculturalism, inclusiveness, and the welcoming of immigrants/refugees and the policies and realities of social exclusion. In addition, such a course could provide an avenue to encourage resettled refugees, as Canadian “citizens in waiting,” to develop meaningful connections to and contributions in their new home country.
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Seo, Bosu, and Krystal Lowney. "Understanding Syrian refugees’ experience in terms of settlement and participation in Canadian labour market: A mixed method approach." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 8, no. 1 (January 24, 2021): 267–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.81.9560.
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This paper explores Syrian refugees’ experience in terms of settlement and participation in Canadian labour market. It discusses the findings of research on labour market integration in Canada of racialized immigrants and refugees, as well as the state of economic insecurity among newcomers, to identify systemic patterns of discrimination and policy implications. A mixed method approach with in-depth interview and questionnaire surveys were used for an analysis. Long-term benefit, second-generation success, and reliance on government support were commonly observed. Language barrier, lack of host country’s experience, and lack of transportation were cited as common barriers to employment. This research confirms that there is no uniform process for refugees entering into a host country. Canadian government needs to create a structured program to be implemented in each province and deliver the same process for every refugee entering.
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Silva, Cesar Augusto. "Challenges of Brazilian institutions for a policy for refugees in a contemporary context: National Committee for Refugees and Federal Police." Revista Justiça do Direito 30, no. 2 (August 15, 2016): 363. http://dx.doi.org/10.5335/rjd.v30i2.5715.
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This article aims to verify the role of the main political institutions that directly deals with refugees in Brazil, from the action of the political centrality of the National Committee for Refugees and the Federal Police, through a literature review and interviews with border officers, under the Political Science. Decision-making processes, the bureaucratic procedures of migration control and security of the Brazilian government about the phenomenon of forced displacement of refugees seek to analyze the bureaucracy and procedural mechanisms geared to foreigners regarding refugees, by identifying the institutional difficulties, limits and challenges to the implementation of public policies geared to refugees. Highlighting the lack of coordination, fragmentation and pulverization of migration policy as a whole, and refugee policy in a particular way, connected with the authoritarian past of the country and the maintenance of restrictive mechanisms for local insertion of international migrants.
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Savoie, Donald J. "The Rise of Court Government in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, no. 4 (December 1999): 635–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900016930.
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AbstractThe article challenges long-established conventions about how Canada's federal government works. It argues that Cabinet has joined Parliament as an institution being bypassed. In the late 1990s, political power is in the hands of the prime minister and a small group of carefully selected courtiers rather than with the prime minister acting in concert with his elected cabinet colleagues. The article reviews the forces that have led to the rise of court government and the policy instruments and administrative tools that enable it to function. National unity concerns, the role of the media and lobbyists, as well as reforms at the centre of government and globalization, have all served to reshape how policy and decisions are made in the government of Canada. The changes hold important implications, not just for cabinet government, but also for the public service and Canadians themselves.
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Schacher, Yael. "Family Separation and Lives in Limbo: U.S. Immigration Policy in the 1920s and during the Trump Administration." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 690, no. 1 (July 2020): 192–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716220941571.
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Drawing on the author’s work with refugees and asylum seekers in the United States, this article examines policies and practices related to family separation among immigrants in the 1920s and now. I use data collected from historical archives and firsthand interviews with refugees and asylum seekers and describe how restrictions on the admission of relatives leaves immigrants and refugees in the United States feeling unsettled and divided. I compare the situation in the 1920s to more recent years, when the federal government has pursued policies to restrict admission and impede integration.
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Issraelyan, Evgenia. "Canada and the situation around Ukraine." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 2 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760019821-0.
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Canada is one of the most active participants in the policy of the West towards Ukraine. It operates in all directions: expands its military presence in Europe, supplies Ukraine with non-lethal and lethal weapons, imposes tough anti-Russian sanctions, and accepts Ukrainian refugees. At the same time, Canada's political elite stands out for its harsh anti-Russian rhetoric. The purpose of the article is to summarize information about Canadian-Ukrainian relations during the Ukrainian crisis of 2022 (January-March 2022).
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Katz, Friedrich. "Mexico, Gilberto Bosques and the Refugees." Americas 57, no. 1 (July 2000): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500030182.
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In the eyes of many North Americans, Mexico is above all a country of immigration from which hundreds of thousands hope to pass across the border to find the promised land in the United States. What these North Americans do not realize is that for thousands of Latin Americans and for many U.S. intellectuals, Mexico after the revolution of 1910-1920 constituted the promised land. People persecuted for their political or religious beliefs—radicals, revolutionaries but liberals as well—could find refuge in Mexico when repressive regimes took over their country.In the 1920s such radical leaders as Víctor Raúl Haya De La Torre, César Augusto Sandino and Julio Antonio Mella found refuge in Mexico. This policy continued for many years even after the Mexican government turned to the right. Thousands of refugees from Latin American military dictatorships in Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay fled to Mexico. The history of that policy of the Mexican government has not yet been written.
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Mundhe, Rohidas. "Legal Policy On Rights and Issues of Refugees in India." Khazanah Hukum 2, no. 3 (November 28, 2020): 131–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/kh.v2i3.9813.
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According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in India, there are 70.8 million people who were forcibly displaced worldwide. Of these 41.3 million people displaced internally, 25.9 million were refugees, 3.9 million were stateless and 3.5 million were asylum seekers. Even if we live in the 21st century, it is a very sad situation where millions of people are deprived of their natural rights around the world. They experience various types of discrimination and torture based on race, religion, nationality, language, place of birth, membership of certain social groups or political opinion. Aiming to analyze the legal policies implemented by the Indian government for refugees, this research used juridical normative method with qualitative approach, literature yuridis normati and field studies, resulting in India having adopted an open door refugee policy without limiting itself to any legal framework and accommodating millions of refugees from various countries.
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Ilcan, Suzan, and Laura Connoy. "On Critical Localism and the Privatisation of Refuge: The Resettlement of Syrian Newcomers in Canada." Refugee Survey Quarterly 40, no. 3 (June 23, 2021): 293–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/rsq/hdab006.
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Abstract Increases in displacement and forced migration is an enduring feature of many countries. Resettlement is a policy response to displacement, that relocates refugees from a country of asylum to a safe third country. Canada’s Private Sponsorship of Refugees Program is noteworthy. It allows non-profit organizations and volunteer groups to support newcomers during their first year in Canada and has especially aided resettlement of Syrian refugees on an international scale. We take a critical look at this programme by focusing on the social implications of private sponsorship and Syrian newcomers’ experiences of resettlement. We view private sponsorship initiatives as furthering processes that privatise decision-making, identify specific sponsorship groups as objects of policy, and transfer public authority to private citizens and non-profit organizations to encourage refugee resettlement. We argue that the privatising processes defining private sponsorship are further complicated within localised settings. Based on scholarly, policy, and programme documents, and extensive semi-structured interviews with Syrian newcomers in southern Ontario, Canada, we illuminate what we call “localising the privatisation of refuge,” which calls attention to the various networks, activities and relations of power that define and shape the local, and the processes and experiences of refuge that take place within.
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Jacobs, Justin M. "Exile Island: Xinjiang Refugees and the “One China” Policy in Nationalist Taiwan, 1949–1971." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 1 (January 2016): 188–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00624.
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The extraordinary lengths to which the Chinese Nationalist government on Taiwan went after 1949 to pursue a “One China” policy during the Cold War are well known. Recently declassified archives reveal, however, that Chiang Kai-shek's determination to maintain the geopolitical integrity of China went far beyond the suppression of a Taiwanese independence movement and lukewarm support for the 1959 Tibetan uprising. The exodus of several thousand Uighur and Kazakh refugees from Xinjiang, a mostly Muslim province only loosely integrated into the modern Chinese state, provided a rare opportunity for the Nationalist government in exile to make overtures to a vulnerable non-Han population whose Cold War loyalties were up for grabs. This study of the historically unique and nearly unknown Office for the Chairman of the Xinjiang Provincial Government in Taiwan demonstrates the Nationalist commitment to preserving the non-Han borderlands of China while in exile, even if the immediate beneficiary of such efforts was the Communist government on the mainland.
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Gerver, Mollie. "Helping Refugees Where They Are." Ethics & International Affairs 35, no. 4 (2021): 563–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679421000575.
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AbstractSome policies are not politically feasible. In the context of refugees, many claim it is not politically feasible to start admitting significantly more refugees into wealthy countries. In particular, it is not feasible for advocates of refugees to successfully persuade policymakers to adopt such a policy. A recent book by Alexander Betts argues that advocates should instead focus on developing the economies of lower-income countries where most refugees reside. This review essay argues that current data does not yet establish whether Betts's approach is more feasible than increasing refugee admissions to wealthy states. There are good reasons to suppose increasing refugees’ admissions to wealthy states is politically feasible, if we account for the ways citizens in wealthy states are harmed when refugees are not admitted, and for the ways citizens are harmed when immigration enforcement prevents refugees from arriving. Drawing on recent books on immigration, this essay demonstrates that enforcement against refugees constrains citizens’ freedom, well-being, and ability to hold their government to account. Further research can establish if citizens’ interest in reducing enforcement can be translated into policy changes that significantly increase the number of refugees admitted. Such research is necessary before concluding that only helping refugees in lower-income countries is feasible.
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Adamczyk, Anita. "Wishful thinking. The attitude of Polish government towards immigration after 2015." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 121–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2019.24.4.9.
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The purpose of this article is to analyze Polish migration policy after 2015. The author would like to show discrepancies between the political declarations and reality. Its purpose is also to show the position of the Law and Justice government regarding the EU’s policy on solving the migration crisis and Poland’s openness to admitting refugees/immigrants. The article proposes the thesis that the Polish government’s migration policy from 2015–2019 was inconsistent.
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Salam, Zoha, Amy Gajaria, Olive Wahoush, and Elysee Nouvet. "Coping with Stressors by Drawing on Social Supports: The Experiences of Adolescent Syrian Refugees in Canada." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 38, no. 2 (December 31, 2022): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.40887.
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This study explores how teenage Syrian refugees use their social networks to cope with stressors. Through interviews with nine youth aged 16 to 18 living in Ontario, Canada, stressors related to pre- and post-migration emerged. Family, peers, school staff, and organizations were identified as social networks, each having unique reasons why they were selected. Coping was categorized as individualistic or collectivistic. Teenage Syrian refugees draw upon social resources to navigate situations they are faced with, and cultural values influence the stress and coping process. Findings have implications for mental health care providers and policy-makers focused on migrant resettlement.
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Plourde, André, David L. Ryan, and Andre Plourde. "Government Policy and Access to Natural Gas Service in Canada." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 21, no. 3 (September 1995): 304. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3552090.
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Suryani, Desak Sinta Putu, and Abdul Razaq Cangara. "National Identity and Migration Policy Dynamics: Analysing the Effect of Swedish National Identity on Its Granting Asylum Policy to Syrian Refugees in 2013." Hasanuddin Journal of Strategic and International Studies (HJSIS) 1, no. 1 (December 28, 2022): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.20956/hjsis.v1i1.24804.
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The Syrian conflict in 2011 has inevitably led to the massive forced migration of asylum seekers and refugees. Most of them fled to neighbouring and several countries in Europe. As a result of the European Union (EU) 's open border policy, their influx into Europe was reckoned a problem for many European countries due to increasing crimes and threats to its members' national security. Some European Union countries chose to be cautious by refusing or only providing financial assistance. Contrastingly, as an EU member state, Sweden received thousands of Syrian refugees until 2013. On October 3, 2013, the Swedish government announced an asylum policy of guaranteed housing provision and the right to bring families to Syrian asylum seekers until they obtain UNHCR refugee status. Such granting asylum policy to Syrian refugees shows differences in the identity of social security construction both in the society and its decision-makers compared to other EU countries. This article exposes the identity influence on the Swedish government's decision to grant asylum to Syrian refugees in 2013. This article employs the "aspirational constructivism" theory by Anne Clunan, arguing that a state's policy is based on a national identity sourced from society's historical reflections and the political elite's future aspirations. This article finds that Swedish society's history experienced cultural homogenization, known as a multicultural country, and the Social-Democracy and folkhemmet ("Home for the People") idea of the political elites resulted in the granting of asylum policy to Syrian refugees in October 2013.
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Burgard, Antoine. "‘The fight on educating the public to equal treatment for all will have to come later’: Jewish Refugee Activism and Anti-Immigration Sentiment in Immediate Post-War Canada." London Journal of Canadian Studies 34, no. 1 (November 14, 2019): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.14324/111.444.ljcs.2019v34.006.
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Canadian immigration policy of the 1930s and 1940s was the most restrictive and selective in the country’s history, making it one of the countries to take the smallest number of Jewish refugees fleeing the Nazi persecution. After the war, Canada slowly opened its borders, but only through small token gestures in 1947 and 1948. This article explores how the main Canadian Jewish organization lobbied for the welcoming of more Jewish refugees and migrants in the immediate aftermath of the war. It examines how their perception of the public’s anti-Jewish immigrant sentiment and of the Canadian immigration policy’s discriminatory mechanisms informed their strategies. During that period, the Canadian Jewish Congress prioritized constant and subtle action with the government instead of trying to set up mass mobilization campaigns. This strategic shift is an overshadowed but essential chapter of both Jewish and human rights histories in Canada. This article invites a re-evaluation of Jewish activism’s role in ending ethnic selection in the Canadian immigration policy and promoting refugee rights. It contributes to broadening our understanding of how minority groups lobbied and worked with hostile media and authorities.
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Walter, Katharina. "Irish Government Policy and public opinion towards German-speaking refugees, 1933–1943." Irish Studies Review 26, no. 4 (September 7, 2018): 583–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670882.2018.1518305.
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Marczuk-Karbownik, Magdalena. "“Canada will not stand idly by ...”: Ukraine in the Foreign Policy of Canada." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 18, no. 2 (December 30, 2016): 121–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ipcj-2016-0013.
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Ukraine has always had a special place in Canadian foreign policy. Currently, Canada is deeply engaged in supporting Ukraine to restore political and economic stability and to implement democratic reforms. The Government in Ottawa has condemned Russian aggressive policy and the illegal military occupation of Crimea and has taken a variety of steps and initiatives since the beginning of the crisis in Ukraine in 2014 including imposing sanctions, economic and military assistance, and supporting of NATO measures.
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Lees-Marshment, Jennifer. "Deliberative Political Leaders: The Role of Policy Input in Political Leadership." Politics and Governance 4, no. 2 (June 23, 2016): 25–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i2.560.
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This article provides a fresh perspective on political leadership by demonstrating that government ministers take a deliberative approach to decision making. Getting behind the closed doors of government through 51 elite interviews in the UK, US, Australia, Canada and New Zealand, the article demonstrates that modern political leadership is much more collaborative than we usually see from media and public critique. Politicians are commonly perceived to be power-hungry autocratic, elite figures who once they have won power seek to implement their vision. But as previous research has noted, not only is formal power circumscribed by the media, public opinion, and unpredictability of government, more collaborative approaches to leadership are needed given the rise of wicked problems and citizens increasingly demand more say in government decisions and policy making. This article shows that politicians are responding to their challenging environment by accepting they do not know everything and cannot do everything by themselves, and moving towards a leadership style that incorporates public input. It puts forward a new model of Deliberative Political Leadership, where politicians consider input from inside and outside government from a diverse range of sources, evaluate the relative quality of such input, and integrate it into their deliberations on the best way forward before making their final decision. This rare insight into politician’s perspectives provides a refreshing view of governmental leadership in practice and new model for future research.
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Kapitsyn, Vladimir M., and Alexander E. Shaparov. "Foreign-culture immigrants in Denmark's political agenda." VESTNIK INSTITUTA SOTZIOLOGII 12, no. 4 (2021): 42–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/vis.2021.12.4.749.
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This article examines the political discourse on foreign-culture immigrants, that forms the agenda of the Danish government. The difficulties of integrating migrants increase with the influx of asylum seekers and family reunification, when the rate of their admission exceeds the rate of naturalisation (absorption) of diasporas, that Danes see as a threat to social cohesion. A “preventive” immigration policy has emerged, demonstrating significant restrictions that reduce the influx of refugees. The discourse of restrictive policy supported by the electorate determined the government's agenda based on agreements between the center-left Social Democratic Party, the center-right Liberal Party of Wenströ, and the far-right Danish National Party (DNP) with its anti-immigrant agenda. At the same time, the ruling parties, weakening the support of the extreme right-wing parties, "intercept" the provisions of the DNP programme. Restrictions on the political agenda concern mainly foreign-culture immigrants: strict regulation of the admission of asylum seekers, granting a residence permit, family reunification, initial distribution to municipalities and resettlement of immigrant "ghettos". This is combined with the education of immigrants based on the values of social cohesion, work for the welfare state, and the inclusion of immigrant children in educational institutions. The discourse also includes the issues of deportation of immigrants, including asylum seekers, who commit crimes, the detention of asylum seekers not in Denmark and the EU countries, but in third countries that the government intends to make special agreements with. Taking into account the difficulties of returning refugees to the countries of origin, even if life there has become safer, this option is considered the most optimum, and appropriate work is being carried out in this direction. The EU leadership condemns such a policy, but in the conditions of the weakness of its immigration policy, legal collisions, as well as the weakening of the solidarity of the Union members, there is no political opportunity from the outside to forcibly adjust the Danish state policy. In other EU countries, Denmark's preventive restrictive policy can be perceived as a positive model for the reception and integration of refugees of other cultures. The Danish experience is also useful for Russia, where problems arise in working with foreign-culture diasporas. In addition, such restrictive policies are helping to strengthen mobilisation mechanisms to combat the COVID-19 pandemic.
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Bache, Christina. "Challenges to economic integration and social inclusion of Syrian refugees in Turkey." Career Development International 25, no. 1 (October 1, 2019): 14–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cdi-11-2018-0277.
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Purpose The following question drove this research: Would the pursuit of a rights-based approach, one that considers local dynamics and political sensitivities result in greater economic integration and social inclusion of Syrian refugees in Turkey? The paper aims to discuss this issue. Design/methodology/approach This piece draws on independent research the author conducted in Turkey and other frontline states to the war in Syria from 2016 to 2018. Findings Despite a shift in government policy toward Syrian refugees, without an overarching rights-based approach that includes the participation of all stakeholders and considers local dynamics and political sensitivities, enhancing the livelihood security of Syrian refugees and vulnerable members of host communities remains bleak in Turkey. Originality/value This original paper closely examines the Government of Turkey’s response to the humanitarian crisis that was precipitated by the armed conflict in Syria. The paper also examines the socioeconomic dynamics and increased tensions between the Syrian refugee and host communities.
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Janzen, Rich, Mischa Taylor, and Rebecca Gokiert. "Life beyond Refuge." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 38, no. 2 (November 8, 2022): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.40892.
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Canada is internationally recognized as a leader in welcoming refugee newcomers. However, there is limited evidence about how well refugee newcomers fare after arriving in Canada, and the effectiveness of resettlement services and supports. A system theory of change was developed to guide assessments of complexity across the refugee-serving sector that seek to investigate refugees’ lived experiences and evaluate practice across multiple levels. This article describes the process of developing the system theory of change, Life Beyond Refuge, and the implications for community-level practice, public policy, and ultimately, resettlement outcomes for refugee newcomers.
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Shade, Leslie Regan. "Integrating Gender into Canadian Internet Policy: From the Information Highway to the Digital Economy." Journal of Information Policy 6, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 338–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jinfopoli.6.2016.338.
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Abstract This article provides an overview of gender and Internet policy in Canada from the mid-1990s to the present day. It first traces early federal policy (Fourth World Conference on Women, federal plan for gender equality, and the Information Highway Advisory Council [IHAC]). Turning to the 2000s, the article reviews Canada's influence in international initiatives (World Summit on the Information Society). The article then reviews Conservative government initiatives (digital economy agenda, Digital Canada 150), illustrating a decline for digital inclusion. With a new Liberal government, the article concludes with areas of engagement by government and civil society toward digital and gender inclusion.
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Levasseur, Karine, and Andrea Rounce. "Public policy and operational alignment in light of public service retrenchment – lessons learned from Canada." International Review of Administrative Sciences 83, no. 3 (November 24, 2015): 443–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852315586300.
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This article examines the Strategic and Operating Review (SOR) process used by the Government of Canada through a strategic management perspective. Initiated by the Harper government in the 2011 Budget as a one-year process, SOR is expected to secure savings of CDN$4 billion by 2014–15 from the CDN$80 billion operating budget of departments. Our article assesses to what degree the strategic operational cuts support the public policy priorities of the Harper government. Points for practitioners Using Canada as a case study to understand how budgetary cuts are handled, this article provides an opportunity to consider how policy makers align operational cuts with public policy priorities. While the budget cuts in this case study are operational in nature, they require direction from central government to support – not undermine – public policy priorities.
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Marshall, Aasa, and Daniel Béland. "Street‐level bureaucrats, policy learning, and refugee resettlement: The case of Syrian refugees in Saskatoon, Canada." Canadian Public Administration 62, no. 3 (September 2019): 393–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/capa.12339.
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Rachmat, Angga Nurdin. "FAKTOR DOMESTIK DALAM KEBIJAKAN PEMERINTAH HUNGARIA TERHADAP PENGUNGSI DAN MIGRAN DARI TIMUR TENGAH PERIODE TAHUN 2015-2019." Jurnal Academia Praja 4, no. 1 (February 7, 2021): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jap.v4i1.241.
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Hungary has become a party to the 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol on Refugees which requires it to adhere to the principle of non-refoulment towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East who came to the country in 2015. However, in reality Hungary has implemented a policy of detaining and returning refugees even by repressive means. This policy also clearly contradicts the principle of protection against refugees and the policies of the European Union (EU) in which Hungary is a member. The policies taken by Hungary cannot be separated from domestic factors that influence the choice of the Hungarian government to take policies that are contrary to the binding Convention and EU policy. Therefore, this paper seeks to answer what domestic factors influenced Hungary's policies towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East in the 2015-2019 period. This paper uses qualitative methods with data sources obtained from literature studies on various aspects of Hungarian domestic politics. The argument in this study is that Hungarian policy towards refugees and migrants is influenced by domestic factors related to elite interests as a strategy to win political battles in the country related to Viktor Orban's ideas of national identity as the Prime Minister of Hungary as well as leader of the ruling party Fidesz, the dynamics of Hungarian domestic politics. and the strengthening of right-wing populism advocated by Fidesz's party.
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Baráth, Magdolna. "János Kádár’s Government and the Refugees of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956." Exile History Review, no. 1 (November 15, 2022): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/ehr.14613.
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During and following the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, approximately 200,000 people fled the country, the majority of them to Austria and others to Yugoslavia. After the suppression of the Revolution, the Hungarian authorities targeted the refugees with two simultaneous measures: on the one hand, they sought to persuade those who were willing and those whom the official propaganda considered as “misguided” to repatriate; and on the other hand, the said authorities did everything in their power to compromise “hostile” emigrant circles and persons, thereby weakening their influence among the refugees. In order to encourage and facilitate the repatriation, Hungary proclaimed amnesty and established a Hungarian–Yugoslav joint committee as well as a repatriation office in Vienna; however, the widespread repatriation propaganda of the Hungarian government was largely unsuccessful. Moreover, those returning after 31 March 1957 were meticulously screened and many repatriation requests were rejected, mostly for fear that Western intelligence might have planted spies among the applicants and repatriates. Initially, Hungarian leaders regarded the emigration of 1956 as a threat for fear that Western propaganda might use the migrants to influence Western public opinion and the foreign policy of other governments towards Hungary; they only changed their stance in the summer of 1958, when the Political Committee of the Central Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party established a commission in charge of emigration affairs, which was to pay particular attention to financially supporting the repatriation of certain categories of 1956 emigrants. In 1960, “consular passports” were introduced to enable the relatives of “dissidents” to go abroad for family visits, and under certain conditions, “dissidents” were also allowed to visit Hungary. In 1963, the Hungarian repatriation policy reached a turning point with János Kádár’s proclamation of a general amnesty. From that period onward, maintaining relations with Hungarian emigration became an integral part of government policy, and the political system made concessions with regard to the perception and treatment of emigration circles, which were also showing signs of division.
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Ustek-Spilda, Funda. "Statisticians as Back-office Policy-makers: Counting Asylum-Seekers and Refugees in Europe." Science, Technology, & Human Values 45, no. 2 (October 20, 2019): 289–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0162243919882085.
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Street-level bureaucracy literature ascertains that policies get made not only in the offices of legislatures or politicians but through the discretion bureaucrats employ in their day-to-day interactions with citizens in government agencies. The discretion bureaucrats use to grant access to public benefits or impose sanctions adds up to what the public ultimately experience as the government and its policies. This perspective, however, overlooks policy-making that gets done in the back offices of government, where there might not be direct interaction with citizens. Furthermore, it treats discretion as inherently anthropogenic and ignores that it is exercised in relation to sociotechnical arrangements of which bureaucrats are a part. In this paper, based on extensive ethnography at national statistical institutes and international statistical meetings across Europe, I make two arguments. The first is that, statisticians emerge as back-office policy-makers as they are compelled to take multiple methodological decisions when operationalizing abstract statistical guidelines and definitions, thus effectively making rather than merely implementing policies. This is the “discretion” they employ, even when they may not interact with citizens. The second argument is that the exercise of discretion is sociotechnical, that is, it happens in relation to the constraints and affordances of technologies and the decisions of other bureaucrats in their institutions and others.
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Issraelyan, E. V. "Afghan Agenda in Current Canadian Politics." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S2 (June 2022): S142—S147. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622080044.
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Abstract Canada’s operation in Afghanistan has been unfolding during a critically important domestic political event, i.e., the federal elections of 2021. The election campaign had pooled the main attention and resources of the Canadian leadership, limiting its ability to act in Afghanistan. Despite the difficulties, the Liberal Government of Justin Trudeau has achieved a lot. Firstly, they have organized the evacuation of Canadians and of Afghans who worked with the Canadian Armed Forces during the US and NATO military mission. Secondly, Ottawa has defined its attitude towards the Taliban regime by refusing diplomatic recognition. Thirdly, the admission of Afghan refugees to Canada has begun. In each of these areas, the Liberal Government has successes and failures, which have caused acute controversy in the country.
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Walks, R. Alan. "City Politics, Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 3 (September 2006): 706–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390631997x.
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City Politics, Canada, James Lightbody, Peterborough: Broadview Press, 2006, pp. 576.Scholarly research on Canadian urban politics has never been extensive, and the few who teach in the field have had to make do with a limited range of textbooks, mostly focused on the institutions of local government. Those wanting to extend their coverage to deal with such issues as the importance of globalization, social movements, race and ethnicity, social inequality, urban political culture, regional governance, the media, and federal policy, have been forced to rely on an assemblage of diverse materials. As well, the politics of, and role played by, the suburbs is often marginal to most texts, focused as they are on the politics of the largest central cities.
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Harris, Stephen L. "Financial Sector Reform in Canada: Interests and the Policy Process." Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no. 1 (March 2004): 161–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904040053.
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This project examines the policy process surrounding Canada's latest reforms of its financial–services industry legislation. The banks lobbied for a broadening of their eligible activities to mirror those of the multi–function banks in Europe and the United States and for mergers to permit them to compete with those banks on an equal footing. The government denied the institutions' requests and the pressure for action was deflected to a task force. My analysis of the policy change process is informed by the public choice paradigm and portrays the activities in the policy “black box.”
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Pike, Robert M., and David M. Cameron. "More than an Academic Question: Universities, Government and Public Policy in Canada." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 19, no. 1 (March 1993): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3551797.
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Wallace, Matthew L. "A Climate for Science Policy." Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 45, no. 4 (September 1, 2015): 577–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2015.45.4.577.
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Led by the Meteorological Service of Canada, atmospheric research in Canada underwent a period of rapid growth after the end of the Second World War. Within this federal organization, and in response to operational challenges and staff shortages, there were significant investments in basic research and in research oriented toward external users within Canada. Specifically, new policies and programs were put in place to enable the organization to gain legitimacy within the scientific community and within the federal government. New links with stakeholders and, more importantly, the development of explicit policies to guide research were a prime focus. These formalized strategies for pursuing two parallel types of research generated some internal conflict, but also helped form a common scientific identity among personnel. There were concerted efforts to disseminate research products and reinforce links both with the scientific community and with external users of meteorological and climatological research. Borne out by quantitative data, this science policy–centered history sheds light on the development of research and research specializations in the field in Canada. Most importantly, it provides insight into the global postwar expansion of the atmospheric sciences, which is strongly tied to national contexts. Indeed, the quest for legitimacy and the close connection to government priorities is central to the history of the atmospheric sciences in the twentieth century. More broadly, this case study points to a possible new conception of government science driven by political, bureaucratic, and scientific imperatives, as a means to shed light on scientific networks and practices.
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Stewart, Miriam, Laura Simich, Edward Shizha, Knox Makumbe, and Edward Makwarimba. "Supporting African refugees in Canada: insights from a support intervention." Health & Social Care in the Community 20, no. 5 (May 28, 2012): 516–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2524.2012.01069.x.
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Cutler, Fred. "Local Economies, Local Policy Impacts and Federal Electoral Behaviour in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 35, no. 2 (June 2002): 347–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390277827x.
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The fortunes of local, regional and provincial economies have often been linked to geographical variation in electoral outcomes, and nowhere more so than in Canada. This article examines economic localism in Canadian voting behaviour by estimating a model of voters' decisions in the 1993 and 1997 federal elections. Individual-specific determinants of the vote measured in the Canadian Election Study are supplemented by measures of voters' local economies and of the local impacts of policy changes. Voters punish the federal government for bad times in their locale and for policy changes that hurt the local economy. This effect is independent of what voters think about their own finances and about the provincial and national economies. The electoral impact of the local economy does not depend on whether government is acknowledged as a potent economic actor, or on the voter's level of political information. However, the relevance of the local economy for national-level electoral behaviour can be "primed" by campaign events, just like any other criterion of voting choice. The response to local economic conditions is part of a broader explanation for geographic patterns of electoral support in Canada.
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Franco, Rosaria. "Infant Welfare, Family Planning, and Population Policy in Hong Kong: Race, Refugees, and Religion, 1931–61." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 2 (August 20, 2018): 247–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418785684.
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In the twentieth century Hong Kong’s population expanded dramatically. Yet, it was only after one million refugees from China settled in the 1950s that the colonial Government undertook population control. Imposing immigration restrictions was straightforward, but curbing unprecedented natural growth proved problematic. On the one side, supporting family planning risked alienating pro-life Catholic organizations, many channelling necessary relief for the refugees in an anti-communist mission for the USA. While on the other, indigenous infant welfare, which reduced infant mortality, could not be neglected further, in part because of the postwar resetting of race relations, its importance in improving public health, and the attention given to the refugee crisis by world public opinion. Hence, the paradox of an overpopulated British colony investing in infant welfare, not in family planning.
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Klaus, Witold. "Security First: The New Right-Wing Government in Poland and its Policy towards Immigrants and Refugees." Surveillance & Society 15, no. 3/4 (August 9, 2017): 523–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v15i3/4.6627.
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The so called refugee crisis in 2015 coincided with the Polish parliamentary electoral campaign. The effect of it was – for the first time in Poland – the introduction of migration policy to the political agenda of the right-wing and populist political parties on a massive scale. They presented migration as an issue of security – both national and cultural, direct and symbolic. The new government, acting since the end of 2015, included immigration and asylum issues into their political programme as a key element of national security. Their discourse about refugees is usually based on the differentiation: us and them. And “them” are pictured as evil, dangerous, Muslim terrorists.
The new government and its authoritarian style of governing has introduced a number of initiatives designed to deprive individuals of immigrant rights (like in the new so-called Antiterrorist Act from the mid of 2016, based on which every foreign citizen could be put under surveillance without any court control) or to stop refugee influx on the Polish territory in any way – directly from their country of origin (new amendments to asylum law are trying to introduce border and accelerated procedures) or under the UE resettlement and relocation programme (Poland is one of 3 EU Member States – along Hungary and Austria – that hasn’t relocated anyone).
In this paper I will present in more detail the legal changes described above, their consequences and the so-called rationalities presented by the government.