Academic literature on the topic 'Political refugees – Government policy – Canada'
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Journal articles on the topic "Political refugees – Government policy – Canada"
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Ghanem, Rejean. "Canada - A Long Way To Go: The Designated Country of Origin Policy and Refugee Protection." Contemporary Kanata: Interdisciplinary Approaches To Canadian Studies, no. 1 (September 26, 2021): 13–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/2564-4661.23.
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The Designated Country of Origin (DCO) policy was a political response to unwanted migration in Canada. Adapted from Europe, Harper took a liking to the EU’s SCO policy after Canada received a large influx of Middle Eastern and Balkan refugees seeking asylum. He adapted it in Canada, renaming it Designated Country of Origin (DCO). Under the DCO, the government of Canada would decide if a refugee's country of origin was dangerous enough to be considered for asylum. If the asylum seekers country is determined as safe, that person would be disregarded and sent back to their country of origin. Many refugees who had already settled in Canada had their files reopened and were told to return to their country of origin. The DCO policy became an integral part of the refugee status determination process in Canada to which some regarded as faulty, inefficient, and unjust. In 2019, the SCO was deemed unconstitutional and violated The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Ahmed Hussen, Minister of Immigration, wanted to create an asylum system that was considered fair and efficient. While it is important for an asylum seeker to prove they are truthful about the facts of their case, the DCO policy represents a climate of hostility towards migrants in Canada. In this piece, it will be argued that the DCO policy is a discriminatory migration tool used to “weed out” what the government deems as fake migrants. This policy could deny international protection to those who are genuinely in need. The DCO proves that the nation has a misleading reputation of being welcoming to all who come. The DCO threatened the human rights of asylum seekers who sought refuge in Canada.
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Ives, Nicole, Anna Oda, Jonathan Bridekirk, Michaela Hynie, Susan McGrath, Rana Mohammad, Mona Awwad, Kathy Sherrell, Mahi Khalaf, and Marcela Diaz. "Syrian Refugees’ Participation in Language Classes: Motivators and Barriers." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 38, no. 2 (August 23, 2022): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.40799.
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Resettlement country language literacy facilitates integration and counteracts social and economic marginalization. Thus, access to language learning is a social justice issue. Resettled refugees in Canada are eligible for free English/French language training. Between 2015-2017, Canada resettled 47,735 Syrian refugees. We explored predictors of language class participation for Syrian refugees, examining data from 1915 adult Syrian refugees in government-funded language classes in British Columbia, Ontario, and Quebec. Findings suggest access to language programs are shaped by provincial policies. Factors hindering participation varied by province and included gender, physical/mental health, education, English/French literacy, and employment. Practice and policy recommendations are discussed.
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Newbold, Bruce, and Marie McKeary. "Investigating the diversity of Canada’s refugee population and its health implications: does one size fit all?" International Journal of Migration, Health and Social Care 13, no. 2 (June 12, 2017): 145–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijmhsc-02-2015-0007.
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Purpose Based on a case study in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada, the purpose of this paper is to explore the difficulties faced by local health care providers in the face of constantly evolving refugee policies, programs, and arrivals. In doing so, it illustrates the complications faced by service providers in providing care to refugee arrivals and how the diversity of arrivals challenges health care provision and ultimately the health and well-being of refugees. Design/methodology/approach A series of semi-structured, in-depth interviews with key service professionals in both the social service and health fields in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada, examined both health and health care issues. Findings Beyond challenges for service providers that have been previously flagged in the literature, including language barriers and the limited time that they have with their clients, analysis revealed that health care providers faced other challenges in providing care, with one challenge reflecting the difficulty of providing care and services to a diverse refugee population. A second challenge reflected the lack of knowledge associated with constantly evolving policies and programs. Both challenges potentially limit the abilities of care providers. Research limitations/implications On-going changes to refugee and health care policy, along with the diversity of refugee arrivals, will continue to challenge providers. The challenge, therefore, for health care providers and policy makers alike is how to ensure adequate service provision for new arrivals. Practical implications The Federal government should do a better job in disseminating the impact of policy changes and should streamline programs. This is particularly relevant given limited budgets and resources, tri-partite government funding, short time-frames to prepare for new arrivals, inadequate background information, barriers/challenges or inequitable criteria for access to health and social services, while addressing an increasingly diverse and complex population. Social implications The research reinforces the complexity of the needs and challenges faced by refugees when health is considered, and the difficulty in providing care to this group. Originality/value While there is a large refugee health literature, there is relatively little attention to the challenges and difficulties faced by service providers in addressing the health needs of the diverse refugee population, a topic that is particularly important given limited funding envelopes, shifting policies and programs, and a focus on clients (refugees). It is this latter piece – the challenges faced by providers in providing care to refugees – which this paper explores.
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Rabiah-Mohammed, Fawziah, Leah K. Hamilton, Abe Oudshoorn, Mohammad Bakhash, Rima Tarraf, Eman Arnout, Cindy Brown, et al. "Syrian Refugees’ Experiences of the Pandemic in Canada: Barriers to Integration and Just Solutions." Studies in Social Justice 16, no. 1 (January 24, 2022): 9–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v16i1.2669.
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Research has shown high levels of housing precarity among government-assisted refugees (GARs) connected to difficult housing markets, limited social benefits, and other social and structural barriers to positive settlement (Lumley-Sapanski, 2021). The COVID-19 pandemic has likely exacerbated this precarity. Research to date demonstrates the negative consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic for refugees and low-income households, including both health-related issues and economic challenges, that may exacerbate their ability to obtain affordable, suitable housing (Jones & Grigsby-Toussaint, 2020; Shields & Alrob, 2020). In this context, we examined Syrian government-assisted refugees’ experiences during the pandemic, asking: how the COVID-19 pandemic has impacted Syrian refugees’ experiences of housing stability. To examine this issue, we interviewed 38 families in Calgary, London, and Fredericton. Using a qualitative descriptive methodology for analysis and interpretation (Thorne et al., 1997), we found the liminality of settling as a GAR has been compounded by isolation, further economic loss, and new anxieties during the pandemic. Ultimately, for many participants, the pandemic has thwarted their housing stability goals and decreased their likelihood of improving their housing conditions. Based on our findings, we discuss potential policy and practice relevant solutions to the challenges faced by refugees in Canada during the pandemic and likely beyond.
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Robert, Emilie, and Pierre-Marie David. "“Healthcare as a refuge”: building a culture of care in Montreal for refugees and asylum-seekers living with HIV." International Journal of Human Rights in Healthcare 12, no. 1 (March 11, 2019): 16–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijhrh-01-2018-0003.
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Purpose Between 2012 and 2016, the Government of Canada modified health insurance for refugees and asylum seekers. In Quebec, this resulted in refusals of care and uncertainties about publicly reimbursed services, despite guaranteed coverage for people with this status under the provincial plan. The Chronic Viral Illness Service (CVIS) at the McGill University Health Centre in Montreal continued to provide care to refugees and asylum seekers living with HIV. The purpose of this paper is to explain how and why challenges brought by this policy change could be overcome. Design/methodology/approach A qualitative case study was conducted using interviews with patients and staff members, observation sessions and a review of media, documents and articles. A discussion group validated the interpretation of preliminary results. Findings The CVIS provides patient-centered care through a multidisciplinary team. It collectively responds to medical, social and legal issues specific to refugees. Its organizational culture and expertise explain the sustained provision of care. The team’s empathetic view of patients, anchored in the service’s history, care for men who have sex with men and commitment to human rights, is key. A culture of care developed over time thanks to the commitment of exemplary figures. Because they countered the team’s values, changes in refugee healthcare coverage strengthened the service’s culture of care. However, the healthcare system reform launched in 2014 in Quebec is perceived as jeopardizing the culture of care, as it makes, refugee and asylum-seeker patients a non-lucrative venture for providers. Originality/value This research analyzes the origin of sustained provision of care to refugees and asylum seekers living with HIV through the lens of culture of care. It considers the historical and political contexts in which this culture developed.
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Sheridan, Paul, and Ketan Shankardass. "The 2012 Cuts to Refugee Health Coverage in Canada: The Anatomy of a Social Policy Failure." Canadian Journal of Political Science 48, no. 4 (December 2015): 905–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423916000020.
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AbstractIn 2012, Canada's federal government announced cuts to refugee health coverage. Evidence suggesting that the cuts represent a social policy failure has since been accumulating, including the 2014 Federal Court ruling ordering their reversal. This explanatory case study uncovers the problem definition process that led policy development by applying coding methods to governmental publications, transcripts of parliamentary proceedings and internal governmental correspondence obtained under the Access to Information Act. The systematic analysis identifies avoidable gaps that occurred and proposes an avenue for strengthening future federal social policy processes so as to avoid negative outcomes such as those that resulted here.
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Wallace, Simon. "The New Canadian Law of Refugee Exclusion: An Empirical Analysis of International Criminal Law Deportation Orders, January 2018 to July 2020." International Criminal Law Review 22, no. 4 (June 9, 2022): 721–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-bja10136.
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Abstract Perpetrators of war crimes and crimes against humanity, and senior officials in notorious government regimes, can be deported from Canada. This study reports on the first complete and systematic empirical analysis of all finalized international criminality deportation cases in Canada. The analysis, a review of deportation cases finalized between January 2018 and July 2020, shows that Canada is using deportation law in place of, and instead of, refugee exclusion law. This means that scholars interested in Canadian refugee exclusion should play close attention to deportation law. This study also found that international criminality allegations were usually made against people for their involvement in problematic police, prison, or military institutions. Most international criminality deportation investigations were minimal and revolved almost entirely around a person’s self-disclosures. This article concludes with a discussion about how deportation law and process makes international criminal law unique in the deportation context.
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Woods, Karli. "Public Policy Brief Through the Federal Government: The Social, Civic, and Cultural Integration of Resettled Refugees in Canada and Germany." Federalism-E 23, no. 1 (May 2, 2022): 16–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fede.v23i1.15445.
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This scholarly policy brief explores the Canadian refugee issues through the federal government lens in ways which the federal government should address better affordable housing for refugees, better cultural exchanges for refugees in Canada, and better access to learning English and removing those language barriers through the Citizenship test all through the federal government's recommendation to implement these policies.
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Nash, Alan E. "Environmental refugees: Consequences and policies from a western perspective." Discrete Dynamics in Nature and Society 3, no. 2-3 (1999): 227–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/s1026022699000242.
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Using Canada as an example, this paper argues that the phenomenon of the environmental refugee poses a series of important public policy issues for countries of resettlement. Arguing that Canada has an obligation to aid environmental refugees, for reasons of both self-interest and self-sacrifice, the paper then explores those reasons that have, so far, prevented Canada acting on these obligations. These lie, the paper argues, in a conjunction of both present public opinion and government practice. It is therefore in these realms that action to remove impediments to policy change must now occur.
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Kapsalis, Constantine. "Fiscal Impact of Recent Immigrants to Canada." Canadian Public Policy 47, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 170–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cpp.2020-112.
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In a recent report from the Fraser Institute, Grady and Grubel (2015) concluded that, because of the low taxes they pay and the government services they receive, the fiscal burden of recent immigrants to Canada was significant ($5,329 per immigrant in 2010). The present study, however, shows that the fiscal burden is significant only in the case of refugees and sponsored immigrants. By contrast, economic immigrants actually pay more in taxes than they receive in benefits. This is an important finding because economic immigrants are selected primarily on economic grounds, whereas refugees and sponsored immigrants are accepted primarily on humanitarian and compassionate grounds.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political refugees – Government policy – Canada"
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Guha, Julia Patricia. "The immigration and refugee board of Canada's guidelines on gender-related persecution : an evaluation." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33285.
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The thesis focuses on the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada's Guidelines on Women Refugee Claimants Fearing Gender-Related Persecution, released in 1993. The guidelines were designed to address a perceived shortcoming in international refugee law and its domestic applications, namely, the omission of gender-based persecution from the protection of the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. The omission of gender from the UN Convention had resulted in gender inequalities in the evaluation of asylum claims, inequalities the Canadian guidelines were designed to correct. However, since the inception of the guidelines, critics have dismissed the directives as numerically ineffective, pointing to the low numbers of women requesting asylum on the basis of gender-related persecution. While such a numerical analysis may be useful, the thesis argues it is incomplete. The thesis centres instead on the vital consciousness-raising role played by the guidelines, both domestically and abroad, and on the concrete results engendered by this function in the international realm of women's human rights.
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Salgado, Martinez Teofilo de Jesus. "Canadian refugee policy : asserting control." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83148.
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This thesis considers the apparent shift in Canadian refugee policy between the more liberal refugee programs of the 1980s to the more restrictive contemporary orientation. We provide an explanation for the nature and content of policy pronouncements made in the period following the events of September 11, 2001. In order to put contemporary policy in context, we begin our investigation post-World War II when Canada first entered the international arena as a fully independent state. What follows is an examination of why the Canadian government has preferred its choice of refugee policies, and a consideration of forces and institutions that have shaped policy in the postwar period. At the same time, we reflect on the tension between Canada's refugee policy choices and its stated commitment to humanitarian values and international agreements.
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Dorais, Sophie Thanh Lan. "Conception et mise en place des politiques relatives au contrôle des demandeurs d'asile : nouvelles stratégies canadiennes dans le contexte de la globalisation." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=19667.
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This thesis analyzes the influence of globalization on state sovereignty in the design and implementation of policies concerning asylum seekers. Using Canada as an example, it is argued that there are three emerging global forces that directly challenge the sovereignty of the state in matters of immigration. These forces are neoliberal and global security discourses and international refugee rights standards. But these forces have not led to a decline in the power of the state. Rather, they have forced the state to develop new strategies in order to reassert its sovereignty and regain its legitimacy. The state has responded to neoliberal and security pressures by designing, implementing and reinforcing control policies over asylum seekers. It has reacted to the international refugee rights norms and the demands of the refugee advocacy groups by developing strategies to integrate some of their principles without relinquishing its authority and autonomy.
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Takami, Chieko. "Defining women as a particular social group in the Canadian refugee determination process." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=31175.
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Recent feminist criticism has resulted in remarkable changes to the interpretation of the refugee definition. Case law, academic commentaries and gender guidelines now recognize that women may constitute a particular social group under the definition of refugee. However, only those who belong to certain subgroups of women are usually granted asylum because being a woman only is considered too broad to comprise a particular social group. Such restrictive interpretation is theoretically and practically problematic, and it is the primary cause for the inconsistency in the interpretation of the definition of a particular social group and refugee determination in gender-based claims. Through an analysis of recent gender-based cases before the Canadian courts and the Immigration and Refugee Board, this paper argues that this inconsistency will be avoided when categorization of women does not require female claimants to prove characteristics other than their gender. Female refugees who are persecuted for being women do not need to provide additional reasons for their suffering, and this broad categorization of women should be consistently applied in Canada.
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Kilpatrick, Anne. "The Jewish Immigrant Aid Services : an ethnic lobby in the Canadian political system." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22598.
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The purpose of this study is to examine the Jewish Immigrant Aid Services (JIAS) as an example of an ethnic lobby in the Canadian political system. The research explores how in-group and external political factors influence the techniques and effectiveness of JIAS within the immigration policy arena. Specifically, this paper examines how JIAS' lobbying efforts are influenced as a result of issues emerging from within the organization (e.g. structure, hierarchy, leadership, etc), and those arising from within the organization's constituency: Canadian Jews as a whole, and other organizations within the Jewish polity. Further, the broader context of public opinion and the Canadian immigration system are explored to determine how each affects JIAS' advocacy efforts. The political system is examined from the perspective of the structure and agendas operating at three levels of government involved in the development and implementation of immigration policy (the Department of Immigration, Legislative and Senate committees on immigration and employment, and the Cabinet).
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O'Neill, Michael A. "Safe with us vs the sacred trust : policy change under Conservative government : health policy under Britain's Thatcher and Canada's Mulroney." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1996. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/78609/.
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This research explores the link between New Right ideology and the making of public policy. Taking the Thatcher and Mulroney Governments as examples of the New Right in government this research considers the areas of policy convergence and divergence between them using health as a case study. This study concludes that these 1990s variants of Conservativism differed both in terms of their rhetoric and their ability to chart new public policies. This study finds that the Thatcher Government was a more effective agent of change than the Mulroney Government with institutional differences as the main explanatory variable. Other research themes raised in this research include: The applicability of the incremental policy making model to the study of Canadian and British health policies; the role of interest groups in the development of health policies; and the thesis of the irreversibility of the welfare state. It was found that the incremental model could not account for the rapid and large changes in British health policy but could serve as a theoretical framework to explain health policy developments in Canada. Interest groups for their part were found to have reacted in differing ways to the challenges posed to them by New Right government, seeking to form advocacy coalitions in Canada while remaining resolutely independent in Britain. Finally, this research concludes that the irreversibility of the welfare state thesis as presented by Therborn and Roebroek remains valid. that is that the political popUlarity of national health insurance continue to isolate this sector of social policy from dramatic rollback.
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Seed, Barbara. "Food security in Public Health and other government programs in British Columbia, Canada : a policy analysis." Thesis, City University London, 2011. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/1173/.
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Public Health has re-emerged as a driver of food security in British Columbia. Food security policy, programs and infrastructure have been integrated into the Public Health sector and other areas of government, including the adoption of food security as a Core Public Health program. This policy analysis of the integration merges findings from forty-eight key informant interviews conducted with government, Civil Society, and food supply representatives involved in the initiatives, along with relevant documents and participant/direct observations. Findings were analyzed according to “contextual”, “diagnostic”, “evaluative” and “strategic” categories from the Ritchie and Spencer framework for Applied Policy Research. While Civil Society was the driver for food security in British Columbia, Public Health was the driver for the integration of food security into the government. Public Health held most of the power, and often determined the agenda and the players involved. While many interviewees heralded the accomplishments of the incorporation of food security into Public Health, stakeholders also acknowledged the relative insignificance of the food security agenda in relation to other “weightier”, competing agendas. Conflict between stakeholders over approaches to food insecurity/hunger existed, and it was only weakly included in the agenda. Looking to consequences of the integration, food security increased in legitimacy within the Public Health sector over the research period. Interviewees described a clash of cultures between Public Health and Civil Society occurring partly as a result of Public Health’s limited food security mandate and inherent top down approach. Marginalization of the Civil Society voice at the provincial level was one of the negative consequences resulting from this integration. A social policy movement toward a new political paradigm - “regulatory pluralism” - calls for greater engagement of Civil Society, and for all sectors to work together toward common goals. This integration of food security into the government exemplifies an undertaking on the cutting edge in progress toward this shift. Recommendations for stakeholders in furthering food security within the government were identified. These include the development of food security policy alternatives for current government agendas in British Columbia, with a focus on health care funding, Aboriginal health and climate change.
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Newman, Keith R. "Small business : its role in job creation, its political support in Canada and an assessment of a government assistance programme in Quebec." Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61969.
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Detomasi, David Antony. "Alliance capitalism, political economy, and the multinational corporation, a theoretical and empirical investigation of government-business relations in Canada, 1971-1999." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0001/NQ42941.pdf.
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Perin, Laurie A. "The North American Free Trade Agreement and Environment Debate: A Case Study on the Influence of Values, Beliefs, and Life Experiences in Government Agenda-Setting." Connect to this title online, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1142361798.
Full textBooks on the topic "Political refugees – Government policy – Canada"
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Hathaway, James C. The law of refugee status. Toronto: Butterworths Canada, 1991.
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Canada. Parliament. House of Commons. Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immigration. Safeguarding asylum: Sustaining Canada's commitments to refugees : report of the Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immigration. [Ottawa]: Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immigration, 2007.
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1945-, Doyle Norman, ed. Safeguarding asylum: Sustaining Canada's commitments to refugees : report of the Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immigration. [Ottawa]: Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immigration, 2007.
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The law of refugee status: James C. Hathaway. Toronto: Butterworths, 1991.
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Haven's gate: Canada's immigration fiasco. Toronto, Ont., Canada: Macmillan of Canada, 1987.
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Barsky, Robert F. Arguing and justifying: Assessing the convention refugees' choice of moment, motive, and host country. Aldershot, Hampshire, England: Ashgate, 2000.
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Immigration, Canada Citizenship and. Building on a strong foundation for the 21st century: New directions for immigration and refugee policy and legislation. Ottawa: Minister of Public Works and Government Services, 1998.
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Searching for place: Ukrainian displaced persons, Canada, and the migration of memory. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000.
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Foreigners, refugees, or minorities?: Rethinking people in the context of border controls and visas. Burlington, VT: Ashgate Pub. Co., 2012.
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1942-, Troper Harold Martin, ed. None is too many: Canada and the Jews of Europe, 1933-1948. Toronto, Ont: L. & O. Dennys, 1986.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Political refugees – Government policy – Canada"
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Stratigaki, Maria. "A ‘Wicked Problem’ for the Municipality of Athens. The ‘Refugee Crisis’ from an Insider’s Perspective." In IMISCOE Research Series, 283–97. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11574-5_14.
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AbstractIn late 2014, the city of Athens began to receive large numbers of refugees and migrants from the Aegean islands, mainly ‘transit’ refugees who wanted to travel to Northern Europe. The political and socioeconomic situation in the country was difficult, as the effects of the economic crisis (2010) were still being felt. Squeezed between different and constantly changing legal frameworks, different levels of public governance and facing xenophobic reactions from local residents, the authorities of Athens had to face a new ‘wicked problem’ and find urgent solutions and innovative policies. This chapter discusses the main policies developed by the Municipality of Athens to provide basic goods and services for the survival and dignity of the large number of migrants and refugees, as well as to transform administrative structures and review policy priorities. Three important aspects of the ‘wicked problem’ are highlighted: (a) the clear political responses against xenophobic reactions (b) the innovation of the institutional and financial framework by ‘deviating’ from administrative rigidities, and (c) the coordination of the ‘Babel’ of multiple policy actors involved in addressing the ‘refugee crisis’ beyond the established public sector. The lack of a coherent national strategy forced the city government to find innovative solutions, raise funding from multiple sources and mobilise new social actors and policy networks. The case of the Municipality of Athens has highlighted that policy innovation, administrative reform, and institutional change under conditions of humanitarian emergency can be facilitated by mobilising untapped human and institutional forces and resources.
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Durmuş, Elif. "How Human Rights Cross-Pollinate and Take Root: Local Governments and Refugees in Turkey." In Myth or Lived Reality, 123–57. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-447-1_6.
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AbstractThe human rights regime—as law, institutions and practice—has been facing criticism for decades regarding its effectiveness, particularly in terms of unsatisfactory overall implementation and the failure to protect the most vulnerable who do not enjoy the protection of their States: refugees. Turkey is the country hosting the largest refugee population, with around four million at the end of May 2020 (https://www.unhcr.org/tr/wp-content/uploads/sites/14/2020/06/UNHCR-Turkey-Operational-Update-May-2020.pdf). As an administratively centralised country, Turkey’s migration policy is implemented by central government agencies, but this has not proved sufficient to guarantee the human rights of refugees on the ground. Meanwhile, in connection with urbanisation, decentralisation and globalisation, local governments around the world are receiving increasing attention from migration studies, political science, law, sociology and anthropology. In human rights scholarship, the localisation of human rights and the potential role of local governments have been presented as ways to counter the shortcomings in the effectiveness of the human rights regime and discourse. While local governments may have much untapped potential, a thorough analysis of the inequalities between local governments in terms of access to resources and opportunities is essential. The Turkish local governments which form the basis of this research, operate in a context of legal ambiguity concerning their competences and obligations in the area of migration. They also have to deal with large differences when it comes to resources and workload. In practice, therefore, there is extreme divergence amongst municipalities in the extent to which they engage with refugee policies. This chapter seeks to answer the question why and how certain local governments in Turkey come to proactively engage in policy-making that improves the realisation of refugees’ rights. Exploratory grounded field research among Turkish local governments reveals four main factors that enable and facilitate the engagement of local governments in refugee policies: (1) the capacity of and institutionalisation in local governments; (2) the dissemination of practices and norms surrounding good local migration and rights-based governance through networks; (3) the availability of cooperation and coordination with other actors in the field, and (4) political will. Collectively, these factors illustrate how a new norm—the norm that local governments can and ought to engage in policy-making improving the rights of refugees—is cross-pollinating and taking root among Turkish local governments. This understanding will provide valuable insights into how norms are developed, travel and are institutionalised within social and institutional networks, and how differences in access, capacity, political and cooperative opportunities may facilitate and obscure the path to policies improving human rights on the ground.
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Boyd, Taylor. "Education Reform in Ontario: Building Capacity Through Collaboration." In Implementing Deeper Learning and 21st Education Reforms, 39–58. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-57039-2_2.
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Abstract The education system of the province of Ontario, Canada ranks among the best in the world and has been touted as a model of excellence for other countries seeking to improve their education system. In a system-wide reform, leaders used a political and professional perspective to improve student performance on basic academic skills. The school system rose to renown after this reform which moved Ontario from a “good” system in 2000 to a “great” one between 2003 and 2010 (Mourshed M, Chijioke C, Barber M. How the world’s most improved school systems keep getting better, a report McKinsey & Company. Retrieved from https://www.mckinsey.com/industries/social-sector/our-insights/how-the-worlds-most-improved-school-systems-keep-getting-better, (2010)). Premier Dalton McGuinty arrived in office in 2003 with education as his priority and was dubbed the “Education Premier” because of this mandate. His plan for reform had two primary goals: to improve student literacy and numeracy, and to increase secondary school graduation rates. McGuinty also wanted to rebuild public trust that had been damaged under the previous administration. The essential element of Ontario’s approach to education reform was allowing educators to develop their own plans for improvement. Giving responsibility and freedom to educators was critical in improving professional norms and accountability among teachers (Mourshed M, Chijioke C, Barber M. How the world’s most improved school systems keep getting better, a report McKinsey & Company. Retrieved from https://www.mckinsey.com/industries/social-sector/our-insights/how-the-worlds-most-improved-school-systems-keep-getting-better, (2010)) and the sustained political leadership throughout the entire reform concluding in 2013 provided an extended trajectory for implementing and adjusting learning initiatives. The Ministry of Education’s Student Achievement Division, which was responsible for designing and implementing strategies for student success, took a flexible “learning as we go” attitude in which the reform strategy adapted and improved over time (Directions Evidence and Policy Research Group. The Ontario student achievement division student success strategy evidence of improvement study. Retrieved from http://www.edu.gov.on.ca/eng/research/EvidenceOfImprovementStudy.pdf, (2014)). This chapter will discuss influences on the reform design and key components of strategies to support student and teacher development and build a relationship of accountability and trust among teachers, the government and the public. The successes and shortcomings of this reform will be discussed in the context of their role in creating a foundation for the province’s next steps towards fostering twenty-first century competencies in classrooms.
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Triadafilopoulos, Triadafilos. "Good and Lucky." In Policy Success in Canada, 161–82. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192897046.003.0009.
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Abstract Canadian immigration policy is widely considered successful in terms of policy endurance, process, programs, and politics. Canada’s focus on the recruitment of economic immigrants has been successful in a programmatic sense, while also maintaining the support of key stakeholders, enabling process success, and addressing political debates, enhancing political success. Favouring resettlement over asylum in refugee policy has addressed concerns over the abuse of the immigration system, while maintaining the support of stakeholders that benefit from the policy’s innovative private sponsorship provisions. Effective policy design is, however, only part of the story. Three contingent factors also stand behind Canada’s successful immigration policy. First, Canada’s isolated geography limits flows of asylum seekers and other unwanted immigrants. Second, the substantial power vested in the federal executive branch has enabled Canadian governments to respond to flows of unwanted migrants quickly. Third, the unplanned interaction of immigration settlement patterns, citizenship policy, and Canada’s electoral system has helped sustain a pro-immigration consensus among Canada’s major political parties. The importance of contingent factors in the success of Canadian immigration policy limits its portability. Even where policy design can be imitated, Canada’s reliance on strong executive-led actions to limit unwanted migration raises normative concerns that problematize our understanding of success in immigration policy.
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"9. Policy Work and the Political Arm of Government." In Policy Work in Canada, 134–52. University of Toronto Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442668034-011.
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Flynn, Greg, and Marguerite Marlin. "The policy capacity of political parties in Canada." In Policy Analysis in Canada, 257–74. Policy Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447334910.003.0012.
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Political parties and their members are often viewed as having limited impact on government policy choices. However, prior research shows that both sets of actors devote considerably more time and resources to policy-related activities than this view would suggest. We examine the policy capacity of parties and their members to influence policy-making in Canada over the course of the last decade. We focus on the ability of party members to have their policy wishes included in election campaign manifestos and the extent to which the 2008 and 2011 federal Conservative governments were able to fulfill their campaign commitments in a highly challenging policy capacity environment. Consistent with prior studies on previous Conservative and Liberal governments, this examination demonstrates that while governments face a number of influences on their policy choices, the policy wishes of party members and the election campaign policy commitments of parties have a significant influence.
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Williams, Russell Alan. "Regulating Canada’s Banking System." In Policy Success in Canada, 247–66. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192897046.003.0013.
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Abstract In preparing the Canadian financial services industry for globalization, the Canadian government chose to combine industry deregulation with ongoing political and parliamentary oversight of subsequent policy choices, strengthening federal authority over the industry. Participants in financial services policy-making have come to accept a high level of parliamentary involvement in making key decisions about the sector. By collapsing the banking, insurance, and securities policy subsystems into a single national financial services policy sector, and by expanding the responsibility of Parliament, the government ensured that future regulatory decisions—like the potential abandonment of the ‘big shall not buy big’ rule against bank mergers—would be subject to wide political scrutiny. This illustrates what McConnell (2010) characterizes a policy success, a policy that has generated considerably legitimacy for federal government goals in the sector and arguably helped Canada avoid some of the worst consequences of deregulated global finance encountered in other states.
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Lindquist, Evert A. "Canada’s Response to the Global Financial Crisis." In Policy Success in Canada, 457–77. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192897046.003.0023.
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Abstract Canada was a top-performing jurisdiction in response to the 2008–09 Global Financial Crisis for three reasons: it had a relatively prudently regulated banking and financial sector, a relatively strong balance sheet and well-managed budget process, and the government’s policy response and focus of this chapter—the Economic Action Plan (EAP)—quickly provided significant infrastructure funding to all levels of government The EAP was designed and announced in early 2009 by a new Conservative minority government led by Prime Minister Harper, which was later rewarded with a majority government in the May 2011 federal election. However, this retrospective success masks considerable controversy and a near-death experience early on for that newly elected government: after introducing its Economic Statement in November 2018, the government almost fell as three opposition parties joined forces for an imminent vote of non-confidence, leading to a controversial but shrewd request to prorogue Parliament and introduce a new budget in six weeks. This chapter describes how government regained its bearings, pivoted, and quickly developed a new strategy: it introduced a radically different budget and mobilized ministers and the public service to implement a national infrastructure program with a variety of partners, and launched a bold branding and advertising strategy, along with a reporting system. Relying on the ‘policy success’ literature (McConnell, 2010), this chapter argues that, despite pushing the boundaries of public advertising, the EAP as a time-limited intervention can be viewed as a process, programmatic, and political success.
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Craft, Jonathan, and Paul Wilson. "Policy analysis and the central executive." In Policy Analysis in Canada, 147–64. Policy Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447334910.003.0007.
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This chapter examines the policy making role of key central agencies within the Canadian federal core executive, and in particular their role in initiating, contesting, directing and coordinating policy advice across government. The chapter considers the three formal public service central agencies—the Privy Council Office, the Department of Finance and the Treasury Board Secretariat—as well as the Prime Minister’s Office which, although lacking formal authority to act for the Prime Minister, is nevertheless integral in providing policy advice to the head of government and coordinating policy development among ministers’ partisan political staff. Using elite interviews and documentation obtained through Access to Information, the chapter explores the advisory instruments of policy briefing notes and memoranda to cabinet as well as general advisory processes in the central executive.
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Doberstein, Carey. "Insite in Vancouver." In Policy Success in Canada, 56–74. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192897046.003.0004.
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Abstract In 2003, the first legal supervised safe injection site opened in Vancouver—the epicenter of the heroin epidemic in Canada. The creation of the service was the culmination of an extraordinary political struggle initiated by an activist movement of drug users, pioneering local elected leadership, and a delicate multi-level governance negotiation with legal, health, and public safety dimensions. Insite has been an unqualified success in its core objective: saving lives through a harm reduction model of treating drug use as a health issue rather than as a criminal one. Insite, and the subsequent additional sites created in Vancouver, enjoy enormously high public support in Vancouver, as well as the province and the country, representing a robust policy success that has survived several government turnovers at all three levels of government, and appears firmly institutionalized such that the model has since diffused to other cities in Canada.