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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Brewer, John D., and Bernadette C. Hayes. "Victimisation and Attitudes Towards Former Political Prisoners in Northern Ireland." Terrorism and Political Violence 27, no. 4 (May 12, 2014): 741–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2013.856780.

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2

Hanna, Adam. "Seamus Heaney’s Prisoners." Irish University Review 52, no. 1 (May 2022): 66–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2022.0542.

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This article focuses on the role that prisoners play in the poems of Seamus Heaney. From the time of the introduction of internment in Northern Ireland in the early 1970s, Heaney’s poems frequently touch on prisoners, the conditions in which they are held, and how they might be conceptualized. This article discusses how these poems reflect contemporaneous political discourse regarding prisoners. It also shows how Heaney’s engagements with prisoners are refracted, characteristically, through his earliest memories, and through his knowledge of literature. In particular, Second World War POWs and Heaney’s knowledge of Russian authors, including Osip Mandelstam and Anton Chekhov, provide significant contexts for his engagements with Troubles-era prisoners. Drawing on materials from the Heaney Literary Papers held in the National Library of Ireland, this article demonstrates how the conditions in which internees were held shaped ‘The Unacknowledged Legislator’s Dream’ in North (1975). Finally, it discusses the roles Nelson Mandela, and the prisoners of conscience campaigned for by Amnesty International, play in his work. This paper concludes that, although Heaney was resolute in not promoting violence, his attitudes towards those who perpetrated it, and were imprisoned for it, were complex and changing.

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3

Hanley, Brian. "‘But then they started all this killing’: attitudes to the I.R.A. in the Irish Republic since 1969." Irish Historical Studies 38, no. 151 (May 2013): 439–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400001589.

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This article examines one of the most intense divisions between Irish nationalists during the Northern Ireland conflict. The Provisional I.R.A. claimed to be waging a similar war to that of the I.R.A. of the revolutionary era (1916–1921); an assertion disputed by many. The argument was significant because all the major political forces in the Irish Republic honoured the memory of what they called the ‘old’ I.R.A. (defined in a popular school history book as ‘the men who fought for Irish freedom between 1916 and 1923’). They argued that in contrast to the Provisionals, the ‘old’ I.R.A. possessed a democratic mandate and avoided causing civilian casualties. Echoes of these disputes resurfaced during Sinn Féin's bid for the Irish presidency during 2011. Commemorating Denis Barry, an anti-treaty I.R.A. prisoner who died on hunger strike in 1923, Fianna Fáil leader Micheál Martin claimed that in contrast to men like Barry ‘those who waged war in Northern Ireland during the more recent Troubles were an impediment to Irish unity and directly responsible for causing distress and grief to many families. Yet they still seek to hijack history and the achievements of the noble people who fought for Ireland in our War of Independence … to justify their terrorist campaign.’

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4

McAuley, James W., Jonathan Tonge, and Peter Shirlow. "Conflict, Transformation, and Former Loyalist Paramilitary Prisoners in Northern Ireland." Terrorism and Political Violence 22, no. 1 (December 22, 2009): 22–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546550903409528.

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5

Clubb, Gordon. "Book Review: Britain and Ireland: Abandoning Historical Conflict? Former Political Prisoners and Reconciliation in Northern Ireland." Political Studies Review 11, no. 3 (August 7, 2013): 447. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12028_91.

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6

Perry, Robert. "Peace without Reconciliation: Political Attitudes to Reconciliation in Northern Ireland." Journal for Peace and Justice Studies 24, no. 1 (2014): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/peacejustice20142411.

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7

Joyce, Carmel, and Orla Lynch. "The Construction and Mobilization of Collective Victimhood by Political Ex-Prisoners in Northern Ireland." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 41, no. 7 (April 26, 2017): 507–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1057610x.2017.1311102.

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8

McKeever, G. "Citizenship and Social Exclusion: The Re-Integration of Political Ex-Prisoners in Northern Ireland." British Journal of Criminology 47, no. 3 (July 17, 2006): 423–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azl070.

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9

Stringer, Maurice, Paul Irwing, Melanie Giles, Carol McClenahan, Ronnie Wilson, and John Hunter. "Parental and school effects on children's political attitudes in Northern Ireland." British Journal of Educational Psychology 80, no. 2 (June 2010): 223–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1348/000709909x477233.

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10

Wahidin, Azrini. "Menstruation as a Weapon of War: The Politics of the Bleeding Body for Women on Political Protest at Armagh Prison, Northern Ireland." Prison Journal 99, no. 1 (December 17, 2018): 112–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032885518814730.

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This article draws on the voices of women political prisoners who were detained at Armagh Prison during the period of the Troubles or the Conflict in Northern Ireland. It focuses on women who undertook an extraordinary form of protest against the prison authorities during the 1980s, known as the No Wash Protest. As the prisoners were prevented from leaving their cells by prison officer either to wash or to use the toilet, the women, living in the midst of their own dirt and body waste, added menstrual blood as a form of protest.

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11

Devine, Paula, and Gillian Robinson. "From Survey to Policy: Community Relations in Northern Ireland." Sociological Research Online 19, no. 1 (February 2014): 175–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.3303.

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Public policy is expected to be both responsive to societal views and accountable to all citizens. As such, policy is informed, but not governed, by public opinion. Therefore, understanding the attitudes of the public is important, both to help shape and to evaluate policy priorities. In this way, surveys play a potentially important role in the policy making process. The aim of this paper is to explore the role of survey research in policy making in Northern Ireland, with particular reference to community relations (better known internationally as good relations). In a region which is emerging from 40 years of conflict, community relations is a key policy area. For more than 20 years, public attitudes to community relations have been recorded and monitored using two key surveys: the Northern Ireland Social Attitudes Survey (1989 to 1996) and the Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey (1998 to present). This paper will illustrate how these important time series datasets have been used to both inform and evaluate government policy in relation to community relations. By using four examples, we will highlight how these survey data have provided key government indicators of community relations, as well as how they have been used by other groups (such as NGOs) within policy consultation debates. Thus, the paper will provide a worked example of the integral, and bi-directional relationship between attitude measurement and policy making.

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12

Reinisch, Dieter. "DEBATING POLITICS DURING CONFINEMENT: NEWLY DISCOVERED NOTEBOOKS OF THE SINN FÉIN PORTLAOISE PRISON CUMANN, 1979-1985." Archives: The Journal of the British Records Association 56, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/archives.2021.8.

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While hundreds of Provisional Irish republicans were imprisoned in Portlaoise Prison during the Northern Ireland conflict, their part in the conflict remains largely neglected by researchers. During an attempt to politicise these Provisional IRA prisoners, a cumann (local branch) was formed at a meeting of republicans in Portlaoise in January 1979. In the summer of 1986, four miontuairiscí (minute books) of this cumann were removed from the prison and subsequently hidden by former inmates. These minute books include díospóireachta (debates), tairiscintí (motions), and cláir (programmes). Based on this unique and previously unreleased source, this article evaluates the relationship between Provisional IRA prisoners in the Republic of Ireland and the outside movement during the 1970s and 1980s. By analysing this case study, the article serves two purposes: first, to present the content of these previously unknown notebooks; second, to demonstrates how politically motivated prisoners participate in political debates during confinement.

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13

Rolston, Bill. "Women on the walls: Representations of women in political murals in Northern Ireland." Crime, Media, Culture: An International Journal 14, no. 3 (July 12, 2017): 365–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1741659017718037.

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The article documents the under-representation of women in political wall murals in Northern Ireland. There are significantly fewer representations of women than of men in these murals. Where women do appear, it is within a number of specific themes: as political activists, prisoners, victims or historical or mythological characters. The findings will be located within an analysis which sees the murals as a specific articulation of gender as a dimension of political mobilisation during conflict and in the period of transition from conflict. In short, the images sometimes reinforce and at other times challenge gender role expectations and norms. The extent of that reinforcement and challenge differs significantly between republican and loyalist murals. Nowhere do women receive representational equality with men, but in relation to loyalist murals, that absence comes close to being tantamount to silence.

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Joyce, Carmel, and Orla Lynch. "“Doing Peace”: The Role of Ex-Political Prisoners in Violence Prevention Initiatives in Northern Ireland." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 40, no. 12 (March 30, 2017): 1072–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1057610x.2016.1253990.

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15

Irwing, Paul, and Maurice Stringer. "New measures of political attitudes in Northern Ireland: a social identity perspective." Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology 10, no. 2 (March 2000): 139–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1099-1298(200003/04)10:2<139::aid-casp563>3.0.co;2-5.

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16

Shepherd, Linda. "Exposure to Community Violence and Political Socialization among Adolescents in Northern Ireland." Policy Futures in Education 5, no. 3 (September 2007): 386–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/pfie.2007.5.3.386.

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This study evaluates the effects of adolescent exposure to cross-community violence, intense paramilitary operations, aggression, and intimidation in Northern Ireland. Using publicly available survey data gathered by agencies in Northern Ireland, the research examines the effects of exposure to political violence with focus upon the manner by which adolescents have become politically socialized, the development of political attitudes, and the presence and level of psychological responses to this environment. Special attention is paid to cultural context, gender, and religious differences.

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17

McEvoy, Kieran, Peter Shirlow, and Karen McElrath. "RESISTANCE, TRANSITION AND EXCLUSION: POLITICALLY MOTIVATED EX-PRISONERS AND CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION IN NORTHERN IRELAND." Terrorism and Political Violence 16, no. 3 (January 2004): 646–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546550490509991.

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18

Belgacem, Samir. "Similarities and Divergences in Attitudes Toward Georgian Irish Heritage." Journal of Traditional Building, Architecture and Urbanism, no. 3 (November 8, 2022): 396–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.51303/jtbau.vi3.613.

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This paper makes a comparative analysis of the treatment of Georgian heritage in Northern Ireland (NI) and the Republic of Ireland (Éire). It assesses this treatment through a review of listing practices, lost houses, and the parallel evolution of planning policies along with the historical reasons for this, analyzing the nature of the drivers of and limits to the conservation of the Georgian buildings of Ireland. NI and Éire share most of the factors that led in the early twentieth century to significant heritage loss, and later to the creation of effective and inclusive conservation legislation. Our study shows that the political mindset in Éire is what has most discouraged listing and conservation, along with a lack of key legislation as passed in Great Britain but not in Ireland prior to partition, due to the political context.

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19

Evans, Jocelyn, and Jonathan Tonge. "Religious, Political, and Geographical Determinants of Attitudes to Protestant Parades in Northern Ireland." Politics and Religion 10, no. 04 (September 4, 2017): 786–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048317000487.

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Abstract Although violence over Northern Ireland's constitutional position has largely subsided, the problem of sectarian animosity between sections of the Protestant Unionist British and Catholic Irish Nationalist population remains. One such area of communal contestation is attitudes to Protestant parades, organized mainly by the Orange Order. For many Protestants, Orange Order marches are legitimate cultural, religious, and political expressions of Protestant culture, loyalty to the British Crown and a pro-United Kingdom position. For many Catholics, the Orange Order is seen as a sectarian and anti-Catholic organization, which prohibits its members marrying Catholics or attending Catholic Church services. The Parades Commission was established two decades ago to adjudicate on Orange Order parading routes. Its decisions have sometimes involved re-routing marches away from Catholic areas and the inability to satisfy both sides has been followed by riots on several occasions at the annual height of the Protestant “marching season.” This article examines levels of support or antipathy toward Orange Order marching rights among Protestants and Catholics. Drawing upon evidence from the most extensive recent study of public opinion in Northern Ireland, the 2015 Economic and Social Research Council general election study, the piece tests the importance of demographic, religious, political, and geographical variables in conditioning attitudes towards Orange parades.

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20

McLaughlin, Cahal. "Memory, place and gender: Armagh Stories: Voices from the Gaol." Memory Studies 13, no. 4 (September 25, 2017): 677–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698017730872.

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The film Armagh Stories: Voices from the Gaol (2015)1 is a documentary film edited from the Prisons Memory Archive2 and offers perspectives from those who passed through Armagh Gaol, which housed mostly female prisoners during the political conflict in and about Northern Ireland, known as the Troubles. Armagh Stories is an attempt to represent the experiences of prison staff, prisoners, tutors, a solicitor, chaplain and doctor in ways that are ethically inclusive and aesthetically relevant. By reflecting on the practice of participatory storytelling and its reception in a society transitioning out of violence, I investigate how memory, place and gender combine to suggest ways of addressing the legacy of a conflicted past in a contested present.

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21

Evans, Jocelyn, and Jonathan Tonge. "Partisan and religious drivers of moral conservatism." Party Politics 24, no. 4 (July 13, 2016): 335–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816656665.

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This article assesses the importance of religious affiliation, observance, faith and party choice in categorizing attitudes to two of the most important contemporary moral and ethical issues: same-sex marriage and abortion. While religious conditioning of moral attitudes has long been seen as important, this article goes beyond analyses grounded in religiosity to explore whether support for particular political parties – and the cues received from those parties on moral questions – may counter or reinforce messages from the churches. Drawing upon new data from the extensive survey of public opinion in the 2015 Northern Ireland election study, the article analyses the salience of religious, party choice and demographic variables in determining attitudes towards these two key social issues. Same-sex marriage and abortion (other than in very exceptional abortion cases) are both still banned in Northern Ireland, but the moral and religious conservatism underpinning prohibition has come under increasing challenge, especially in respect of same-sex marriage. The extent to which political messages compete with religious ones may influence attitudes to the moral issues of the moment.

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22

Garry, John, Brendan O’Leary, John Coakley, James Pow, and Lisa Whitten. "Public attitudes to different possible models of a United Ireland: evidence from a citizens’ assembly in Northern Ireland." Irish Political Studies 35, no. 3 (July 2, 2020): 422–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2020.1816379.

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23

Clements, Ben. "Exploring and Explaining Public Attitudes towards the European Integration Process in Northern Ireland." Irish Political Studies 25, no. 3 (August 6, 2010): 393–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2010.497638.

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24

Hayes, Bernadette C., and John Nagle. "Ethnonationalism and attitudes towards same-sex marriage and abortion in Northern Ireland." International Political Science Review 40, no. 4 (July 5, 2018): 455–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512118775832.

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The issue of sexuality and human rights has generated increasing international attention in recent years. This is particularly the case in societies emerging from chronic ethnonationalist conflict, where scholarly debates on the impact of ethnonationalism on sexual rights, such as abortion and the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender people (LGBT), generate much controversy and division. It is with this disagreement in mind that this paper focuses on the influence of ethnonationalism on attitudes towards the legalisation of same-sex marriage and abortion. Using nationally representative data from Northern Ireland, the results suggest that while ethnonational identity is a significant positive determinant of attitudes towards same-sex marriage within both the Catholic population and among supporters of their main political party (Sinn Féin), it is also a key negative predictor of attitudes to abortion, albeit solely among Sinn Féin supporters.

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25

Byrne, Jonny, and Neil Jarman. "Ten Years After Patten: Young People and Policing in Northern Ireland." Youth & Society 43, no. 2 (October 4, 2010): 433–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0044118x10383542.

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Through a comprehensive review of existing literature, this article documents young people’s experiences of policing during the period of political transition and extensive reform of the structures of policing in Northern Ireland since the publication of the Independent Commission on Policing for Northern Ireland (The Patten Report) in 1999. The article explores the nature and context of these relationships and provides a commentary of how young people’s experiences and perceptions of policing have been shaped by their social, economic, and community backgrounds. Furthermore, a number of ideas and activities that have been developed with the aim of improving the attitudes of young people toward the police, the attitudes of police officers toward young people, and the interactions between the two are also discussed.

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Lundy, Patricia, and Mark McGovern. "Attitudes towards a Truth Commission for Northern Ireland in Relation to Party Political Affiliation." Irish Political Studies 22, no. 3 (September 2007): 321–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907180701527169.

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27

Montgomery, Pamela. "Police Response to Wife Assault in Northern Ireland." Violence and Victims 6, no. 1 (January 1991): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.6.1.43.

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To a large extent research on police response to wife assault had been dominated by the North American experience. Recent work in Britain has cast doubt on the extent to which these findings are applicable to the British context and drawn attention to the need for studies which explore the specific context in which policing occurs. It is argued that this approach has particular relevance in Northern Ireland where, in contrast to North America and Britain, the police operate in a context of political violence. Using data obtained from a series of semi-structured interviews with 67 women who defined themselves as victims of wife assault, the study examines police response in Northern Ireland. While the results indicate similar patterns of police response in Northern Ireland as those found elsewhere, the results also suggest that factors specific to the Northern Ireland context may influence women’s use of the police, police procedures and police attitudes, and women’s experience as victims.

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Hayes, Bernadette C. "OCCUPATIONAL HOMOGAMY WITHIN NORTHERN IRELAND AND THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND: A LOG‐LINEAR ANALYSIS." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 13, no. 1/2 (January 1, 1993): 99–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eb013169.

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Social mobility has long been viewed as an integrative mechanism for societies. For example, whereas earlier American researchers saw opportunities for social mobility as a vital factor in promoting political stability and the maximisation of equality of opportunity, more recent British sociologists have noted the role of social mobility in legitimising inequalities and impeding class formation and class action. Despite this stress on the importance of social mobility for societal stability, however, there has been little sustained empirical study of the influence of marital homogany either in terms of societal integration or the reproduction of class relations. Yet, as Jones (1987) notes, this neglect of the issue is somewhat puzzling. Not only have earlier studies of class phenomena such as Sorokin (1927) and Schumpeter (1951) paid considerable attention to marriage and the family in relation to social stability, class formation and class cohesion, but, marital patterns, in terms of the economic and social resources of parents, are consistently emphasised as one vital factor in accounting for the subsequent occupational achievements of children (Hayes and Miller, 1991; Miller and Hayes, 1990; Abbott and Sapsford, 1987; Boyd, 1985; Dale et.al., 1985; Cooney et.al., 1982; Marini, 1980) and the political attitudes of households in general (Leiulfsrud and Woodward, 1988, 1987; Abbott, 1987; Britten, 1984).

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Shirlow, Peter. "Mythic rights and conflict-related prisoner ‘re-integration’." Capital & Class 43, no. 1 (December 13, 2018): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816818818086.

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This article argues that within Northern Ireland the processes of disarmament, demobilisation and re-integration (DDR) remain incomplete. Despite general disarmament and demobilisation and a very significant fall in paramilitary violence, those imprisoned as a consequence of the conflict remain marginalised by vetting laws and other instruments of civic exclusion. This has significant consequences in terms of acknowledging that the conflict has ceased as a violent/military episode. This is due to rhetorical devices and positions that uphold variant readings of the past, especially those that impose a humiliated status upon conflict-related prisoners.

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Ginty, Roger Mac, Rick Wilford, Lizanne Dowds, and Gillian Robinson. "Consenting Adults: The Principle of Consent and Northern Ireland's Constitutional Future." Government and Opposition 36, no. 4 (October 2001): 472–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00077.

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‘If A Majority Of People In Northern Ireland Ever Voted To become part of a United Ireland what would you do?’ At first sight the question may seem plucked from the realms of constitutional fantasy. A united Ireland seems an unlikely prospect, at least in anything but the long term. Even proponents of unity predict a 15–20 year wait. Yet the 1998 Good Friday Agreement empowers the people of Northern Ireland to decide their own constitutional future. As a result questions on Northern Ireland's future constitutional status, and public reactions to possible changes in that status, are relevant to current political debate.It is important to note that the principle of consent is not a new constitutional invention. It has had a long association with Northern Ireland. It is argued that the peace process and the 1998 Good Friday Agreement have refocused attention on the long-standing consent principle. While consent was part of the constitutional furniture it was often overlooked during the Troubles.This article re-examines consent in the light of the peace process. It draws on evidence from the 1998 and 1999/2000 Northern Ireland Life and Times surveys, as well as a number of in-depth interviews with senior politicians and policy-makers involved in the peace process and the negotiations on a political settlement. First it considers the changing significance of the consent principle to Northern Ireland's constitutional status, arguing that the principle has assumed a renewed immediacy. Secondly, the article reports the findings of the two most recent Northern Ireland Life and Times surveys in relation to constitutional preferences. While public attitudes towards a unitary Ireland or continued Union within the United Kingdom have been surveyed regularly, as far as the authors are aware no previous survey has asked whether people would accept or oppose constitutional change if it was supported by a majority of Northern Ireland's citizens. In other words, no survey has gauged the level of public acceptance of the consent principle. The key question is: would unionists be prepared to come quietly if a majority of Northern Ireland's citizens voted to accept a united Ireland?

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Stringer, Maurice, P. Irwing, M. Giles, C. McClenahan, R. Wilson, and J. A. Hunter. "Intergroup contact, friendship quality and political attitudes in integrated and segregated schools in Northern Ireland." British Journal of Educational Psychology 79, no. 2 (June 2009): 239–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1348/978185408x368878.

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Wahidin, Azrini, and Jason Powell. "“The Irish Conflict” and the experiences of female ex-combatants in the Irish Republican Army." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 37, no. 9/10 (September 12, 2017): 555–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-05-2016-0052.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to critically explore the importance of the experiences of female former combatants during the Irish Conflict, colloquially known as “The Troubles” and outline key moments of resistance for female political prisoners during their time at Armagh jail. The paper will situate the analysis within a Foucauldian framework drawing on theoretical tools for understanding power, resistance and subjectivity to contextualise and capture rich narratives and experiences. What makes a Foucauldian analysis of former female combatants of the Conflict so inspiring is how the animation and location of problems of knowledge as “pieces” of the larger contest between The State, institutions of power and its penal subjects (ex-female combatants as prisoners). The paper has demonstrated that the body exists through and in culture, the product of signs and meanings, of discourse and practices. Design/methodology/approach This is primarily qualitative methodology underpinned by Foucauldian theory. There were 28 women and 20 men interviewed in the course of this research came from across Ireland, some came from cities and others came from rural areas. Some had spent time in prisons in the UK and others served time in the Republic of Ireland or in the North of Ireland. Many prisoners experienced being on the run and all experienced levels of brutality at the hands of the State. Ethical approval was granted from the Queens University Research Committee. Findings This paper only examines the experiences of female ex-combatants and their narratives of imprisonment. What this paper clearly shows through the narratives of the women is the gendered nature of imprisonment and the role of power, resilience and resistance whilst in prison in Northern Ireland. The voices in this paper disturb and interrupt the silence surrounding the experiences of women political prisoners, who are a hidden population, whilst in prison. Research limitations/implications In terms of research impact, this qualitative research is on the first of its kind to explore both the experiential and discursive narratives of female ex-combatants of the Irish Conflict. The impact and reach of the research illustrates how confinement revealed rich theoretical insights, drawing from Foucauldian theory, to examine the dialectical interplay between power and the subjective mobilisation of resistance practices of ex-combatants in prison in Northern Ireland. The wider point of prison policy and practice not meeting basic human rights or enhancing the quality of life of such prisoners reveals some of the dystopian features of current prison policy and lack of gender sensitivity to female combatants. Practical implications It is by prioritising the voices of the women combatants in this paper that it not only enables their re-positioning at the centre of the struggle, but also moves away methodologically from the more typical sole emphasis on structural conditions and political processes. Instead, prioritising the voices of the women combatants places the production of subjectivities and agencies at the centre, and explores their dialectical relationship to objective conditions and practical constraints. Social implications It is clear from the voices of the female combatants and in their social engagement in the research that the prison experience was marked specifically by assaults on their femininity, to which they were the more vulnerable due to the emphasis on sexual modesty within their socialisation and within the ethno-nationalist iconography of femininity. The aggression directed against them seems, in part, to have been a form of gender-based sexual violence in direct retaliation for the threat posed to gender norms by their assumption of the (ostensibly more powerful) role as combatants. They countered this by methods which foregrounded their collective identity as soldiers and their identification with their male comrades in “the same struggle”. Originality/value This paper is one of the first to explore the importance of the experiences of female former combatants during the Northern Irish Conflict with specific reference to their experience of imprisonment. The aim of this significant paper is to situate the critical analysis grounded in Foucauldian theory drawing on theoretical tools of power, resistance and subjectivity in order to make sense of women’s experiences of conflict and imprisonment in Ireland. It is suggested that power and resistance need to be re-appropriated in order to examine such unique gendered experiences that have been hidden in mainstream criminological accounts of the Irish Conflict.

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Richardson:, Norman. "Religious Education as Peace Education: A Perspective from Northern Ireland." ΕλΘΕ/GjRE 5, no. 2 (2022): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.30457/050220223.

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The role of religion in schooling in Northern Ireland has long been contentious and has often been represented as a major factor in the region’s conflicted sectarian history. Religious Education (RE) in schools is predominantly Christian in style and content, often largely instructional in nature and is perceived to be representative of one or other of the dominant cultural communities. Yet, throughout the decades of political conflict and right up to the present, some educators have proposed pedagogies and developed resources towards a conception of RE as a major contributor to peace and community cohesion. This study sets out the background to this situation and outlines the obstacles and challenges to a Religious Education focused on building peace through improving good relations in the local sectarian context as well as in relation to the wider context of race and inter-religious relationships. It draws on a range of research and on-going qualitative studies, based on interviews and questionnaires, focusing on the attitudes and experiences of serving teachers, student teachers, parents and members of minority ethnic-cultural communities. In particular, it highlights attitudes to diverse learning beyond traditional confines and to the levels of pedagogical confidence of educators in dealing with potentially controversial topics in the classroom. Overall findings in Northern Ireland have indicated significant teacher wariness about tackling such topics but also a growing openness to the possibility of moving towards a more inclusive and professional approach to the teaching of RE. These views are analysed and some options for further research and professional development are proposed and discussed.

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Rolston, Bill, and Lillian Artz. "Re-entry problems: the post-prison challenges and experiences of former political prisoners in South Africa and Northern Ireland." International Journal of Human Rights 18, no. 7-8 (October 9, 2014): 861–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642987.2014.960922.

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McGowan, Christopher. "Workers Entering the Prison." Qui Parle 29, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 343–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10418385-8743016.

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Abstract This article argues that Steve McQueen’s Hunger (2008) represents an unexpected but compelling mutation of the genre of postindustrial labor film. Hunger depicts the protests of Irish republican prisoners inside the Maze Prison that culminated in the 1981 Irish hunger strike. At the same time, the film develops an extended representation of the labor of the prison workers who beat, humiliate, care for, and counsel the prisoners throughout the protests. By combining and reworking the genres of labor film, prison film, and Irish Troubles film, Hunger imagines the prison as a microcosm of a deindustrialized Northern Irish economy where labor has left the factory and become conjoined to the disciplinary power of the state, either as police work or as care work. In this way, Hunger attends to the “spirit” of what Lenin called the “labor aristocracy,” here reduced to the work of maintaining the very boundary between itself and those excluded from it. McQueen’s attention to the body and to the affective dimensions of labor and struggle, the article argues, allows Hunger to achieve a uniquely committed, totalizing representation of the political economy of Northern Ireland.

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McKeever, Gráinne, and Mary O’Rawe. "Political ex-prisoners and policing in transitional societies – testing the boundaries of new conceptions of citizenship and security." International Journal of Law in Context 3, no. 2 (June 2007): 105–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744552307002030.

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The article aims to test the boundaries of traditional notions and understandings of citizenship and security in transitional societies through the framing of a given question – should paramilitary ex-prisoners be allowed to join the police? The question, considered through an examination of the particular experience of Northern Ireland, acts as a springboard to the deconstruction of broader traditional and transitional assumptions around citizenship and the delivery of security in societies seeking ways out of violent conflict. The article is ultimately concerned, not so much to deliver a final answer to the specifics of the question posed in all contexts, but to problematise notions of citizenship and State to the point where broader questions need to be asked around accepted and preconceived notions of inclusivity, citizenship and security.

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Moore, Melinda Williams. "Social work practitioners in post-conflict Northern Ireland: Lessons from a critical ethnography." International Social Work 61, no. 3 (June 14, 2016): 383–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872816644664.

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This article presents candid lessons learned by an ‘outsider’ conducting qualitative research in Northern Ireland over a 15-month period. Former combatant women ( N = 14) with the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) were interviewed using a critical ethnography framework. The findings include a description of difficulties in conducting such research in the areas of accessing hard-to-reach samples, building trust and credibility over time, having a main gatekeeper, maintaining an apolitical position, modeling non-judgmental attitudes, and at all costs safeguarding confidentiality. These lessons resonated with the core tenets of social work practice which enabled and facilitated the conduct of this study.

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Kuzio, Taras. "Empire Loyalism and Nationalism in Ukraine and Ireland." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 88–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.3.88.

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This is the first comparative article to investigate commonalities in Ukrainian and Irish history, identity, and politics. The article analyzes the broader Ukrainian and Irish experience with Russia/Soviet Union in the first and Britain in the second instance, as well as the regional similarities in conflicts in the Donbas region of Eastern Ukraine and the six of the nine counties of Ulster that are Northern Ireland. The similarity in the Ukrainian and Irish experiences of treatment under Russian/Soviet and British rule is starker when we take into account the large differences in the sizes of their territories, populations, and economies. The five factors that are used for this comparative study include post-colonialism and the “Other,” religion, history and memory politics, language and identities, and attitudes toward Europe.

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Hayes, Bernadette C., and John D. Brewer. "Ethnic minority status and attitudes towards police powers: A comparative study of Great Britain, Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland." Ethnic and Racial Studies 20, no. 4 (October 1997): 781–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.1997.9993989.

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Devine, Paula, and Gillian Robinson. "A Society Coming out of Conflict: Reflecting on 20 Years of Recording Public Attitudes with the Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey." Research Data Journal for the Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (March 22, 2019): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24523666-00401001.

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Annual public attitudes surveys are important tools for researchers, policy makers, academics, the media and the general public, as they allow us to track how – or if – public attitudes change over time. This is particularly pertinent in a society coming out of conflict. This article highlights the background to the creation of the Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey in 1998, including its links to previous survey research. Given the political changes after the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement in 1998, the challenge was to create a new annual survey that recorded public attitudes over time to key social issues pertinent to Northern Ireland’s social policy context. 2018 marks the 20th anniversary of the survey’s foundation, as well as the 20th anniversary of the Agreement. Thus, it is timely to reflect on the survey’s history and impact.

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Hughes, Joanne, and Caitlin Donnelly. "ATTITUDES TO COMMUNITY RELATIONS IN NORTHERN IRELAND: SIGNS OF OPTIMISM IN THE POST CEASE-FIRE PERIOD?" Terrorism and Political Violence 16, no. 3 (January 2004): 567–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546550490509892.

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Gilligan, Chris, Paul Hainsworth, and Aidan McGarry. "Fractures, Foreigners and Fitting In: Exploring Attitudes towards Immigration and Integration in ‘Post-Conflict' Northern Ireland." Ethnopolitics 10, no. 2 (June 2011): 253–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2011.570986.

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McAuley, James W., and Jonathan Tonge. ""For God and for the Crown": Contemporary Political and Social Attitudes among Orange Order Members in Northern Ireland." Political Psychology 28, no. 1 (February 2007): 33–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2007.00550.x.

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McGlynn *, Claire, Ulrike Niens, Ed Cairns, and Miles Hewstone. "Moving out of conflict: the contribution of integrated schools in Northern Ireland to identity, attitudes, forgiveness and reconciliation." Journal of Peace Education 1, no. 2 (September 2004): 147–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1740020042000253712.

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Harland, Ken. "Violent Youth Culture in Northern Ireland: Young Men, Violence, and the Challenges of Peacebuilding." Youth & Society 43, no. 2 (October 4, 2010): 414–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0044118x10383530.

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This article discusses violent male youth culture in Northern Ireland within the context of a society emerging from a prolonged period of political violence toward peacebuilding. Specifically, the article focuses on the findings from a qualitative study carried out by the Centre for Young Men’s Studies with 130 marginalized young men aged 13 to 16 from 20 different communities across Northern Ireland addressing themes of violence, conflict, and safety. Despite a changing context of peacebuilding, findings reveal that violence and paramilitary influence continue to perpetuate a male youth subculture epitomized by sectarianism and increasing racist attitudes. Underpinning this is an enduring cycle of suspicion, fear, and distrust of others and a confused state of mind that leaves these young men “stuck” somewhere between the ceasefire mentality of paramilitaries and the ambiguous messages of peacebuilding. This article concludes by stating the need for more realistic ways to engage and integrate marginalized young men into their communities.

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Doak, Jonathan, and David O'mahony. "The Vengeful Victim? Assessing the Attitudes of Victims Participating in Restorative Youth Conferencing." International Review of Victimology 13, no. 2 (May 2006): 157–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026975800601300202.

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The task of delineating an appropriate role for the victim in the criminal justice system has been the subject of considerable debate in academia and policy circles for some time. While victim participation is considered something of a sine qua non of the restorative paradigm, many commentators remain sceptical of victim input in conventional sentencing on the grounds that it may lead to the imposition of overly harsh or onerous obligations. Drawing on evidence from a major evaluation of youth conferencing in Northern Ireland, this article challenges the assumption that victims are essentially punitive parties, and calls for a rethink of some of the fundamental values and assumptions that have traditionally resulted in their exclusion and even alienation in the criminal justice system.

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Yuill, Chris. "The Body as Weapon: Bobby Sands and the Republican Hunger Strikes." Sociological Research Online 12, no. 2 (March 2007): 111–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.1348.

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The 1981 Hunger Strike marked an important point in the Northern Ireland conflict, shifting its focus away from city streets and country lanes into the H-Block prison. Here republican prisoners used their embodiment to resist and fight back at attempts to recast them as criminals as opposed to the soldiers they perceived themselves to be. Given the centrality of the body and embodiment in the prison struggle this paper will theorise the ‘body-as-weapon’ as a modality of resistance. This will begin by interrogating key themes within the sociology of the body before discussing and dismissing an alternative explanation of the Hunger Strike: the actions of the hunger strikers standing in the traditions of heroic Gaelic myths and Catholic martyrdom. Finally, drawing from the sociology of the body, I will then proceed to discuss how the body and embodiment deployed in this manner can be effective, concentrating on how the ‘body-as-weapon’: (i) acts as a resource for minority political groups; (ii) destabilises notions of the body in modernity and related to that point (iii) engages in a ‘hidden’ impulse of modernity, that of self-sacrifice.

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Omans, Katie. "The Belfast Boycott: consumerism and gender in revolutionary Ireland (1920–1922)." Irish Historical Studies 46, no. 169 (May 2022): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2022.5.

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AbstractThe Belfast Boycott was a protest designed to dislodge loyalism in Northern Ireland, punish its adherents for perceived intolerance toward Catholics and end Irish partition. The boycott was set off by the expulsion of several thousand Catholic workers from employment in Belfast in July 1920. A total boycott of all goods coming from Belfast was implemented by the Dáil in September 1920. Boycotting provided Irish nationalists with an alternative to violent retaliation that allowed for the participation of a wider segment of the Irish population and diaspora in the revolutionary movement. However, such mass mobilisation meant that nationalists had to entrust their plan for an independent Ireland to a segment of the population that they overwhelmingly viewed as politically and economically uninformed: Irish women. The boycott offers a new vantage point from which to view the actions of and attitudes towards women and the role of mass mobilisation during the revolution. This article explores nationalists’ conceptions of Irish identity, the intersection between consumerism and patriotism, and the role that women played as both political and economic actors throughout the Irish revolutionary period.

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Dugas, Michelle, Noa Schori-Eyal, Arie W. Kruglanski, Yechiel Klar, Kate Touchton-Leonard, Andrew McNeill, Michele J. Gelfand, and Sonia Roccas. "Group-centric attitudes mediate the relationship between need for closure and intergroup hostility." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 21, no. 8 (May 6, 2017): 1155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430217699462.

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A model of the relationship between need for closure (NFC) and intergroup hostility was tested in four studies. According to the model, heightened NFC promotes glorification of the ingroup which fosters support for extreme measures against the group’s perceived enemies. In a parallel process, high level of NFC induces perceptions of ingroup victimhood, which also adds support for aggressive actions toward rival outgroups. In the first two studies, conducted in Palestine’s West Bank (Study 1) and in the United States (Study 2), NFC promoted a greater sense of moral entitlement to engage in violence against the outgroup, and this was mediated by perceived ingroup victimhood. The subsequent two studies tested the full hypothesized parallel mediation model among students in Northern Ireland (Study 3) and Jewish-Israelis (Study 4). Results largely supported the proposed model. Findings are discussed in relation to additional evidence linking NFC to phenomena of intergroup hostility.

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McGrath, Fiona. "Book Review: PETER SHIRLOW AND KIERON MCEVOY, Beyond The Wire: Former Prisoners and Conflict Transformation in Northern Ireland, London: Pluto Press, 2008, x + 185 pp., ISBN 9780745326313, £16.99 (pbk)." Social & Legal Studies 20, no. 2 (June 2011): 278–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09646639110200020706.

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