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Journal articles on the topic 'Political planning – Europe'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Luukkonen, Juho. "Planning in Europe for ‘EU’rope: Spatial planning as a political technology of territory." Planning Theory 14, no. 2 (January 21, 2014): 174–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473095213519355.

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2

Howe, Lord. "Europe: single market or political union?" Economic Affairs 19, no. 4 (December 1999): 4–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0270.00182.

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3

Steenvoorden, Eefje H., and Matthew Wright. "Political Shades of ‘we’: sociotropic uncertainty and multiple political identification in Europe." European Societies 21, no. 1 (November 30, 2018): 4–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616696.2018.1552980.

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4

Grime, Keith, and David Turnock. "Eastern Europe: An Economic and Political Geography." Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 15, no. 4 (1990): 506. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/622857.

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5

Taylor, Peter J., John O'Loughlin, and Herman van der Wusten. "The New Political Geography of Eastern Europe." Geographical Journal 162, no. 1 (March 1996): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3060240.

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6

Lipietz, A. "Social Europe, Legitimate Europe: The Inner and Outer Boundaries of Europe." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 11, no. 5 (October 1993): 501–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d110501.

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The legitimation of Europe as a ‘homeland’ does not depend only upon formal democracy, but upon a social compromise, as the example of the unification of Germany has shown. But this unification of a social Europe matches two problems, (1) The different nations constituting the EC are already engaged in different paths. Legitimation of the EC requires more integration of its social governance, (2) The other countries at the boundary of the EC (Eastern Europe, Turkey, Magreb) are very different. Their integration would mean disintegration; the integration of the EC without them would exclude them. The author explores this paradox of ‘integration/exclusion’ from the social, political, and cultural point of view. The risks of a new boundary ‘Europe/barbarians’ (across the EC itself) will be outlined. Some suggestions will be made.

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7

Waller, Michael. "Political actors and political roles in East‐Central Europe." Journal of Communist Studies 9, no. 4 (December 1993): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279308415230.

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8

Blouet, Brian W. "The Political Geography of Europe: 1900-2000 A.D." Journal of Geography 95, no. 1 (January 1, 1996): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00221340968978398.

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9

Neuber, Alexander. "Towards a political economy of transition in Eastern Europe." Journal of International Development 5, no. 5 (September 1993): 511–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jid.3380050505.

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10

Sithole, Kundai. "The Council of Europe, Rights and Political Authority." European Review 21, no. 1 (January 31, 2013): 118–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798712000270.

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This paper examines the importance of human rights protection – in particular the European Convention on Human Rights – to the Council of Europe's survival as a political authority. Its underlying premise is that the proliferation of regional organisations in Europe in post-war Europe, and the creation of the Communities in 1958, contributed to a loss of a sense of purpose as to the Council of Europe's role in post-war Europe. Initial attempts to widen the scope of its political authority in relation to the Member States and other regional organisations were unsuccessful. It was, therefore, necessary for the Council of Europe to consolidate its existing mandate in ensuring the region's democratic security through human rights protection. Thus, led by its Parliamentary Assembly, Council of Europe institutions have, since 1949, provided the Member States with the necessary regional fora for examining and promulgating regional human rights legislation, such as the European Convention on Human Rights and its two additional protocols abolishing the death penalty.

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11

Balibar, Etienne. "Europe as Borderland." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 27, no. 2 (January 1, 2009): 190–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d13008.

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The discussion in this paper moves through three stages. In the first the relation of political spaces and borders to citizenship is interrogated; in the second, notions of deterritorialization and reterritorialization are examined in relation to ideas of the material constitution of Europe; and, in the third section it returns to the issue of citizenship and its relation to cosmopolitanism. Rather than being a solution or a prospect, Europe currently exists as a ‘borderland’, and this raises a number of issues that need to be confronted.

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12

Musil, Jiří. "Urban Development and Planning in Central Europe under Communist Regimes." Czech Sociological Review 37, no. 3 (June 1, 2001): 275–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.13060/00380288.2001.37.3.01.

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13

Ilbery, Brian, and Peter W. B. Phillips. "Wheat, Europe and the Gatt: A Political Economy Analysis." Geographical Journal 158, no. 1 (March 1992): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3060031.

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14

Jeannet, Anne-Marie. "Immigration and political distrust in Europe: a comparative longitudinal study." European Societies 22, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 211–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616696.2019.1694162.

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15

Menicucci, Garay, Roy Armes, and Kevin Dwyer. "Europe and the Political Economy of Arab Cinema." Middle East Report, no. 235 (July 1, 2005): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/30042449.

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16

Meredith, Spencer B. "Political instability and Nuclear dangers in Eastern Europe." Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 22, no. 2 (June 2006): 162–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523270600661003.

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17

Jackson, Tony. "Planning cultures in Europe: decoding cultural phenomena in urban and regional planning Decoding new regionalism: shifting socio-political contexts in central Europe and Latin America." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 8, no. 2 (June 2010): 182–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14794011003760350.

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18

Hawes, Derek. "Fair shared cities: the impact of gender planning in Europe." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 24, no. 4 (October 2016): 553–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2016.1249658.

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19

Kopecký, Petr, and Gerardo Scherlis. "Party Patronage in Contemporary Europe." European Review 16, no. 3 (July 2008): 355–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798708000306.

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Party patronage is generally associated with social, economic and political underdevelopment, and is hence seen as largely irrelevant in the context of contemporary European politics. In this article, we argue to the contrary, proposing that patronage reappears on the stage of European politics as a critical organizational and governmental resource employed by political parties to enhance their standing as semi-state agencies of government. In order to illustrate our main contention, we first define party patronage, disentangling it from other notions of political particularism that are often used synonymously in the literature. Second, we provide a brief overview of the literature on the past and present of patronage practices in Europe, arguing that rather than declining, patronage is still likely to be a relevant feature of contemporary party politics in Europe. Finally, we analyse the role of party patronage in the light of recent developments in several European countries, identifying three distinct patterns of patronage practices in the region.

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20

Silbermann, Eva L., and Riidiger Rubel. "Road Planning in Europe - a Case Study (Part I)." Journal for European Environmental & Planning Law 3, no. 6 (2006): 519–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187601006x00164.

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AbstractThe free movement of goods, persons and services — at once the base line and the guiding principle of our united Europe — would be unthinkable without an effective network of transport routes. The planning of a road is much more than simply a technical exercise. It incorporates political, economic, legal and ecological aspects and is increasingly influenced by European environmental legislation. As a result planning law is a highly complex subject in all the Member States of the European Union. For these reasons the Association of the Councils of State and Supreme Administrative Jurisdictions of the European Union has recently compiled a general report on national planning procedures in the EU. Particular emphasis was placed on the administrative and judicial process, the forms and evaluation of public involvement and the implementation of European environmental legislation such as the Habitats- and Birds-Directives' as well as the Directives on Ambient Air'. The report shows that the influence of Community law has led to a certain harmonisation in the decision-making process and increased the environmental awareness of the parties involved. Furthermore it provides an interesting insight in the different methods of acceleration and facilitation which have been tested by the Member States since the time-consuming nature of planning procedures is a major problem in all legal orders.

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21

Hooghe, Marc, and Sofie Marien. "A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE RELATION BETWEEN POLITICAL TRUST AND FORMS OF POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN EUROPE." European Societies 15, no. 1 (February 2013): 131–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616696.2012.692807.

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22

Kuus, Merje. "Political geography III: Bounding the International." Progress in Human Geography 44, no. 6 (December 9, 2019): 1185–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309132519869457.

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This report focuses on the imaginaries and practices that demarcate space at the international and supranational scale. I will first review political geographic scholarship on region-making and regionalism, using the studies of Europe and the Belt and Road Initiative as examples, and I will then highlight some central themes in the current research on international borders. The report highlights the flexibility of bounding practices and the polymorphic character of borders. It underscores the resilience of state power and the transformations of sovereignty currently under way. It concludes by underscoring the interdisciplinary character of the relevant work.

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23

Wong, Cindy Hing-Yuk. "The Language of Political Incorporation: Chinese Migrants in Europe." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 27, no. 4 (October 2, 2021): 514–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2021.1989760.

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24

Phillips, Ann L. "Exporting democracy: German political foundations in Central‐East Europe." Democratization 6, no. 2 (June 1999): 70–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510349908403612.

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25

Wang, Hongxia, Yonghui Song, Andy Hamilton, and Steve Curwell. "Urban information integration for advanced e-Planning in Europe." Government Information Quarterly 24, no. 4 (October 2007): 736–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.giq.2007.04.002.

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26

Barwiński, Marek. "Geographical, Historical and Political Conditions of Ongoing and Potential Ethnic Conflicts in Central and Eastern Europe." European Spatial Research and Policy 26, no. 1 (July 11, 2019): 149–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1231-1952.26.1.08.

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For centuries Central and Eastern Europe has been the scene of frequent changes of borders and numerous ethnic conflicts. Contemporary ethnic diversity of this region is much smaller, however, the growing nationalisms of the various societies, mutual mistrust, and the temptation of politicians to use ethnic issues in the regional geopolitical competition pose a real threat to the stability and peace in Central and Eastern Europe. The dynamic political, legal, social and economic changes which have been taking place in this part of Europe for three decades now, which overlay its clear civilization division into the Latin and the Byzantine parts and are intensified by historical animosities, must have had an impact on the situation and the perception of minorities. In contrast to Western Europe, the contemporary ethnic diversity of Central and Eastern Europe is primary the consequence of various, often centuries-old historical processes (settlement actions, voluntary and forced migrations, border changes, the political and economic expansion of particular countries), and in the ethnic structure especially dominate the indigenous groups, migrants, particularly from the outside of the European cultural circle, are of marginal importance. Moreover, national minorities are usually concentrated in the border regions of countries, often in close proximity to their home countries, becoming – often against their will – element of the internal and foreign policies of neighbouring countries. The main aims of the article are to explain the threats to peace arising from the attempts to use minorities in inter-state relations and regional geopolitics as well as engaging minority groups into ethnic and political conflicts (autonomy of regions, secession attempts) and still the very large role of history (especially negative, tragic events) in the shaping of contemporary interethnic relations in Central and Eastern Europe. However, the varied ethnic structure typical for this region does not have to be a conflict factor, on the contrary – it can become a permanent element of the identity and cultural heritage of each country.

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27

Demmelhuber, Thomas. "Europe, the USA and political Islam: strategies for engagement." Journal of North African Studies 17, no. 1 (January 2012): 176–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2011.589605.

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28

Csaba, László. "The political economy of the reform strategy: China and Eastern Europe compared." Communist Economies and Economic Transformation 8, no. 1 (March 1996): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14631379608427844.

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29

Helly, Denise, and Jocelyne Cesari. "Ostracism, Tolerance or Recognition: Muslims in Europe." MIGRATION LETTERS 2, no. 3 (December 9, 2005): 383–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v2i3.44.

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In the case of present day Muslims, one can note that discrimination is both direct and indirect and that it often comes from public institutions. This is the sign of a very tense general climate and of an inability or a refusal on the part of the political bodies to cancel these tensions.

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30

Smaghi, Lorenzo Bini. "Powerless Europe: Why is the Euro Area Still a Political Dwarf?" International Finance 9, no. 2 (August 2006): 261–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2362.2006.00182.x.

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31

Fradejas-García, Ignacio, Abel Polese, and Fazila Bhimji. "Transnational (Im)mobilities and Informality in Europe." Migration Letters 18, no. 2 (March 25, 2021): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v18i2.1174.

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People around the globe rely on informal practices to resist, survive, care and relate to each other beyond the control and coercive presence of institutions and states. In the EU, regimes of mobility at multiple scales affect various people on the move who are pushed into informality in order to acquire social mobility while having to combat border regimes, racialization, inequalities, and state bureaucracies. This text explores how mobilities and informality are entangled with one another when it comes to responding to the social, political, and economic inequalities that are produced by border and mobility regimes. Within this frame, the ethnographic articles in this special issue go beyond national borders to connect the production of mobility and informality at multiple interconnected scales, from refugees adapting to settlement bureaucracies locally to transit migrants coping with the selective external borders of the EU, or from transnational entrepreneurs’ ability to move between formal and informal norms to the multiple ways in which transnational mobility informally confronts economic, social and political constraints. In sum, this volume brings together articles on informality and mobility that take account of the elusive practices that deal with the inequalities of mobility and immobility.

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32

Sobczyński, Marek. "Causes and main routes of the mass immigration to Europe in 2015." European Spatial Research and Policy 26, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1231-1952.26.2.01.

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The flow of immigrants into Europe is a phenomenon commonly known since the end of the Second World War. To a large extent it was the result of a colonial and then post-colonial relationship between metropolises and their overseas territories. Migration movements in Europe intensified after 1989 along with systemic changes in the eastern part of the continent. The phenomenon of increased migration to Europe observed since March 2015 combines both processes: economic migration, which undoubtedly dominates in terms of number, and exiles, of a much smaller scale, but given as the cause of migration by almost all migrants. A new phenomenon is the fact that a large part of migrants constitutes uncontrolled migration, which in previous years was marginal. In 2015, asylum applications were submitted in EU countries by as many as 1.25 million people. The influx of refugees to Europe has become not only a demographic phenomenon, but also a political one, evoking strong political emotions. Mass migrations also seem to be an instrument of international policy implementation by key world powers. The main purpose of the article was to present the background of the mass migration to Europe that took place in 2015. The main reasons for the decision to emigrate by the citizens of origin countries were shown, as well as the routes by which refugees flow into Europe.

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33

Gellner, Ernest. "Nationalism and politics in Eastern Europe." European Review 1, no. 4 (October 1993): 341–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700000752.

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The article restates the theory of Nationalism, which it links to the transition from agrarian to industrial or industrializing society. In an agrarian society, culture is used to underscore a complex and fairly stable system of statuses. Political units themselves are complicated and overlapping and ill-defined, and culture does not demarcate their boundaries. In an industrial society, work ceases to be physical and becomes semantic, and society itself is highly mobile. Under these circumstances, a shared and standardized, codified culture, inculcated by formal education, becomes a precondition of social participation and employability. When shared, literacy-linked culture is very important, people identify with it and thus become ‘nationalists’. The article also traces the five stages which Europe has passed in the course of this transition: the perpetuation of the old dynastic/religious political system in 1815, the century of nationalist irredentism, the setting up of a political system in 1918 based on nationalities which was weak and self-defeating, the most intensive period of ‘ ethnic cleansing’ in the 1940s under the cover of war-time secrecy and post-war retaliation, and finally a certain demolition of the intensity of ethnic feeling during advanced industrialism, thanks to the partial convergence of industrial cultures and the softening impact of affluence.

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34

Vermeersch, Peter. "Contesting Europe: Strategies and Legacies in Polish Political Competition." Europe-Asia Studies 62, no. 3 (April 13, 2010): 503–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668131003647853.

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35

Myant, Martin. "Economic reform and political evolution in Eastern Europe." Journal of Communist Studies 8, no. 1 (March 1992): 107–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279208415131.

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36

Emmer, Pieter. "Turkey and Europe: The Role of Migration." European Review 21, no. 3 (July 2013): 394–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798713000355.

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In spite of the fact that negotiations have been going on for years, the chances that Turkey will eventually become a full member of the European Union are slim. At present, a political majority among the EU-member states headed by Germany seems to oppose Turkey entering the EU. In the Netherlands, however, most political parties are still in favour of Turkey's membership. That difference coincides with the difference in the position of Turkish immigrants in German and Dutch societies.

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37

Johnson, Heather L. "These fine lines: locating noncitizenship in political protest in Europe." Citizenship Studies 19, no. 8 (November 17, 2015): 951–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13621025.2015.1110287.

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38

Glavanis, Pandeli M. "Political Islam within Europe: A contribution to the analytical framework." Innovation: The European Journal of Social Science Research 11, no. 4 (December 1998): 391–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13511610.1998.9968578.

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39

Bonoli, Giuliano. "PUBLIC ATTITUDES TO SOCIAL PROTECTION AND POLITICAL ECONOMY TRADITIONS IN WESTERN EUROPE." European Societies 2, no. 4 (January 2000): 431–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713767005.

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40

Freeman, Gary P. "Book Review: Immigrants, Markets, and States: The Political Economy of Postwar Europe." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 3, no. 2-3 (June 1994): 521–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719689400300214.

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41

Vitale, Alessandro. "Italy’s approach to East–West and South–North migrations: from lack of knowledge to political use of them." European Spatial Research and Policy 26, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1231-1952.26.2.04.

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After the end of the bipolar world, the possibility of an East–West mass migration became a new issue that took root in the Italian consciousness in forms masked by the feelings of the threat of an imminent “mass invasion” from Central and Eastern Europe. This new fear stimulated restrictive measures belatedly adopted in Italy and created a de facto unjust and imbalanced condition for new migrants from Eastern Europe because the first South–North migrations’ wave had already occurred when the regimes of Central and Eastern Europe collapsed. There are many evident similarities between the beliefs, attitudes and the use of insecurity (not based on data) of the 1990s and the current Italian migration policy. What they have in common is the incorrect perception and the misuse of it by politicians and propagandists. Immigration from Eastern Europe continues to be compared to that from the South of the world and Asia which continues to be interpreted without considering their real natures and the actual trends that characterise them. According to new studies that compared survey results with population data, contemporary Italians overestimate the number of immigrants coming from outside the EU to their country more than any other Europeans. As a result, the misuse or ignorance of the data on migrations is particularly dangerous because the devaluation of them has critical implications for policymaking.

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42

Perez-Lopez, Jorge F. "Swimming Against the Tide: Implications for Cuba of Soviet and Eastern European Reforms in Foreign Economic Relations." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 33, no. 2 (1991): 81–140. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165832.

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Since mid-1989, remarkable political and economic changes have occurred in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Although the countries differ with regard to the scope, speed, and sequence of these changes, in the economic arena the objective is, in all cases, to abandon traditional central planning and replace it with a market economy. An integral component of these efforts to establish markets is the reform of foreign economic relations and greater involvement in the world economy.While a tide of political and economic change has swept the East, Cuba has adamantly held on to a one-party political system and to orthodox central planning.

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43

Marchenko, Alla. "Civic activities in Eastern Europe: links with democratic political culture." East European Politics 32, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 12–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2015.1130698.

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44

Pavlović, Dušan, and Miloš Bešić. "Political institutions and fiscal policy: evidence from post-communist Europe." East European Politics 35, no. 2 (March 29, 2019): 220–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2019.1594786.

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45

Donovan, Victoria. "Political Culture in Post-Communist Europe: Attitudes in New Democracies." Journal of International Relations and Development 9, no. 3 (August 14, 2006): 338–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.jird.1800097.

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46

Poirier, Robert A., and Stephen Wright. "The Political Economy of Tourism in Tunisia." Journal of Modern African Studies 31, no. 1 (March 1993): 149–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0001185x.

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The African continent currently faces severe political and economic crises. Massive debts, unpopular structural adjustment programmes (S.A.P.s), spiralling population growth, democratisation, and régime transformation are all testing national cohesion. Externally, the rapidly changing global environment, marked by the demise of the cold war and the continuing difficulties being experienced in Europe and the Middle East, also provides immense challenges to African policy-makers.

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47

Frey, Bruno S., and Iris Bohnet. "Switzerland—a paradigm for Europe?" European Review 3, no. 4 (October 1995): 287–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700001605.

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Learning from the Swiss experience, this article argues that federalism and direct democracy are effective mechanisms for dealing with the diversity of interests, languages, cultures and religions in Europe. These institutions only partly harmonize economic, social and cultural politics. By far more important is that federalism and referenda foster competition between the various interests, but do so within a well-defined basic constitutional design so that competition produces beneficial effects. Federalism is not an alternative to referenda but rather a prerequisite for the effective working of a direct democracy. In small communities, the information cost of voters deciding on issues or judging representatives' performance are much lower than in a large jurisdiction. The more fiscal equivalence is guaranteed, the better the benefits of publicly supplied goods can be acknowledged and the corresponding costs be attributed to the relevant political programmes or actors. Thus, while federalism provides for cheaper information, referenda enable citizens to use this knowledge effectively in the political process. The interdependence of federalism and referenda also works the other way around: referenda improve the working of federalism. Besides the possibility of voting with their feet, citizens may also vote directly. This represents a double incentive for politicians to take their citizens' preferences into account; otherwise, they may lose their tax base to another jurisdiction or may be forced by referenda and initiatives to meet the demands of the voters.

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48

Moravánszky, Ákos. "Blow-Up: The Powers of Scale." Joelho Revista de Cultura Arquitectonica, no. 8 (December 26, 2017): 22–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-8681_8_1.

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During the decades following World War II, efforts were made to connect the rhetoric of the human scale with that of a superhuman, geographic or territorial scale. Aerial photography has opened up an all-encompassing view of the universe, presented in scalar sequences as the visual foundation for a new humanity. In the US, the large-scale regional project of the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA). Attempts at integrating ecological, engineering, landscaping, architectural, and aesthetic concerns to realize a socio-economical vision were followed with enormous interest in Europe – before and after the war, in both West and East – and applauded by different political systems. Images popularizing the success of five-year plans and the heroism of nature transformation in the Soviet Union were also omnipresent themes in Western Europe. Ideas of transnational planning emerged in Europe shortly before the postwar continent was divided between the world powers. After the political partitioning of Europe into blocs, however, such plans had to be buried.

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49

Müller, Jan-Werner. "The triumph of what (if anything)? Rethinking political ideologies and political institutions in twentieth-century Europe." Journal of Political Ideologies 14, no. 2 (June 2009): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569310902925857.

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50

Havel, Sean. "Strategic Power Europe: A Contradiction in Terms?" Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies 15, no. 2 (December 23, 2022): 25–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.22215/cjers.v15i2.3284.

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As of 2021, the European Union (EU) is now a foundational part of Europe’s defense architecture, with programmes such as PESCO now enabling the EU to organise civil-military responses to crise and coordinate the defense-planning cycles of 25 European countries. This article asks why EU member states have opted to use the EU to enable their capabilities and manage ongoing security crises? In answering this question, the article uses a pluralistic reading, utilising realist and liberal-intergovernmentalist frameworks to assess complementary hypotheses for this cooperation. The second part assesses the state of the international system, concluding its increasing insecurity has prompted a collective awareness that a more strategic response to collective security is necessary. The third part evaluates the role of the political and economic balance of bargaining power between EU member states, assessing Germany, France, and Poland as case studies. The paper concludes briefly on the implications of this cooperation and the need for pluralistic readings of EU defense cooperation.

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