Academic literature on the topic 'Political philosophy'

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Journal articles on the topic "Political philosophy"

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Han, Kwangtaek. "Aporias of Habermas’s Political Philosophy." Criticism and Theory Society of Korea 28, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 363–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.19116/theory.2023.28.2.363.

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The aim of this essay is to critically examine the aporias in Jürgen Habermas’s concept of “universal consensus,” which has played a central role in the discussion of deliberative democracy. The first section analyzes the constitutive lacuna and exception, the fundamental dilemma in political ontology that impede the realization of practical universal consensus due to the enduring and irreconcilable political conflicts embedded in democratic conditions and contexts. The second section delves into the fallacy of universal consensus and its psychoanalytic significance, illuminating how Lacanian notion of fantasy constructs illusory plenitude, manipulates causality, and validates the substantive pursuit of elusive substance. Drawing upon Immanuel Kant’s notion of aesthetic consensus and common sense, which posit an imaginary common consensus shaped by affective reactions, the following section serves to examine an intersection between Kantian aesthetics and the conceptual and practical aporias of Habermas’s philosophical and political notion. Lastly, this essay concludes by suggesting affective hegemony as a new framework for comprehending the intricate dynamics of modern affective politics.
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Marcotte-Chenard, Sophie. "What Can We Learn from Political History? Leo Strauss and Raymond Aron, Readers of Thucydides." Review of Politics 80, no. 1 (2018): 57–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670517000778.

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AbstractThrough a comparison of Leo Strauss's and Raymond Aron's interpretations of Thucydides's history, this paper sheds light on the relationship between political history and political philosophy. In continuing the dialogue between the two thinkers, I demonstrate that in spite of their opposed views on modern historical consciousness, they converge in a defense of the object and method of classical political history. However, there is a deeper disagreement regarding the relationship between philosophy and politics. While Strauss makes the case for the compatibility of classical political history and classical political philosophy on the grounds that Thucydides is a “philosophic historian,” Aron argues that it is precisely because Thucydides is not a philosopher that he succeeds in understanding an essential feature of political things, namely, contingency in history.
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Berger, Chris. "Plato’s Case Against the Philosopher King." Agora: Political Science Undergraduate Journal 2, no. 2 (May 13, 2012): 180–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/agora17243.

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Liberal democracies afford their citizens the opportunity to reflect seriously upon the perennial questions of politics and the fundamental alternatives. However, an unfortunate trend, indeed observable in both practical politics and the social sciences, has seen political philosophy largely supplanted by ideology, the co-opting of philosophic thought for partisan ends. Political philosophy is the serious reflection upon and inquiry into the core theme of political thought and practice: the best way to live and the regime that conduces to it. This paper seeks to demonstrate by example the possibility of preserving the serious study of political questions by challenging the dominant scholarly interpretation of Plato’s political philosophy as presenting the philosopher king as the solution to the political problem. By offering some cursory remarks on Plato’s Apology and Republic in order to suggest that philosophic rule is not a serious prescription for political action, this paper argues that Plato’s aim is not to propose a doctrine but to compel us to reflect on the nature of politics, the permanent political questions, and the fundamental alternatives available to the human condition.
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Sher, George, and Jean Hampton. "Political Philosophy." Philosophical Review 108, no. 1 (January 1999): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2998262.

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Zanetti, Veronique, and Jonathan Gorman. "POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY." Philosophical Books 44, no. 2 (April 2003): 183–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0149.00294_5.

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Sayers, Sean. "Political Philosophy." Philosophical Books 45, no. 3 (July 2004): 267–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0149.2004.00352.x.

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johnson, peter, and david archard. "POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY." Philosophical Books 46, no. 2 (April 2005): 178–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0149.2005.00369.x.

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Burkhardt, Jeffrey. "Political Philosophy." Teaching Philosophy 10, no. 2 (1987): 165–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/teachphil198710239.

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Rigstad, Mark. "Political Philosophy." Teaching Philosophy 33, no. 2 (2010): 223–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/teachphil201033224.

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Bazhanov, Valentin A. "On the origins of the political philosophy of science and analytical philosophy." Philosophy of Science and Technology 28, no. 1 (2023): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2413-9084-2023-28-1-5-19.

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The article puts forward arguments refuting the claims of some representatives of Western philosophy that we are witnessing the birth of a new direction of research within the philo­sophy of science – political philosophy of science. It is shown that, in fact, the making of political philosophy of science dates back to the activity of left wing of the Vienna Circle representatives and B.M. Hessen’s work “The Social and Economic Roots of Newton’s Me­chanics” (1931). The paper traces evolution of the views of the left wing Vienna Circle rep­resentatives who emigrated to the USA, and cooperated with the “Philosophy of Science” journal founded by the Russian emigrant V. Malisoff, the International Encyclopedia of Uni­fied Science and Association of Unified Science in the context of which analytical philoso­phy took shape, where there was no place for political philosophy of science. It is stressed that this evolution happened due to several reasons: the McCarthyism riots in the U.S. in the mid-1950’s; the death of several prominent scientists who paid attention to the politi­cal philosophy of science; the disagreement between prominent scholars in logical empiri­cism, which led to the blurring of the problems of this segment of research. Nevertheless in the European philosophy these studies have been continued. The case of modal logic en­ables to argue that sometimes the political sympathies and antipathies of scientists sig­nificantly affect their perception and assessment of colleague’s works. Attention drawn to the weak development in the history and philosophy of science of the problems associated with the impact of the political views of scientists on the reception of ideas of their political opponents. Finally, an attempt is made to outline the subject area of contemporary political philosophy of science.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political philosophy"

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Turner, Jonathan. "Political theory as moral philosophy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9b47b083-30aa-411d-a100-29aee7c34a3b.

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I argue against the claim that normative political theory is 'autonomous' with respect to moral philosophy. I take the simple view that political theory is a form of moral philosophy, and is differentiated by pragmatic rather than theoretically significant criteria. I defend this view by criticizing arguments for the autonomy thesis. In the first three chapters I introduce and analyse the autonomy thesis and provide a framework for understanding the various claims that are made in the literature. In Chapters 4 to 8 I proceed to criticize a series of arguments for the autonomy thesis. In Chapter 4 I explain why Kant's division of morality into ethics and right is not as useful as it may seem to those who wish to defend the autonomy thesis, and argues that Arthur Ripstein gives no reason to think that political philosophy is autonomous that can be endorsed independently of commitment to a Kantian normative theory. In Chapter 5 I examine the political liberal argument for the autonomy thesis, concluding that even if a freestanding political conception of justice can be regarded as autonomous, it does not follow that political philosophy can also. Chapters 6 to 8 tackle various political realist arguments for the autonomy thesis. In Chapter 6 I argue that political theory is not required to deal with empirical facts in any way that distinguishes it from moral philosophy, and any argument for its autonomy that is based on a prior claim about the purpose of political theorizing would be question-begging. In Chapters 7 and 8 I provide various arguments against the idea that there is a distinctively political form of normativity, and diagnose some of the mistaken assumptions about morality that I take to lie at the heart of the realist case. In Chapter 9 I conclude.
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LEBANO, ADELE. "Politics with Romance? : Liberalism and Populism in Political Philosophy." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/57883.

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In this dissertation I discuss the tension between social choice and political philosophy. The aim is to explore the possibility of a ‘tolerable Platonism’, a form of political Platonism that can be consistent with a liberal defence of democracy. My starting point is the social choice theory view, namely the liberal justification of democracy elaborated by Riker in Liberalism against Populism. Riker’s analysis is shaped by Arrow’s theorem and around the dichotomy between liberalism and populism. Riker maintains that these are the two main traditions of interpreting democracy and the two contrasting accounts of democratic voting. But Arrow’s theorem is not just the basis for the social choice research program; it is also a fundamental background out of which the more general concerns of contemporary political philosophy about the just institutions grow. The following question drives my discussion: can political philosophy and its account of democracy be contained in Riker’s dichotomy between liberalism and populism? To put the matter more provocatively, and to emphasize the main interest that drives this work: should political philosophy give up to populism? The question aims to engage social choice theory on shared terrain (the passage from individual preferences to collective decision; the connection between method and ideal; the confrontation between market and democracy). The mathematic language in which social choice theory formulates its assessments should not prevent political philosophy from recognising the importance of this account of politics and democracy, and from confronting the controversies that the social choice analysis reveals. Rawls’s program itself might be regarded as an outcome of this confront. This dissertation will not refute Riker’s work or the social choice theory framework that underlies it. The aim is to use Riker’s distinction between liberalism and populism to reflect on the normative commitments of political philosophy; to re-describe the aggregative problem formalised in Arrow’s theorem by using the “idealistic” point of view of political philosophy. If political philosophy does not accept Riker’s distinction and invitation - Riker’s solution seems to call for a ‘positive’ political philosophy, that is, one solely based on criteria of feasibility and weighted toward the method side of the tension between ideals and methods - the challenge is to point out the problems that redound from a rigid discontinuity between the two views. And a first, good argument for this exploration is that some of the most interesting cases of normative political theory propose solutions that mix liberalism and populism (e. g. Mill and Rawls). I do not wish not to minimize the importance of the liberal, anti-tyrannical option but rather to show that a more objectivistic version of liberalism is possible within the anti-tyrannical framework. Following the path drawn by epistemic democracy, I aim to take some steps toward a version of liberalism that is more compatible with populism.
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Olsson, J. Mikael. "Austrian Economics as Political Philosophy." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-111489.

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The Austrian school of economics is an unorthodox approach to economics whose adherents have mostly been libertarian in their political outlook. This dissertation explores the connections between Austrian economic theory and libertarian political philosophy, and casts doubt on the claim often propounded that Austrian economics itself naturally leads to libertarianism. Instead it is claimed here that Austrian economics is an open-ended theory that can lead to very different political conclusions, depending on the normative principles with which it is combined. Therefore it is crucial to analyze both the economic theory and the ethics of any political thinker of the Austrian school, and the bulk of the analysis must lean on the latter since the economic theory itself does not lead to the types of libertarianism that is put forward by the most famous economists and philosophers of the Austrian school. The ethical theories of four Austrian school proponents are analyzed in this dissertation: Ludwig von Mises, F. A. Hayek, Murray Rothbard and Hans-Hermann Hoppe. The conclusion is that there are several problems with their theories, although the problems are of different kinds, ranging from metaethics to empirical application and operationalization.
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Allsobrook, Christopher John. "Foucault, historicism and political philosophy." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003073.

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This thesis defends an ontological and epistemological account of Michel Foucault's post-structuralist philosophy, to argue that political philosophy needs to take into account the historical and political contingency of subjectivity and discourse. I show that by addressing the historical and political contingency of knowledge, Foucault's work overcomes the flaw of foundational epistemology in political philosophy, which treats true discourse as universal and disinterested. In doing so I hope to have to refuted the mainly positivistic and humanist schools of thought that lay claim to universal and foundationalist notions, by demonstrating the extent to which their misgivings about Foucault's work are informed by and founded upon an unjustified a-historicism. The thesis is composed of three chapters, the first of which deals with an ontology of the subject, the second, with an ontology of social relations, and the last with epistemology. In each chapter I use dialectical analysis to reveal how interests necessarily mediate subjectivity, social relations, and knowledge. The first two chapters defend Foucault's conception of power, by way of an analysis of the relations between Foucault's work and Sartre's existential phenomenology. I show how both Foucault and Sartre successfully address the problem of historicism for political philosophy with their respective conceptions of human freedom. The final chapter defends Foucault's conception of the relations between power and discourse, to show how it overcomes the a-historicism of universal, foundational epistemology. These three chapters demonstrate the importance of accounting for historicism in political philosophy. Claims to universal interest, because knowledge is conditioned by conflicts of interest, often mask political domination. It is important, then, to remember, in political philosophy, that knowledge is evaluative and interested, reflecting historically and politically mediated evaluations. One should be suspicious of ' natural facts' , used to justify actions or beliefs, thereby masking the choices that inform them. I have used the work of Michel Foucault to motivate this claim.
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Sakun, A. V., T. I. Kadlubovich, and D. S. Chernyak. "Philosophy of modern political culture." Thesis, Izdevnieciba "Baltija Publishing", 2020. https://er.knutd.edu.ua/handle/123456789/16378.

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Cosby, Bruce. "Technological politics and the political history of African-Americans." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1995. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/AAI9543185.

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This dissertation is a critical study of technopolitical issues in the history of African American people. Langdon Winner's theory of technopolitics was used to facilitate the analysis of large scale technologies and their compatibility with various political ends. I contextualized the central technopolitical issues within the major epochs of African American political history: the Atlantic slave trade, the African artisans of antebellum America, and the American Industrial Age. Throughout this study I have sought to correct negative stereotypes and to show how "technological gauges" were employed to belittle people of African descent. This research also has shown that the mainstream notion that Africans had no part in the history of technology is false. This study identifies and analyses specific technologies that played a major role in the political affairs of Africans and African Americans. Those technologies included nautical devices, fort construction, and automatic guns in Africa, and hoes, plows, tractors, cotton gins, and the mechanical cotton pickers in America. The findings of this study suggested that African Americans have been disengaged and victimized by western technologies. This dissertation proposes how to overcome the oppressive uses of technology.
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Finlayson, Lorna. "The political is political." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609972.

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Baderin, Alice. "Political theory, public opinion and real politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7fa3ccbe-1a70-4d6f-95ce-54146da83af1.

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If we are interested in questions about how we ought to organize our political lives, what kind of weight, if any, should we give to evidence about what people actually think? The thesis explores this question about the role of public opinion in normative political theory. First, I disentangle a number of distinct justifications for taking account of public opinion. Specifically, the thesis evaluates four views of the status of public opinion: as an epistemic resource; a feasibility constraint; a means of democratizing political theory; or constitutive of moral and political ideals. I defend the epistemic argument, outlining two forms in which popular attitudes represent a valuable epistemic resource. The thesis criticizes the feasibility and democratic accounts of the role of public opinion as these are presented in the existing literature, but suggests more convincing ways of reconstructing these arguments. Finally, I reject the view that public opinion constitutes the ideal of justice, arguing that such an account is subject to a fundamental tension. As well as clarifying the status of popular attitudes, the thesis addresses the methodological difficulties that arise when we seek to bring public opinion to bear on ideas from political theory, whose meaning and status in everyday political thought and discourse is often limited or uncertain. I outline two approaches to integrating normative theory with the investigation of popular attitudes that mitigate the methodological problems that often confront such projects. The second major aim is to situate the question of the role of public opinion in the context of wider debates about the aims and methods of contemporary political theory. In particular, I address recent demands for greater ‘realism’ in political theory, distinguishing two main strands of realist critique and drawing out their contrasting implications for the role of public opinion.
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Daniels, John D. (John David) 1946. "The Political Philosophy of Sam Houston." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1990. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501136/.

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Although most Americans view Sam Houston as a military leader and practical politician with little understanding of intellectual issues, he actually possessed a complex moral and political philosophy which he elaborated and demonstrated during a fifty-year public career. He based his philosophy on a mixture of Christian idealism and pragmatic realism, with duty, honor, and strict morality serving to restrain his love of reality, reason, and physical pleasures. The dual nature of his moral beliefs extended into his politics, which mixed Jeffersonian republicanism, individual rights, and limited government, with Jacksonian democracy, the needs of society, and the will of the people. Throughout most of his career he kept those conflicting sets of ideals successfully in balance, with only the turmoil of the 1850s leading him into extreme positions.
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MacDonald, Lindsey Te Ata o. Tu. "The political philosophy of property rights." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Sciences, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2270.

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This thesis argues that within political philosophy, property rights deserve closer attention than has been paid to them recently because the legitimacy of a state rests upon their definition and enforcement. In this way property rights differ from the right to liberty or equality. A state may or may not have liberty or equality, but it has no meaning at all if it does not enforce the rights of property. This is not to suggest that normative arguments for property rights are ‘nonsense upon stilts’. Morality may provide many reasons for an individual to exclude other members of a political community from a property. However, the function of property rights is to enforce that exclusion and this suggests that the normative legitimacy of a state is closely bound both to its ability to enforce whatever property rights it already has granted, and its justification of decisions taken when property rights are granted within its borders. My argument is that a proper political philosophy of property rights should acknowledge that a state depends upon its treatment of property rights for justification, not as a matter of justice, but as a matter of its existence.
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Books on the topic "Political philosophy"

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Ferry, Luc. Political philosophy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990.

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OHear, Anthony, ed. Political Philosophy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511599736.

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MacCallum, Gerald C. Political philosophy. Englewood Cliffs, N.J: Prentice-Hall, 1987.

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Anthony, O'Hear, and Royal Institute of Philosophy, eds. Political philosophy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006.

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Carleo III, Robert A., and Yong Huang, eds. Confucian Political Philosophy. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-70611-1.

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Parekh, Bhikhu. Gandhi’s Political Philosophy. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12242-4.

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Parekh, Bhikhu. Gandhi’s Political Philosophy. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-09248-2.

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Risse, Mathias. Global Political Philosophy. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137283443.

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Śarma, Rāṇi Śivaśaṅkara. Amerikanijam: Political philosophy. Guṇṭūru: Jō Pracuraṇalu, 2011.

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Blitz, Mark. Plato's political philosophy. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political philosophy"

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Greetham, Bryan. "Politics: Political Theories." In Philosophy, 384–401. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-72563-2_27.

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Newey, Glen. "Political Philosophy and Politics." In After Politics, 15–35. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333977873_2.

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Dauenhauer, Bernard P. "Political Philosophy." In Contributions to Phenomenology, 543–48. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-5344-9_122.

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Harrison-Barbet, Anthony. "Political philosophy." In Mastering Philosophy, 245–74. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-03589-9_7.

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McGrade, Arthur Stephen. "Political Philosophy." In Encyclopedia of Medieval Philosophy, 1–9. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1151-5_409-2.

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Dubbink, Wim. "Political Philosophy." In Issues in Business Ethics, 133–71. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-0797-8_4.

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Pelling, Christopher. "Political Philosophy." In A Companion to Plutarch, 149–62. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118316450.ch10.

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Harrison-Barbet, Anthony. "Political Philosophy." In Mastering Philosophy, 197–230. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20916-3_6.

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Knuuttila, Simo, David Piché, Pieter De Leemans, Stephen F. Brown, Fabrizio Amerini, Ian Wilks, Christopher Schabel, et al. "Political Philosophy." In Encyclopedia of Medieval Philosophy, 1040–47. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-9729-4_409.

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McGrade, Arthur Stephen. "Political Philosophy." In Encyclopedia of Medieval Philosophy, 1560–68. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1665-7_409.

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Conference papers on the topic "Political philosophy"

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Takikawa, Hirohide. "An ontological turn of political obligation." In XXVI World Congress of Philosophy of Law and Social Philosophy. Initia Via, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.17931/ivr2013_sws34_02.

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Sakun, A. V., T. I. Kadlubovich, and D. S. Chernyak. "PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN POLITICAL CULTURE." In POLITICAL SCIENCE, PHILOSOPHY, HISTORY AND SOCIOLOGY: DEVELOPMENT AREAS AND TRENDS IN UKRAINE AND EU. Baltija Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-588-91-4-38.

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Kirabaev, Nur, and Maythem Al-Janabi. "Political Philosophy of Al-Ghazali." In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Education, Social Sciences and Humanities (ICCESSH 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iccessh-19.2019.16.

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Zheng, Liming. "Two Bases of Oakeshott's Political Philosophy." In International Conference on Humanities and Social Science 2016. Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/hss-26.2016.136.

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Qiao, Dongxue. "Political Philosophy in the Biography of Han Poetry." In 2018 2nd International Conference on Education Science and Economic Management (ICESEM 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icesem-18.2018.204.

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Grigoroiu, Iulian. "Social Asymmetry An Operative Concept of Political Philosophy." In 10th LUMEN International Scientific Conference Rethinking Social Action. Core Values in Practice RSACVP 2018, 20 - 21 April 2018 Suceava, Romania. LUMEN Publishing House, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc.46.

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Kostikova, Anna. "THE NEW CONCEPTS OF POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY IN FRANCE." In 5th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocialf2018/2.3/s07.009.

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Luiz Barbosa Neves, Sérgio. "The judicial activism as an evidence of the fragility of fundamental rights towards the Weberian political-administrative system." In XXVI World Congress of Philosophy of Law and Social Philosophy. Initia Via, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.17931/ivr2013_wg133_03.

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Tosel, Natascia. "THE POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY AS UTOPIA IN DELEUZE AND GUATTARI." In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on ANTHROPOLOGY, ARCHAEOLOGY, HISTORY AND PHILOSOPHY. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b31/s11.112.

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Moiseenko, Yan. "Mobility Turn in Modern Political Philosophy: New Methodological Horizons." In The First All-Russian Scientific and Practical Youth Conference “Mobility as a Soft Power Dimension: Theory, Practice, Discourse”. Institute of Philosophy and Law, Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.17506/articles.mobility.2018.104122.

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Reports on the topic "Political philosophy"

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Brainerd, Rebekkah. Classical Political Philosophy and Modern Democracy. Portland State University Library, May 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/honors.17.

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Mandaville, Peter. Worlding the Inward Dimensions of Islam. IIIT, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.003.20.

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Muqtedar Khan’s Islam and Good Governance: A Political Philosophy of Ihsan is, above all, an expression of faith.[1] This does not mean that we should engage it as a confessional text — although it certainly is one at some level — or that it necessitates or assumes a particular faith positionality on the part of its reader. Rather, Khan seeks here to build a vision and conception of Islamic governance that does not depend on compliance with or fidelity to some outward standard — whether that be European political liberalism or madhhabi requirements. Instead, he draws on concepts, values, and virtues commonly associated with Islam’s more inward dimensions to propose a strikingly original political philosophy: one that makes worldly that which has traditionally been kept apart from the world. More specifically, Khan locates the basis of a new kind of Islamic politics within the Qur’anic and Prophetic injunction of ihsan, which implies beautification, excellence, or perfection — conventionally understood as primarily spiritual in nature. However, this is not a politics that concerns itself with domination (the pursuit, retention, and maximization of power); it is neither narrowly focused on building governmental structures that supposedly correspond with divine diktat nor understood as contestation or competition. This is, as the book’s subtitle suggests, a pathway to a philosophy of the political which defines the latter in terms of searching for the Good.
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Prud’homme, Joseph. Quakerism, Christian Tradition, and Secular Misconceptions: A Christian’s Thoughts on the Political Philosophy of Ihsan. IIIT, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.006.20.

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In his elegant and insightful book Muqtedar Khan admonishes Muslims to do beautiful things. It is an arresting call in a book itself beautiful in style, clarity, and boldness of vision for a better world. Professor Khan’s quest for beauty in a specific Muslim context: the beauty that arises when actions are done with the inescapable sense that God sees all one does – or, Ihsan. But what exactly do the commands of God require of those who, knowing He is watching, set themselves the task of scrupulously doing His will?
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Papadopoulos, Yannis. Ethics Lost: The severance of the entrenched relationship between ethics and economics by contemporary neoclassical mainstream economics. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp1en.

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In this paper we examine the evolution of the relation between ethics and economics. Mainly after the financial crisis of 2008, many economists, scholars, and students felt the need to find answers that were not given by the dominant school of thought in economics. Some of these answers have been provided, since the birth of economics as an independent field, from ethics and moral philosophy. Nevertheless, since the mathematisation of economics and the departure from the field of political economy, which once held together economics, philosophy, history and political science, ethics and moral philosophy have lost their role in the economics’ discussions. Three are the main theories of morality: utilitarianism, rule-based ethics and virtue ethics. The neoclassical economic model has indeed chosen one of the three to justify itself, yet it has forgotten —deliberately or not— to involve the other two. Utilitarianism has been translated to a cost benefit analysis that fits the “homo economicus” and selfish portrait of humankind and while contemporary capitalism recognizes Adam Smith as its father it does not seem to recognize or remember not only the rest of the Scottish Enlightenment’s great minds, but also Smith’s Theory of Moral Sentiments. In conclusion, if ethics is to play a role in the formation of a postcapitalist economic theory and help it escape the hopeless quest for a Wertfreiheit, then the one-dimensional selection and interpretation of ethics and morality by economists cannot lead to justified conclusions about the decision-making process.
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Buchanan, Riley, Daniel Elias, Darren Holden, Daniel Baldino, Martin Drum, and Richard P. Hamilton. The archive hunter: The life and work of Leslie R. Marchant. The University of Notre Dame Australia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32613/reports/2021.2.

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Professor Leslie R. Marchant was a Western Australian historian of international renown. Richly educated as a child in political philosophy and critical reason, Marchant’s understandings of western political philosophies were deepened in World War Two when serving with an international crew of the merchant navy. After the war’s end, Marchant was appointed as a Protector of Aborigines in Western Australia’s Depart of Native Affairs. His passionate belief in Enlightenment ideals, including the equality of all people, was challenged by his experiences as a Protector. Leaving that role, he commenced his studies at The University of Western Australia where, in 1952, his Honours thesis made an early case that genocide had been committed in the administration of Aboriginal people in Western Australia. In the years that followed, Marchant became an early researcher of modern China and its relationship with the West, and won respect for his archival research of French maritime history in the Asia-Pacific. This work, including the publication of France Australe in 1982, was later recognised with the award of a French knighthood, the Chevalier d’Ordre National du Mèrite, and his election as a fellow to the Royal Geographical Society. In this festschrift, scholars from The University of Notre Dame Australia appraise Marchant’s work in such areas as Aboriginal history and policy, Westminster traditions, political philosophy, Australia and China and French maritime history.
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HEFNER, Robert. IHSAN ETHICS AND POLITICAL REVITALIZATION Appreciating Muqtedar Khan’s Islam and Good Governance. IIIT, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.001.20.

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Ours is an age of pervasive political turbulence, and the scale of the challenge requires new thinking on politics as well as public ethics for our world. In Western countries, the specter of Islamophobia, alt-right populism, along with racialized violence has shaken public confidence in long-secure assumptions rooted in democracy, diversity, and citizenship. The tragic denouement of so many of the Arab uprisings together with the ascendance of apocalyptic extremists like Daesh and Boko Haram have caused an even greater sense of alarm in large parts of the Muslim-majority world. It is against this backdrop that M.A. Muqtedar Khan has written a book of breathtaking range and ethical beauty. The author explores the history and sociology of the Muslim world, both classic and contemporary. He does so, however, not merely to chronicle the phases of its development, but to explore just why the message of compassion, mercy, and ethical beauty so prominent in the Quran and Sunna of the Prophet came over time to be displaced by a narrow legalism that emphasized jurisprudence, punishment, and social control. In the modern era, Western Orientalists and Islamists alike have pushed the juridification and interpretive reification of Islamic ethical traditions even further. Each group has asserted that the essence of Islam lies in jurisprudence (fiqh), and both have tended to imagine this legal heritage on the model of Western positive law, according to which law is authorized, codified, and enforced by a leviathan state. “Reification of Shariah and equating of Islam and Shariah has a rather emaciating effect on Islam,” Khan rightly argues. It leads its proponents to overlook “the depth and heights of Islamic faith, mysticism, philosophy or even emotions such as divine love (Muhabba)” (13). As the sociologist of Islamic law, Sami Zubaida, has similarly observed, in all these developments one sees evidence, not of a traditionalist reassertion of Muslim values, but a “triumph of Western models” of religion and state (Zubaida 2003:135). To counteract these impoverishing trends, Khan presents a far-reaching analysis that “seeks to move away from the now failed vision of Islamic states without demanding radical secularization” (2). He does so by positioning himself squarely within the ethical and mystical legacy of the Qur’an and traditions of the Prophet. As the book’s title makes clear, the key to this effort of religious recovery is “the cosmology of Ihsan and the worldview of Al-Tasawwuf, the science of Islamic mysticism” (1-2). For Islamist activists whose models of Islam have more to do with contemporary identity politics than a deep reading of Islamic traditions, Khan’s foregrounding of Ihsan may seem unfamiliar or baffling. But one of the many achievements of this book is the skill with which it plumbs the depth of scripture, classical commentaries, and tasawwuf practices to recover and confirm the ethic that lies at their heart. “The Quran promises that God is with those who do beautiful things,” the author reminds us (Khan 2019:1). The concept of Ihsan appears 191 times in 175 verses in the Quran (110). The concept is given its richest elaboration, Khan explains, in the famous hadith of the Angel Gabriel. This tradition recounts that when Gabriel appeared before the Prophet he asked, “What is Ihsan?” Both Gabriel’s question and the Prophet’s response make clear that Ihsan is an ideal at the center of the Qur’an and Sunna of the Prophet, and that it enjoins “perfection, goodness, to better, to do beautiful things and to do righteous deeds” (3). It is this cosmological ethic that Khan argues must be restored and implemented “to develop a political philosophy … that emphasizes love over law” (2). In its expansive exploration of Islamic ethics and civilization, Khan’s Islam and Good Governance will remind some readers of the late Shahab Ahmed’s remarkable book, What is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic (Ahmed 2016). Both are works of impressive range and spiritual depth. But whereas Ahmed stood in the humanities wing of Islamic studies, Khan is an intellectual polymath who moves easily across the Islamic sciences, social theory, and comparative politics. He brings the full weight of his effort to conclusion with policy recommendations for how “to combine Sufism with political theory” (6), and to do so in a way that recommends specific “Islamic principles that encourage good governance, and politics in pursuit of goodness” (8).
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Tyson, Paul. Climate Change Mitigation and Human Flourishing: Recovering Teleology, Avoiding Tyranny. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp5.

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It is most unlikely that adjusting to a 1.5 to 2 degree hotter world is possible within the prevailing political and economic norms of our times. In our post-capitalist times we need to modify modern technological market “liberalism” (which has become, actually, techno-feudalism). If we do not modify our present norms, the collapse of the natural means of power and privilege native to our present world order makes it almost inevitable that democratic liberalism will devolve further into a distinctly anti-liberal species of techno-tyranny. To avoid such a dystopian future, this paper explores how we might re-imagine our global politico-economic norms without embracing techno-tyranny. The argument put forward is that modern liberalism makes the means of personal wealth accumulation and private freedom, the end of public life. This confusion of means with ends implies, ironically, that if our means become unviable, we have no way of aiming at valuable human ends by different means. We have a culturally assumed faulty teleology in political economics and in our philosophy of technology. A revised form of Aristotle’s teleology is proposed whereby an understanding of common human flourishing defines human ends, and where a range of new means could then be pursued to achieve that end, respecting the natural limitations on means that are now upon us.
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Rösener, Ringo. Little Rock Revisited – On the Challenges of Training One’s Imagination to Go Visiting. Association Inter-University Centre Dubrovnik, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53099/ntkd4305.

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In this working paper, I ask whether or not whites could and should write about concerns of People of Color. To this end, I deal with Hannah Arendt’s controversial article “Reflections on Little Rock” from winter 1958/59. In her article, Arendt comments on the de-segregation of black school children in the USA and the associated unrests in Little Rock (Arkansas) and Charlotte (North Carolina) on September 4, 1957. My analysis of her article is initiated by a confrontation of two other texts. In the first, Why I’m No Longer Talking to White People About Race Reni Eddo-Lodge argues that white people are not able to understand the point of view of people of color. In the second, On Kant’s Political Philosophy Hannah Arendt advocates for the contrary that people can understand each other’s point of view when training their imagination to take visits. Since Arendt’s “Reflections on Little Rock” is considered to be a failure, especially in regards of grasping the problems of people of color in the USA, my general question is whether Eddo-Lodge is right, and whether there is no understanding possible or if Arendt missed a crucial step in her own attempt to go visiting? To clarify this, my analysis focuses on Arendt’s use of the term “discrimination”.
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Maron, Nancy, and Peter Potter. TOME Stakeholder Value Assessment: Final Report. Association of American Universities, Association of Research Libraries, and Association of University Presses, August 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.29242/report.tome2023.

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The Association of American Universities, the Association of Research Libraries, and the Association of University Presses have published a final report assessing the success of their five-year pilot project to encourage sustainable digital publication of and public access to scholarly books. The associations launched the Toward an Open Monograph Ecosystem (TOME) project in 2018 to publish humanities and social science scholarship on the internet, where these peer-reviewed works can be fully integrated into the larger network of scholarly and scientific research. The project engaged a network of more than 60 university presses and ultimately produced more than 150 open-access scholarly works. The books cover a wide range of topics in many disciplines, including philosophy, history, political science, sociology, and gender and ethnic studies. The pilot was designed to last five years, and the sponsoring associations committed to assessing its value to its target audience at the end of that period. The report analyzes whether the community of authors, institutions, libraries, and presses that participated in the pilot found it helpful. Author Nancy Maron of BlueSky to BluePrint surveyed and interviewed authors and TOME contacts at participating institutions to assess how each benefited from the pilot—from increased global readership to stronger relationships among libraries, research deans, and faculty.
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Bengio, Yoshua, Caroline Lequesne, Hugo Loiseau, Jocelyn Maclure, Juliette Powell, Sonja Solomun, and Lyse Langlois. Interdisciplinary Dialogues: The Major Risks of Generative AI. Observatoire international sur les impacts sociétaux de l’intelligence artificielle et du numérique, March 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.61737/xsgm9843.

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In an exciting series of Interdisciplinary Dialogues on the societal impacts of AI, we invite a guest speaker and panellists from the fields of science and engineering, health and humanities and social sciences to discuss the advances, challenges and opportunities raised by AI. The first dialogue in this series began with Yoshua Bengio, who, concerned about developments in generative AI and the major risks they pose for society, initiated the organization of a conference on the subject. The event took place on August 14, 2023 in Montreal, and was aimed at initiating collective, interdisciplinary reflection on the issues and risks posed by recent developments in AI. The conference took the form of a panel, moderated by Juliette Powell, to which seven specialists were invited who cover a variety of disciplines, including: computer science (Yoshua Bengio and Golnoosh Farnadi), law (Caroline Lequesne and Claire Boine), philosophy (Jocelyn Maclure), communication (Sonja Solomun) and political science (Hugo Loiseau). This document is the result of this first interdisciplinary dialogue on the societal impacts of AI. The speakers were invited to respond concisely, in the language of their choice, to questions raised during the event. Immerse yourself in reading these fascinating conversations, presented in a Q&A format that transcends disciplinary boundaries. The aim of these dialogues is to offer a critical and diverse perspective on the impact of AI on our everchanging world.
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