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Journal articles on the topic 'Political party organization – Ireland'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

REID, COLIN. "STEPHEN GWYNN AND THE FAILURE OF CONSTITUTIONAL NATIONALISM IN IRELAND, 1919–1921." Historical Journal 53, no. 3 (2010): 723–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000269.

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ABSTRACTThe Irish Party, the organization which represented the constitutional nationalist demand for home rule for almost fifty years in Westminster, was the most notable victim of the revolution in Ireland, c. 1916–23. Most of the last generation of Westminster-centred home rule MPs played little part in public life following the party's electoral destruction in 1918. This article probes the political thought and actions of one of the most prominent constitutional nationalists who did seek to alter Ireland's direction during the critical years of the war of independence. Stephen Gwynn was a

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2

Dunphy, Richard, and Stephen Hopkins. "The organizational and political evolution of the workers' party of Ireland." Journal of Communist Studies 8, no. 3 (1992): 91–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279208415165.

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3

DHÁIBHÉID, CAOIMHE NIC. "THE IRISH NATIONAL AID ASSOCIATION AND THE RADICALIZATION OF PUBLIC OPINION IN IRELAND, 1916–1918." Historical Journal 55, no. 3 (2012): 705–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x12000234.

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ABSTRACTAt the 1918 general election, Sinn Féin overtook the Irish Parliamentary Party as the dominant political force within nationalist Ireland, a process that has its origins in the aftermath of the Easter Rising of 1916. This article argues that to understand better this shift in public opinion, from an initially hostile reaction to the Dublin rebellion to a more advanced nationalist position,1it is important to recognize the decisive role played by a political welfare organization, the Irish National Aid Association and Volunteer Dependents' Fund. The activities of the INAAVDF significant

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Cross, William. "Understanding Power-Sharing within Political Parties: Stratarchy as Mutual Interdependence between the Party in the Centre and the Party on the Ground." Government and Opposition 53, no. 2 (2016): 205–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.22.

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Recent literature has renewed interest in the stratarchical model of intraparty decision-making. In this version of party organization, the functions performed by parties are distributed among their discrete levels. The result is a power-sharing arrangement in which no group has control over all aspects of party life. Thus, the model potentially provides an antidote to the hierarchical version of organization. This article examines the principal parties in Australia, Canada, Ireland and New Zealand to test whether there is empirical evidence of stratarchy. An examination of candidate nominatio

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5

Erne, Roland, and Markus Blaser. "Direct democracy and trade union action." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 24, no. 2 (2018): 217–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258918764079.

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Until recently, the political influence of trade unions primarily relied on ties to labour-friendly political parties. Since the 1990s, however, party-union relations have deteriorated, forcing unions to consider complementary political strategies. This article reviews different direct democratic instruments at local, national and EU levels. We distinguish popular consultations initiated by government from above from citizens’ initiatives initiated from below and discuss corresponding trade union experiences in Germany, Italy, Ireland, Slovenia and Switzerland. We also analyse the successful r

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Vershinina, D. B., and E. S. Burmistrova. "WOMEN IN REPRESENTATIVE BODIES OF POWER IN 2017-2021: A CROSS-NATIONAL ANALYSIS." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 8, no. 1 (2024): 91–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2024-8-1-91-104.

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The paper analyzes similarities and differences in the social portrait of female politicians in the countries of Western, Eastern Europe and North America (Great Britain, Germany, Ireland, Poland, Russia, and USA), as well as the correlation between the state specifics of socio-economic and political spheres and the level of women's representation in politics. A cross-national study of the trajectories of women entering politics was implemented on the basis of the database “Women in representative bodies of power, political parties and activism, 2017-2021” prepared by the research team. The se

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Sheketa, Mariana. "THE IRISH REPUBLICAN ARMYʼS «GREEN BOOK»: POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC GOALS OF THE ORGANIZATION". BULLETIN OF YAROSLAV MUDRYI NATIONAL LAW UNIVERSITY. SERIES:PHILOSOPHY, PHILOSOPHIES OF LAW, POLITICAL SCIENCE, SOCIOLOGY 49, № 2 (2021): 169–83. https://doi.org/10.21564/2663-5704.49.227036.

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Problem setting. National liberation movements have always occupied an important place in international relations and domestic politics. As a rule, they are a reaction to legal, political, economic or cultural injustice on the part of the state in which they originate. Representatives of the movement are trying hard to defend their rights to their own identity, and sometimes to independence and self-determination. The «Green Book» of the Irish Republican Party is the conditional name of the official protocols of the Irish Republican Army, which at some point in time became open to

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8

Brück, Tilman, and Neil T. N. Ferguson. "Money can’t buy love but can it buy peace? Evidence from the EU Programme for Peace and Reconciliation (PEACE II)." Conflict Management and Peace Science 37, no. 5 (2018): 536–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894218766865.

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Efforts to evaluate third-party peacebuilding interventions are welcome but many studies rely on experimental approaches that might be at odds with the theories that underpin the discipline. Rigorously evaluating interventions ill-suited to experimental analyses is just as important, however, especially when programmes adopt novel approaches. In this article, we employ an instrumental variables approach to evaluate one such intervention – the EU Programme for Peace and Reconciliation (PEACE II). Following contemporary peacebuilding theories, PEACE II disseminated funds to grassroots organizati

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9

Gallagher, Michael, and Michael Marsh. "Party Membership in Ireland." Party Politics 10, no. 4 (2004): 407–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068804043906.

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10

Morehouse, Sarah M. "Dimensions of State Political Party Organization." American Review of Politics 15 (July 1, 1994): 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1994.15.0.123-139.

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A political party is defined in terms of coalition building: collective effort directed toward capturing public office and governing once that office is attained. Party organization thus defined includes factional organization as well as the administrative apparatus. This definition assumes a linkage between the electoral party and the party inside the government.

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11

Weeks, Liam. "Why are there Independents in Ireland?" Government and Opposition 51, no. 4 (2015): 580–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2014.47.

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Although the clichéd status of the phrase ‘the party’s over’ makes it almost redundant, the esteem in which parties are held has never been lower. One facet of party decline is the renewed interest in independents. Previously confined to transition states and non-democracies, they have begun to make some political headway in more established states. This is a worrying development for both political parties and those who profess their normative value. This article examines the source of the re-emergent independent presence via a case study of Ireland, a party democracy where they have had the g

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12

Hus, Annick, and Steven P. McCulloch. "The Political Salience of Animal Protection in the Republic of Ireland (2011–2020): What Do Irish Political Parties Pledge on Animal Welfare and Wildlife Conservation?" Animals 14, no. 24 (2024): 3619. https://doi.org/10.3390/ani14243619.

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Ireland is the largest beef trader and a major dairy exporter within the European Union. Horse racing holds significant cultural value, while greyhound racing is economically important at the regional level. As public concern about farm animal welfare rises and biodiversity loss intensifies, this research examines the political salience of animal protection in Ireland across the 2011, 2016, and 2020 general elections. Political salience measures the degree of public concern about political issues, with party manifestos serving as indicators of this concern. Using both quantitative and qualitat

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13

Laver, Michael. "Party choice and social structure in Ireland." Irish Political Studies 1, no. 1 (1986): 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907188608406424.

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14

Borz, Gabriela, and Kenneth Janda. "Contemporary trends in party organization: Revisiting intra-party democracy." Party Politics 26, no. 1 (2018): 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818754605.

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Party organization has regained a new momentum in the party literature over the past decade. In this context, we review the most important advances in the literature and critically examine issues such as: the link between party organization literature and organizational theory literature, party organization and intra-party democracy, and between party organization on paper and in reality. We ascertain the need for more conceptual clarifications in the field and raise questions for debate. We further outline the contribution of this special issue to the theme of intra-party democracy in represe

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Coletto, David, Harold J. Jansen, and Lisa Young. "Stratarchical Party Organization and Party Finance in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 44, no. 1 (2011): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423910001034.

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Abstract. Based on an examination of constitutional and other party documents, Canadian political parties have been described as stratarchically organized (Carty, 2002). We identify four models of internal party financial flows that correspond to different models of internal party organization. We then trace the financial flows into and within the four major Canadian political parties from 2004 to 2007 with a view to identifying the model of party organization that these flows indicate. Our evidence in some respects supports Carty's assertion that Canadian parties are stratarchically organized

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Clark, John A., and Charles Prysby. "Introduction: Studying Southern Political Party Activists." American Review of Politics 24 (April 1, 2003): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2003.24.0.1-19.

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The political changes that have occurred in the South over the past several decades have affected the political party organizations in the region. A region once marked by a weak and highly factionalized Democratic Party organization and an almost non-existent Republican Party organization now has two significant party organizations operating in each state. Examining the development of party organizations in the region should tell us much about both political party organizations and southern politics. This study, the Southern Grassroots Party Activists 2001 Project, focuses on political party a

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17

Arthur, Paul. "Letter from Ireland." Government and Opposition 26, no. 4 (1991): 449–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb00405.x.

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WRITING A LETTER FROM IRELAND TOUCHES ON CERTAIN sensitivities because Ireland is a geographic unit in search of political expression. There has always been some doubt about political ownership. Between 1800 and 1921 it was, of course, part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. Let us say for the present that Ireland now belongs to that small group of political entities - like Korea and Cyprus - which ‘enjoys’ the condition of partition. And that part of Ireland whence this letter is written, Northern Ireland, has been placed in some sort of historical context by a former leader

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18

Bolleyer, Nicole, Felix-Christopher von Nostitz, and Valeria Smirnova. "Conflict regulation in political parties." Party Politics 23, no. 6 (2016): 834–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816642804.

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Independent party tribunals (i.e. intra-party courts) can be used by both the party leadership (e.g. to discipline members) and rank-and-file members (e.g. to challenge the leadership overstepping its authority). Thus, their study offers broad insights into party conflict regulation we know little about. Integrating the literatures on party organization, intra-party democracy and judicial politics, we propose two theoretical rationales to account for tribunal decision-making (whether a case finds tribunal support): tribunal decision-making can be theorized as shaped by elite-member divisions o

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19

Cowell-Meyers, Kimberly B. "The Social Movement as Political Party: The Northern Ireland Women's Coalition and the Campaign for Inclusion." Perspectives on Politics 12, no. 1 (2014): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759271300371x.

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For about 10 years beginning in the mid 1990s, Northern Ireland had its own women's political party. The Northern Ireland Women's Coalition (NIWC) was created by members of the women's movement to achieve “equitable and effective political participation” for women. Despite being small, marginal and short-lived, the party increased access for women in nearly all the other political parties in the system. I connect the scholarship on social movements with that on political parties by examining the impact a social movement can have through the venue of its own political party. I argue three main

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20

Okhoshin, Oleg. "Legacy of the Troubles: crisis of power in Northern Ireland." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 35, no. 5 (2023): 51–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520235161.

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The political crisis in Northern Ireland, which has been continuing since 2022, threatens its stable development. It undermines the Belfast Agreement, which ended the bloody conflict between Catholics and Protestants and allowed devolution in the region. The catalyst for inter-party disagreements was the Northern Ireland Protocol – it introduced a special customs regulation regime that did not suit the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). The actions of London (the approval of the Windsor Framework and The Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Act), as well as the Sinn Féin’s winni

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21

McGraw, Sean. "Multi-dimensional Party Competition: Abortion Politics in Ireland." Government and Opposition 53, no. 4 (2017): 682–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2017.7.

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While the questions of how parties seek to address (or not) pressing issues are critically important, scholars have generally paid little attention to where issues are addressed within the political system, and the consequences for party competition of that choice. The fact that issues can be addressed within several institutional (i.e. functional) domains and levels – general elections, parliament, referenda, courts, local government, etc. – implies that political parties may address an issue, and thereby interact with one another, in consequentially different ways depending on the institutio

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22

McGraw, Sean. "Managing Change: Party Competition in the New Ireland." Irish Political Studies 23, no. 4 (2008): 627–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907180802452861.

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23

Courtney, Michael. "Social Background and Intra-party Attitudes in Ireland." Irish Political Studies 30, no. 2 (2015): 178–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2015.1021796.

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24

Marsh, Michael. "Party identification in Ireland: An insecure anchor for a floating party system." Electoral Studies 25, no. 3 (2006): 489–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2005.06.013.

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25

Bolleyer, Nicole, and Liam Weeks. "The puzzle of non-party actors in party democracy: Independents in Ireland." Comparative European Politics 7, no. 3 (2009): 299–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cep.2008.21.

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26

Dochartaigh, Niall Ó. "Beyond the dominant party system: the transformation of party politics in Northern Ireland." Irish Political Studies 36, no. 1 (2021): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2021.1877897.

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27

MITCHELL, PAUL. "Conflict regulation and party competition in Northern Ireland." European Journal of Political Research 20, no. 1 (1991): 67–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1991.tb00256.x.

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28

MARSH, MICHAEL. "Selecting party leaders in the Republic of Ireland." European Journal of Political Research 24, no. 3 (1993): 295–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1993.tb00382.x.

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29

Roberts, Hugh. "Sound Stupidity: The British Party System and the Northern Ireland Question." Government and Opposition 22, no. 3 (1987): 315–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017257x0070008x.

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The purpose of this article is to draw attention to a fact about the situation in Northern Ireland which has been almost universally overlooked or misunderstood where, that is, it has not been deliberately concealed, and to draw out its principal implications. This is that the people of Northern Ireland are excluded from the party political System which determines the government of the United Kingdom (the State of which Northern Ireland nominally forms part), that they have not chosen to exelude themselves but have been excluded by the actions of the major British political parties and that th

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30

Pomper, Gerald M. "Party Organization & Electoral Success." Polity 23, no. 2 (1990): 187–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3235071.

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31

Grabevnik, M. V. "REGIONAL PARTY SYSTEM OF NORTHERN IRELAND: EROSION OF BIPOLARITY." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 5, no. 4 (2021): 489–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-4-489-502.

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The subject of the article is the dynamics of the regional party system in Northern Ireland in 2000-2010s, as well as the factors contributing to the observed changes. The research is based on the theoretical framework of J. Lane and S. Ersson and is chronologically outlined by the period of 1998-2021. Cross-temporal comparative analysis was used as a key research method. The parameters of the comparative analysis include the following variables: number of parties, effective number of parties, number of significant parties, fragmentation of the party system, ideological polarization and electo

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32

Black, John. "The College at the party conferences." Bulletin of the Royal College of Surgeons of England 91, no. 9 (2009): 294–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1308/147363509x474296.

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The Royal College of Surgeons is a professional body dedicated to setting the highest possible standards for surgery. It is a charity, not a political organisation, but in furtherance of its charitable aims, namely advancing surgical standards, it can enter the political arena and I think that it is vitally important that it does. Our membership survey tells me that you approve of the College entering the national political debate and putting forward to ministers and opposition parties the views of working surgeons in England, Wales and Northern Ireland.

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33

O’Halpin, Eunan. "Parliamentary party discipline and tactics: the Fianna Fáil archives, 1926–32." Irish Historical Studies 30, no. 120 (1997): 581–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400013468.

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Academic study of the development of Irish political parties has been hampered by a shortage of primary source material available to historians and political scientists. This is because the headquarters records of parties, where they have survived, are generally fragmentary and ill-organised, and because few national politicians or party organisers have left papers for research.The shortage of primary sources on the major political parties is reflected in the standard academic works dealing with their development, from Maurice Manning’s Irish political parties (1972) and Michael Gallagher’s Th

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34

Keogh, Dermot. "Ireland, The Vatican and the Cold War: The Case of Italy, 1948." Historical Journal 34, no. 4 (1991): 931–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00017362.

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Eamon de Valera and Fianna Fáil lost power in 1948 after sixteen years in office and the five remaining parties in the legislature formed a coalition government. Fine Gael was back in power. The last time the party had held office was in 1932. But they were now only the larger party in an inter-party government which included the Labour party, a splinter group called National Labour (which reunited with the parent party in 1950), Clann na Talmhan, and Clann na Poblachta. This was one of the most ideologically divided governments in the history of the state. It very soon became faction-ridden.

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35

Evans, Jocelyn A. J., and Jonathan Tonge. "The Future of the ‘Radical Centre’ in Northern Ireland after the Good Friday Agreement." Political Studies 51, no. 1 (2003): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00411.

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The 1998 Good Friday Agreement has provided a new political dispensation in Northern Ireland. Through the management of the competing aims of unionism and nationalism, the Agreement hopes to promote cross-community consensus and forge a new, moderate centre. However, the segmental autonomy evident under the consociationalism of the Agreement poses questions of the existing political centre in Northern Ireland. Traditionally, the centre, as represented by the Alliance Party, has rejected unionism and nationalism, believing either to be ideologies to be overcome, rather than accommodated. Under

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36

Aldrich, Andrea S. "Party organization and gender in European elections." Party Politics 26, no. 5 (2018): 675–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818806630.

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Political parties often monopolize the flow of politicians into elected office making it important to understand when, and under what conditions, parties are more or less likely to promote gender equality in representation. This article argues that party choices to nominate women in elections are conditional on the centralization of candidate selection within the party. Gender quotas and characteristics of the electoral environment have differential effects on candidate lists across party types. Leveraging data at the party level, I test when it is electorally feasible and organizationally pos

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37

Barry, Frank, and Clare O’Mahony. "Regime Change in 1950s Ireland." Irish Economic and Social History 44, no. 1 (2017): 46–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0332489317721406.

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The new Irish export-oriented foreign direct investment (FDI) regime of the 1950s was an inter-party government initiative that facilitated the later Whitaker and Lemass–led dismantling of protectionist trade barriers. The potential opposition of protectionist-era industry to the new FDI regime was defused by confining the new tax relief to profits derived solely from exports, by allocating new industrial grants only to firms that ‘would not compete in the home market with existing firms’, and by retaining the Control of Manufactures Acts of the 1930s that imposed restrictions on foreign owner

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38

Farrell, David M., Malcolm Mackerras, and Ian McAllister. "Designing Electoral Institutions: STV Systems and Their Consequences." Political Studies 44, no. 1 (1996): 24–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1996.tb00755.x.

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Although championed by advocates of proportional representation, the single transferable vote form of PR has been used consistently in only a small number of countries – principally Australia, Ireland and Malta. This paper examines the origins and development of STV and its implications for the political systems that use it. The results show that STV varies so widely in its form and application, differing on no less than five major characteristics, that it is impossible to identify any single generic type. These differences are also reflected in the party strategies that are used to maximize t

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39

Hellmann, Olli. "A Historical Institutionalist Approach to Political Party Organization: The Case of South Korea." Government and Opposition 46, no. 4 (2011): 464–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2011.01346.x.

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AbstractThe existing literature on party organization is deeply divided over the question of how much freedom of choice decision-makers in a party enjoy in relation to their environment. Although the resulting theoretical deadlock seriously weakens our understanding of party formation and change, no attempt has been made to reconcile the different approaches. This article aims to do just that by offering a historical institutionalist perspective on party organization. Studying the development of political parties in South Korea, it argues that party organizations are best understood as strateg

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40

Norris, Paul. "The 1998 Northern Ireland Assembly Election." Politics 20, no. 1 (2000): 39–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00109.

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The result of the assembly election in Northern Ireland in June 1998 was a victory for those who support the assembly, but it was not such a triumph for David Trimble and the Ulster Unionist Party. I will examine both the Unionist vote and the Nationalist vote and the consequences.

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41

Polyakova, Elena. "THE PROSPECTS OF NORTHERN IRELAND POLITICAL STABILISATION." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 38, no. 2 (2024): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran220244860.

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The article deals with the reasons of two years political crisis in Northern Ireland. According to the author, it became possible due to Belfast Agreement power-sharing system which means joint government on a cross-community basis between representatives of protestant and catholic traditions. If one of the side ceased to hold office by any reason, the other shall cease to function immediately. The main reason for political crises in February 2022 was the demand of the Democratic unionist party to reconsider the Northern Ireland protocol – part of the Brexit Agreement, and their refusal to hol

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42

Van Dyck, Brandon. "Why Party Organization Still Matters: The Workers’ Party in Northeastern Brazil." Latin American Politics and Society 56, no. 2 (2014): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2014.00229.x.

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AbstractDoes party organization still matter? Much of the party literature suggests that politicians, who can use substitutes like mass media to win votes, lack incentives to invest in party organization. Yet it remains an electoral asset, especially at lower levels of government. Evidence from Brazil’s Workers’ Party (PT) indicates that party elites invest in organization when they prioritize lower-level elections and that this investment delivers electoral returns. In the mid-2000s, the PT strengthened its support across levels of government in the conservative, clientelistic Northeast. Draw

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43

KALYNIAK, Lev. "Polish Organization of Stronnitstvo Lyudove “Pyast” in Lviv County (1919– 1926)." Наукові зошити історичного факультету Львівського університету / Proceedings of History Faculty of Lviv University, no. 23 (June 8, 2022): 199–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/fhi.2022.22-23.3613.

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This research deals with the activity of Polish Stronnitsvo Lyudove “Pyast” (PSL “Pyast”), the largest Polish party in Lviv county. PSL “Pyast” played the leading role among political organizations of the Polish peasants of Western Ukraine during 1919–1931. Conservative ideology this political party formed its position on the importance of Christian morality principles existing in political and social life of interwar Poland. PSL “Pyast” paid special attention to the necessity of private property as the main base of citizens’ wellness. The activity of the Party was full of permanent political

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44

Brødsgaard, Kjeld Erik, and Gang Chen. "The Chinese Communist Party since 1949: Organization, Ideology, and Prospect for Change." Brill Research Perspectives in Governance and Public Policy in China 3, no. 1-2 (2018): 1–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24519227-12340004.

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AbstractResearch on the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the world’s largest political party, has seen a revival in recent years. Today, studies of the CCP are a key part of any attempt to understand China’s development trajectory in the post-1949 era. This review takes a new and closer look at how the study of the CCP has evolved in terms of themes, concepts, and areas of research. In the following we explore nine topics: Party organization, cadre management, cadre advancement and training, Party ideology, Party reform and adaptation, local Party work, the Party and business, the Party and corr

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45

Edwards, Aaron. "Democratic Socialism and Sectarianism: The Northern Ireland Labour Party and Progressive Unionist Party Compared." Politics 27, no. 1 (2007): 24–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.2007.00275.x.

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46

Putri, Gusti Agung. "Pemecatan Anggota Partai Politik Karena Menjadi Pengurus Organisasi Kemasyarakatan." Acta Comitas 3, no. 2 (2018): 366. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/ac.2018.v03.i02.p12.

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Members of have the right submitted by political parties as candidates for Legislative Assembly in accordance with what is meant by article 12 of Law Number 2 of 2008 jo Law Number 2 of 2011, that political parties have the right to nominate candidates to fill the membership of the Nation Assembly and the Regional Local Assembly in accordance with the legislation; propose a change of time between its members in the Nation Assembly and the Local Assembly in accordance with the legislation. Instead members of political parties must submit and comply with the provisions in Law No. 2 of 2008 jo La

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Nisnevich, Yu A. "Russian “Party of Power” vs Dominant Party." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 103, no. 4 (2021): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2021-103-4-183-199.

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The article presents a factual analysis of the origin and formation of the “party of power” in Russia. The work demonstrates that at all stages the Russian “party of power” was designed and controlled by the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation. The research carried out by the author shows that Russia’s “party of power” does not meet the criteria that would allow to qualify this political party as dominant, in any of its “incarnations”. This fully applies to the United Russia party that does not exert a significant impact on the appointments to the political and administra

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O'Malley, Eoin. "Why is there no Radical Right Party in Ireland?" West European Politics 31, no. 5 (2008): 960–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380802234631.

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McNALLY, PATRICK. "The Hanoverian Accession and the Tory Party in Ireland*." Parliamentary History 14, no. 3 (2008): 263–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.1995.tb00217.x.

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Suwito, Dwi Darojatun Patra. "PROBLEMS IN PERMENKUMHAM NO. 34 OF 2017 RELATING TO CHANGES IN THE MANAGEMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN CIRCUMSTANCES OF INTERNAL DISPUTE." JURNAL ILMIAH ADVOKASI 12, no. 1 (2024): 192–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.36987/jiad.v12i1.5115.

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Political parties are main players in competing for and maintain power legally in democratic countries. As a power oriented organization, a political party also has risk of internal dispute and schism. Law Number 2 of 2011 regulate the space for the internal dispute settlement, namely through internal party court and judicial institution. In dispute relating to organization structure, verdicts issued by the internal party court and judicial institution need to be followed by the issuance of ratification decision letter from the Minister of Law and Human Rights.This research used the type of do

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