Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political parties – Germany (West) – History

Academic literature on the topic 'Political parties – Germany (West) – History'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Political parties – Germany (West) – History"

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Rensmann, Lars. "Divided We Stand." German Politics and Society 37, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 32–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370304.

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Germany continues to face an inter-regional political divide between the East and the West three decades after unification. Most strikingly, this divide is expressed in different party systems. The right-wing populist Alternative for Germany and the left-wing populist Left Party are considerably more successful in the eastern regions, while German centrist parties perform worse (and shrink faster at the ballot-box) than in the West. The article discusses empirical evidence of this resilient yet puzzling political divide and explores three main clusters of explanatory factors: The after-effects of the German Democratic Republic’s authoritarian past and its politico-cultural legacies, translating into distinct value cleavage configurations alongside significantly weaker institutional trust and more wide-spread skepticism towards democracy in the East; continuous, even if partly reduced inter-regional socioeconomic divisions and varying economic, social and political opportunities; and populist parties and movements acting as political entrepreneurs who construct and politically reinforce the East-West divide. It is argued that only the combination of these factors helps understand the depth and origins of the lasting divide.
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Hager, Carol. "Green Politics, Expertise, and Democratic Discourse in the Two Germanies, 1989–2019." German Politics and Society 37, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370402.

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Environmental movements became a major vehicle for promoting citizen participation in both East and West Germany during the 1980s. Their critiques of industrial society, however, reflected the different constellations of power in their respective countries. Movements in both East and West formed green parties, but their disparate understandings of power, expertise, and democracy complicated the parties’ efforts to coalesce during the unification process and to play a major role in German politics after unification. I propose that the persistence of this East-West divide helps explain the continuing discrepancy in the appeal of Alliance 90/The Greens in the old and new German federal states. Nevertheless, I also suggest that the Greens have accomplished their goal of opening technical issue areas—particularly energy—to political debate. This is currently working to enhance their image throughout Germany as champions of technological innovation and democratic openness in the face of climate inaction and right-wing populism.
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Margalit, Gilad. "The Foreign Policy of the German Sudeten Council and Hans-Christoph Seebohm, 1956–1964." Central European History 43, no. 3 (August 18, 2010): 464–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938910000373.

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Recent historical studies on the organizations of German expellees and their influence on West German political culture highlight the insincere attitude and deception by the whole West German political establishment toward the expellee politicians and activists and their cause. One study in this field is Matthias Stickler's important book “Ostdeutsch heißt Gesamtdeutsch,” and a more recent one by Manfred Kittel, Vertreibung der Vertriebenen?, takes Stickler's thesis even further. It creates the impression that the expellee organizations, highly dependent on the government for financial and political support, had no option in this matter and were even helpless in that they had to accept the noncommittal rhetoric and the West German government's unwillingness to obligate West Germany for their cause. In this article, I probe this portrayal of the expellee politicians and activists as objects rather than subjects of German politics by inquiring into the political and public relations activities of the German Sudeten Council (Sudetendeutscher Rat) in the field of foreign policy during and around the tenure of Hans-Christoph Seebohm as the leader (Sprecher) of the German Sudeten Expellee Homeland Society (Landsmannschaft) (1959–1967). The Sudeten Council is a non-party association; one half of its members are elected by the federal assembly of the German Sudeten Landsmannschaft and the other half by the political parties of the Bundestag. As well as being a politician of the expellee organization, Hans-Christoph Seebohm pursued the longest political career in the German federal cabinet—seventeen years. He served as Minister of Transportation and Mail of the Federal Republic from 1949 to 1966 under Chancellors Konrad Adenauer and Ludwig Erhard. To date, no monographic work has been written about Seebohm.
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Wolfe, James H., Stephen Padgett, and Tony Burkett. "Political Parties and Elections in West Germany: The Search for a New Stability." American Historical Review 93, no. 3 (June 1988): 730. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1868195.

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Maróti, Dávid. "Egy új, mégis régi Németország születése." DÍKÉ 5, no. 1 (September 1, 2021): 213–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/dike.2021.05.01.15.

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The year 1945 brought a radical change in the German history. The total defeat landed the Reich in difficulty. On the territory of the German Reich four entities have been established which could only get in touch with each other if the Allied Powers allowed them. The Allies took over the supreme power after Germany’s unconditional surrender. The old-new German political parties had to face the state building under hard circumstances such as the lack of sovereignty. The postwar chaos could be overcome in four years, therefore two new states have been rebuilt on the territory of the ‘Third Reich’. This study is restricted to present the birth of West Germany also known as Federal Republic of Germany from 1948 when the Western Powers officially announced the establishment of a federal state in the West German area.
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Spicka, Mark E. "Selling the Economic Miracle: Public-Opinion Research, Economic Reconstruction, and Politics in West Germany, 1949-1957." German Politics and Society 20, no. 1 (March 1, 2002): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503002782385462.

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Perhaps the most remarkable development in the Federal Republicof Germany since World War II has been the creation of its stabledemocracy. Already by the second half of the 1950s, political commentatorsproclaimed that “Bonn is not Weimar.” Whereas theWeimar Republic faced the proliferation of splinter parties, the riseof extremist parties, and the fragmentation of support for liberal andconservative parties—conditions that led to its ultimate collapse—theFederal Republic witnessed the blossoming of moderate, broadbasedparties.1 By the end of the 1950s the Christian DemocraticUnion/Christian Social Union (CDU), Social Democratic Party(SPD) and Free Democratic Party (FDP) had formed the basis of astable party system that would continue through the 1980s.
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Schmitt, Hermann, and Andreas M. Wüst. "The Extraordinary Bundestag Election of 2005: The Interplay of Long-term Trends and Short-term Factors." German Politics and Society 24, no. 1 (March 1, 2006): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503006780935324.

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When Chancellor Gerhard Schr?der went public and announced his plan for early elections on the evening of 22 May 2005, the SPD and the Green Party had just lost the state election in North-Rhine West-phalia. It was the last German state ruled by a Red-Green government, which left the federal government without any stable support in the Bundesrat. The chancellor's radical move resulted in early elections that neither the left (SPD and Greens) nor the conservative political camp (CDU/CSU and FDP) was able to win. While the citizens considered the CDU/CSU to be more competent to solve the country's most important problems, unemployment and the economy, the SPD once again presented the preferred chancellor. The new govrnment, build on a grand coalition of CDU/CSU and SPD, might be able to solve some of the structural problems of the country. While this will be beneficial for Germany as a whole, it will at the same time weaken the major German parties, which are running the risk of becoming politically indistinguishable.
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Belinskii, A. V., and M. V. Khorol’skaya. "‘Another brick in the wall’. On the origins of nationalism in the ‘new’ federal states of Germany." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 13, no. 2 (July 28, 2021): 87–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2021-13-2-87-125.

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A relatively broad support enjoyed by the populist and nationalist parties and movements (AfD, National Democratic Party of Germany, PEGIDA), as well as a higher rate of hate crimes in the eastern part of the Federal Republic of Germany raise a question on the nature of nationalism in this region. The present paper examines the causes of widespread xenophobic and nationalist sentiments in the ‘new’ federal states. To this end, the authors address a wide range of social-political and psychological factors, focusing on the historical roots and causes of the recent rise of nationalism in East Germany. Particularly, the authors show that the right-wing parties took advantage of popular frustration caused by the collapse of the East German economy after the country’s reunification and massive unemployment by putting all the blame on migrants. Nevertheless, the causes of growing xenophobia in East Germany were far from being solely economic. For example, the authors underline the role of the politics of memory in the GDR and primarily the approaches of its leaders to the issues of the Nazi past and their attempts to draw on the country’s history to shape a new national identity. However, the failure of the state to provide an unbiased view on the national history, rigid official ideology and its alienation from the popular demands have led to the growing nationalism in the GDR. Besides, a number of other aspects is pointed out which have also fostered xenophobic sentiments in this part of the country. Unlike West Germany which started to accept labour migrants from Italy, Turkey and Yugoslavia back in 1950s, the GDR saw few foreigners and contacts between them and local population were limited. As a result, the paper not only helps to create a more detailed image of the East German nationalism but also to identify the underlying causes of the growing popularity of right-wing populist parties and movements in the FRG, most notably, the unfinished process of the country’s reunification and structural imbalances between the ‘old’ and the ‘new’ federal states.
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Reutter, Werner. "A New Start and “Renewal” for Germany? Policies and Politics of the Red-Green Government, 1998-2002." German Politics and Society 21, no. 1 (March 1, 2003): 138–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503003782353556.

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According to Jürgen Habermas, the federal election in 1998 finally“sealed” the democratic foundation of Germany and confirmed thatthis country belonged to the “west.”1 Until then, the day of judgmenthad left the “judges” in Germany—that is, the voters—with only limitedinfluence in coalition building and the formation of each government.2 Between 1949 and 1998 no federal government has totallybeen unsettled by elections. Changes in government were due tochanges in coalitions, thus based on decisions by the parties ratherthan on the electorate. Insofar as the landslide victory of the SocialDemocratic Party and the Alliance ‘90/Greens in the 1998 electionnot only reflected important changes in the party system, but it alsocould mean that the German electorate is going to play a more influentialrole in the future.
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Tüffers, Bettina. "The 10th Volkskammer of the GDR – Just a keen student or a parliament with its own culture?" Contributions to Contemporary History 55, no. 3 (December 14, 2015): 24–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.51663/pnz.55.3.02.

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The last parliament of the GDR, the 10. Volkskammer, existed only from March to October 1990 and was undoubtedly different from those in other eastern European communist countries. This had to do with its special situation as the parliament of one half of a former united nation. After the victory of the conservatives in the election of March 1990 it was clear that the majority of voters wanted unification with West Germany according to Art. 23 of the German Constitution and as quickly as possible. This meant reunification by accession of the GDR to the Federal Republic. It was the Volkskammer’s main task to organize this process. Given that the 400 newly elected MPs were completely unexperienced following the model of the German Bundestag was probably the only way to be able to tackle the problems they were faced with. But this meant too that there was little room and no time to develop own solutions to their problems. Critics saw the massive support by West German political parties and institutions as a form of colonization. And a lot of MPs too were highly critical of their work. A feeling of lack of influence and powerlessness was widespread. But, as the example of the reintroduction of the five Länder shows, both sides could pull in the same direction too.This article tries to answer the question whether this parliament was only an assiduous student of its West German master or despite the circumstances able to develop its own culture and its own pace.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political parties – Germany (West) – History"

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Hautefeuille, Saya. "The Transformation of National Identity in Germany: The Role of Political Parties." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/37818.

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This thesis examines how national identities change and evolve through time. In that sense, it joins other studies that have studied the mechanisms for changes in national identities. While some authors have tended to focus on state structure, institutional changes (i.e. the creation of federal institutions that encourage regional identities) or belief systems, this study argues that political parties play an important role on national identity formulation. Essentially, this study will establish the argument that political parties have an impact on the direction of national identity. Using HI it will illustrate that the institutional framework in which political parties operate affects the direction that they will push national identity towards. Indeed, political actors have a vision for national identity and they will articulate and redefine how national identity is conceptualized but not freely. Rather, how institutions guide actors, preferences and ideas is central to understanding why national identity takes the form and direction that it does. Using the case study of Germany (1949-1969), it will demonstrate that the CDU sought to define German national identity as one based on Christian weltanschauung, integration with the west (westbindung) and social market economy (sozialen Marktwirtschaft) and that with each notion the influence of the Basic Law and previous political institutions could be felt as emphasis would be put on how each concept was related to “freedom”, “individual rights” and “democracy”.
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Spicka, Mark E. "Selling the economic miracle : economic propaganda and political power in West Germany, 1949-1957 /." The Ohio State University, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1488196234910667.

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Rieche, Alexandra Hughes. "The political manipulation of history : the 750th anniversary celebrations in East and West Berlin in 1987." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670294.

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Cordes, Niels G. (Niels Guether). "A Spatial Analysis of Right-wing Radical Parties: The Case of the Republikaner Party Programs Since 1983." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277992/.

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Right-wing parties in European states have improved electorally in recent years. The small German Republikaner party is representative of these successes. This study examines outcomes for the Republikaner that may be attributable to movements on a number of policy issues.
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Dapprich, Matthias. "The historical development of West Germany's New Left from a politico-theoretical perspective with particular emphasis on the Marxistische Gruppe and Maoist K-Gruppen." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2013. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4692/.

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There is a gap in the existing literature as to why the New Left in West Germany entered a phase of rapid decline by the end of the 1970s. The overarching aim of this thesis is to offer a politico-theoretical explanation for the historical development of the New Left and why the ‘red decade’ between 1967 and 1976/7 ended so abruptly. Within this context, the thesis will focus on the Maoist K-Gruppen and particular emphasis will be placed on the Marxistische Gruppe, which defied the general decline of West Germany’s New Left and developed into its largest organisation during the 1980s. Furthermore, the Red Cells movement will be analysed from which both currents emerged in the wake of the student movement. Key works of the Marxistische Gruppe will be analysed with particular emphasis on politico-theoretical aspects. The analysis of the group’s theoretical work will provide a better understanding of the New Left’s historical developments against the background of the changing political environment. This thesis will conclude with reflections on developments of the radical left after the collapse of the New Left in 1989/91 and how the red decade’s legacy is still prominent in the work of the Gegenstandpunkt publishing house (the Marxistische Gruppe’s ideological successor). In conclusion, this thesis will reveal that the influence of politico-theoretical aspects on the historical development of the New Left has been given too little consideration and that the New Left’s fate cannot be adequately explained by external factors, but demands the consideration of the very development of theories and the practical conclusions organisations reached regarding their social, economic and cultural circumstances. This work will be the first to provide an insight into the potential of such a theoretical explanation for an understanding of the specific developments of the post-1968 West German New Left.
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Popovich, Sara A. "Willy Brandt’s Ostpolitik: The Changing Role in United States-West German Relations, an Analysis of United States Government Internal Documents." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/80.

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This thesis analyzes a crucial period in the relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the United States of America, through the use of US government internal documents. Willy Brandt brought forth a new vision of Ostpolitik that was starkly different from policies that the US had dealt with before, subsequently leaving the Nixon Administration largely unsure of how to react. The change in FRG economic positioning vis-à-vis the United States, and catalyst political events in the 1960’s, created the impetus for Brandt’s vision of OStpolitik, which culminated in the interim West German control of the Western Alliance’s Eastern Politics.
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WORTMANN, Martin. "Political marketing : a modern party strategy." Doctoral thesis, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5438.

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Defence date: 7 July 1989
Examining board: Prof. Hans-Jürgen Weiß, Göttingen (supervisor) ; Prof. Brian Farrell, University College, Dublin ; Prof. Nicolas Diez, University of Madrid ; Dr. Ferdinand Müller-Rommel, Hochschule Lünberg, Germany
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Chisholm, Graham. "The West German Greens between movement and party /." 1989. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/24895356.html.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California at Berkeley, 1989.
eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 288-311).
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"Rol van die Vrye Demokratiese Party (FDP) in die politieke geskiedenis van die Federale Republiek van Duitsland na 1945." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/13424.

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M.A.
Although the Free Democratic Party's (FDP) best performance at the polls was 12,8% of the votes in 1961, the party has played a far more significant role in postwar German politics than its electoral strength would suggest. Due to its participation as junior partner in coalitions with the Christian Democratic Union (1949-1956, 1961- 966) and the Social Democratic Party (1969 to present), the FOP has been represented in the Federal German Government longer than either the CDU or SPD. As it is exceptional for a single party to gain an overall majority in German politics, the two major parties are dependent on the FDP, as the only other party represented in the Bundestag, for the formation of a coalition government. Thus, in a certain sense, the FDP "determines" which of the major parties is to form the government. The purpose of this study is to analyse the development of the FDP from 1945 to the present, whilst emphasizing variations in the party's political role. To provide a sufficient background, the development of German liberalism from the nineteenth century up to 1945 has also been taken into consideration. The German liberal movement has, since Bismarckian times, been divided into two rival sections, namely "national liberalism" (right wing) and "progressive liberalism" (left wing). After the Second World War it seemed that for the first time in nearly a century both wings were to be united in one political structure namely the FDP. It seemed as if the rapid decline of' Liberalism since the turn of the century had at last been checked, factionalism eliminated and greater unity achieved. Factional rivalries, however, reappeared and caused serious strains on the FDP's internal unity and political efficiency. Basically it was a struggle to achieve an exact position for the FDP in the political spectrum: right of the CDU by uniting all nationalistic forces or as a middle party between the CDU and SPD. The first alternative ruled out the possibility of a coalition with the SPD, while the second kept...
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Mathews, Heather Elizabeth. "Making histories: the exhibition of postwar art and the interpretation of the past in divided Germany, 1950-1959." Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/3457.

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Books on the topic "Political parties – Germany (West) – History"

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Die Bundesrepublik als Parteienstaat: Zur Mitwirkung der politischen Parteien an der Willensbildung des Volkes, 1945-1949. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1990.

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Mertes, Heinz Klaus. Deutscher Bundestag, der Elfte: Auftrag und Aufgaben, parlamentarisches Geschehen, Politik als Beruf. Bonn: Deutscher Bundestag, Referat Öffentlichkeitsarbeit, 1988.

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Heinrich, Gudrun. Rot-grün in Berlin: Die alternative Liste in der Regierungsverantwortung 1989-1990. Marburg: Schüren, 1993.

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Die inszenierte Polarisierung: Die Wahlkampfsprache der Parteien in den Bundestagswahlkämpfen 1957 und 1987. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1990.

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Köster, Markus. Katholizismus und Parteien in Münster 1945-1953: Kontinuität und Wandel eines politischen Milieus. Münster: Ardey-Verlag, 1993.

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Hans-Otto, Kleinmann. Geschichte der CDU: 1945-1982. Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1993.

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Kuropka, Joachim. "Um den Karren wieder aus dem Dreck zu holen--": 50 Jahre Christlich Demokratische Union im Landkreis Vechta. Vechta: Vechtaer Druckerei und Verlag, 1995.

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1967-, Kopke Christoph, ed. Die NPD und ihr Milieu: Studien und Berichte. Münster, Germany: Klemm & Oelschläger, 2009.

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Politics after Hitler: The Western allies and the German party system. New York, N.Y: New York University Press, 1995.

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Rogers, Daniel E. Politics after Hitler: The Western allies and the German party system. Houndmills, Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1995.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political parties – Germany (West) – History"

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Hernandez, Ariel Macaspac. "The Philippines as a Case Study—Populism and Institutional Activism in Transformation Processes Towards Sustainability." In Taming the Big Green Elephant, 205–24. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31821-5_10.

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AbstractThe current resurgence and reinforcement of populists in many countries has profited not only from various real or imagined crises (e.g., 2015-present refugee crisis in Europe or the caravan of migrants in Latin America heading to the United States), but also from how established political parties and polities have addressed these crises, which have disenfranchised, in a de facto manner, a significant portion of the population. Former Greek finance minister and Professor of Economics at the University of Athens, Yanis Varoufakis, notes that President Trump’s election, Brexit, and the resurgence of right-wing political parties in Germany, Austria & other countries are not new in history, but merely “a post-modern variant of the 1930s, complete with deflation, xenophobia, and divide-and-rule politics” (Varoufakis 2016). Populist movements have found and instrumentalized compelling issues, such as emission reduction, to gain political importance.
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Kruglanski, Arie W., David Webber, and Daniel Koehler. "Right-Wing Extremism in Germany." In The Radical's Journey, 8–38. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190851095.003.0002.

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Chapter 2 provides an overview of German right-wing extremism. A history of German right-wing extremism is first discussed, tracing the formation of right-wing political parties and militant groups in this country in the post–World War II period. Critical periods and events are highlighted, including, among others, the reunification of East and West Germany and the current “refugee crisis.” The chapter describes important groups and organizations that operate or have operated within the right-wing milieu over the last decades. These groups include political parties, subcultural groups, and organizations that have committed terrorist attacks. These latter groups are discussed in terms of their formation, terrorist actions, and consequences.
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Shanshieva, Larisa N. "From the GDR to Eastern Federal Lands of Germany: features of economic and political transformation (1989–2019)." In Central and South-Eastern Europe in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries: researches and documents, 89–101. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences; Nestor-Istoriia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2712-8342.2021.2.7.

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This chapter discusses the main stages of social transformation in East Germany since 1989. The author explores the reasons for the peaceful revolution, the split of the political elite, the attempts to unite left-leaning parties, and movements around the idea of adopting a new constitution and rejecting the statehood of the GDR. The causes of the collapse of the GDR, the features of institutional changes in the eastern lands after 1990, and the protracted nature of the transformation are analyzed. The chapter also presents the data on the costs of economic recovery in the eastern federal states and the main socio-economic indicators of development in East and West Germany. Specific attention is paid to the mental differences between East and West Germans and the causes of nostalgic sentiments among the population of the Eastern lands. The question of the modern perception and study of the history of the GDR is also considered. Conclusions are drawn about the specific features of the model of social transformation in East Germany.
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Biess, Frank. "German Angst." In German Angst, 331–67. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198714187.003.0010.

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This chapter analyzes contemporary fears in the post-unification Berlin Republic since 1990. It first historicizes the slogan of a “German angst” that is often used to diagnose a German collective pathology. Instead, the chapter argues that the concept emerged in the 1980s and 1990s as part of a conservative critique of the West German environmental and peace movements. The chapter then analyzes the emergence of deterritorialized fears that were no longer primarily bound to a national context. These deterritorialized fears manifested themselves above all in the discussion of unified Germany’s place in the world, especially with respect to the question of German participation in military interventions. Similar fears emerged with respect to the increasing presence of the world in Germany—that is, with respect to immigrants and refugees. The chapter then seeks to locate the current mobilization of such fears by right-wing populist parties in the longer history of fear in postwar Germany. Right-wing populism is part of, and draws on, an expressive emotional culture, but it turns these fears against an ethnic or religious “other,” and at times also against the democratic state itself. The chapter concludes with a reflection on what a democratic politics of emotion might look like.
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Kolinsky, Eva. "The Green Party: A New Factor in the West German Political Landscape." In Parties, Opposition and Society in West Germany, 292–338. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315727431-11.

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"West Germany: economic growth and political stability." In A History of the World, 515–25. Routledge, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203641767-65.

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Griffiths, Craig. "Introduction." In The Ambivalence of Gay Liberation, 1–30. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198868965.003.0001.

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This introduction briefly places the 1970s into a longer history of homosexual emancipation in Germany, before moving onto the different ways historians have conceptualized gay liberation. The chapter calls into question the significance of the Stonewall Riots in New York City in 1969. For West Germans, the partial decriminalization of male homosexuality that same year was more important. Even so, 1969 was not a clear-cut turning-point. This introduction sets out the book’s central lens of analysis, ambivalence—the simultaneous attachment to conflicting feelings and attitudes. Drawing on queer, sociological, and psychoanalytic theory, the introduction advances three axes of ambivalence: pride/shame, normal/different, and hope/fear. This framework allows us to explore the tensions and complexities of the 1970s, as well as appreciate continuities in homosexual politics. Gay liberation was never simply the result of the more radical or the more confrontational outlook winning out over the forces of respectability and moderation.
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Pautz, Hartwig. "Germany’s Political Parties—the Newcomers." In The Oxford Handbook of German Politics, 234—C14.P104. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198817307.013.15.

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Abstract Newcomer parties are additions to a country’s ‘original’ party system. Germany is an interesting case to study with respect to the emergence and demise of newcomer parties. While it had a famously stable party system for much of its post-war history, three newcomer parties which deserve attention have emerged since the 1990s. With Die Linke, Pirate party, and Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), this chapter discusses one newcomer party which is fully established, one which did not consolidate, and one whose fate is not clear yet, despite significant success, amidst programmatic shifts and leadership turmoil. The chapter details why and how these three parties emerged and alongside which conflict lines and cleavages and discusses their programmatic and policy developments. What the chapter demonstrates is that parties can appear and disappear, and that electoral volatility is both opportunity and lethal threat to newcomer parties.
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Endelman, Todd M. "The Social and Political Context of Conversion in Germany and England 1870–1914." In Broadening Jewish History, 95–114. Liverpool University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781904113010.003.0006.

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This chapter focuses on Jews who left Judaism in the decades before the First World War and who were not attracted by the spiritual truths or ethical values of Christianity. It discusses disaffiliation as a hallmark of modern Jewish history in the West in which the flow out of Judaism was not equally strong in all countries and among all strata of Jewish society. It also analyses the characteristic patterns of drift and defection that emerged in every country or region bearing the impress of larger social and political conditions. The chapter talks about the temptation to abandon Judaism, which increased from 1870 to 1914, when rising antisemitism called into question Jewish integration into state and society with unprecedented intensity. It refers to England and Germany as states with dissimilar political cultures and social systems, which illuminates the history of the Jewish communities there.
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Nassmacher, Karl-Heinz. "Structure and impact of public subsidies to political parties in Europe: the examples of Austria, Italy, Sweden and West Germany." In Comparative Political Finance in the 1980s, 236–67. Cambridge University Press, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511598623.013.

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