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Journal articles on the topic 'Political participation'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

R.Vijayakumari, R. Vijayakumari, and K. Gangadhara Rao. "Women’s Political Participation in India." Global Journal For Research Analysis 3, no. 8 (June 15, 2012): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/22778160/august2014/149.

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2

Peterson, Steven A. "Church Participation and Political Participation." American Politics Quarterly 20, no. 1 (January 1992): 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x9202000106.

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3

Jeong, Hoi Ok. "From Civic Participation to Political Participation." VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations 24, no. 4 (July 14, 2012): 1138–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11266-012-9316-7.

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4

Sairambay, Yerkebulan. "Reconceptualising political participation." Human Affairs 30, no. 1 (January 28, 2020): 120–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/humaff-2020-0011.

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AbstractThis article offers a critical examination of various interpretations of “political participation” and shows that there is a lack of consensus among scholars concerning the definition of this particular concept. The lack of consensus has led to various conflicting outcomes (even when applied to the same problem) in the research on political participation. The main purpose of this paper is to offer a new definition of political participation that effectively addresses the challenges facing modern civil societies and the emerging era of Web 3.0. The present study argues that “civic engagement” should be differentiated from political participation such that the former is not counted as part of the latter; civic engagement fosters political participation and refers entirely to social activities. Moreover, I argue that online political actions should be accepted as an integral part of political participation if they fulfil all of the criteria of the phenomenon as defined in this article.

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5

Hooghe, Marc, Bengü Hosch-Dayican, and Jan W. van Deth. "Conceptualizing political participation." Acta Politica 49, no. 3 (May 16, 2014): 337–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ap.2014.7.

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6

Moon Woojin. "Political Information, Political Participation, and Democracy." Korean Political Science Review 43, no. 4 (December 2009): 327–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18854/kpsr.2009.43.4.014.

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7

Wolfsfeld, Gadi, Moran Yarchi, and Tal Samuel-Azran. "Political information repertoires and political participation." New Media & Society 18, no. 9 (July 10, 2016): 2096–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444815580413.

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8

Lee, Sung Choon. "The Influences of Political Participation Awareness upon Citizens' Political Participation Action." Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society 18, no. 1 (January 31, 2017): 395–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.5762/kais.2017.18.1.395.

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9

Loh, Wulf. "The Gamification of Political Participation." Moral Philosophy and Politics 6, no. 2 (November 18, 2019): 261–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mopp-2018-0037.

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Abstract Political participation lies at the heart of normative democratic theory. To foster participatory interactions between citizens, some advocates and designers are resorting to gamification as the use of psycho-motivational involvement strategies from games in non-game contexts. The hope is that through gamification mechanisms, citizens will be drawn more easily towards participation platforms, apps, and digital services, as well as remain there longer, thereby effectively enhancing participation numbers and time. In this article, I will explore the potential problems of these involvement strategies, namely the worry that they may be able to undermine citizen’s individual and political autonomy by manipulating them into participating. Depending on the severity of the psycho-motivational effect as well as the covertness of the mechanism, gamification may constitute inadmissible forms of paternalism.

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10

Zuhur, Sherifa. "Avenues of Participation." American Journal of Islam and Society 13, no. 1 (April 1, 1996): 112–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v13i1.2339.

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Singerman's work calls for the field of political science to redefine its notions of political participation in the context of developing societies. Determining the efficacy of the state's distribution of public goods and measuring the degree of popular participation in politicaJ activity are two of the five components of political development in the literature on which young political scientists have cut their teeth for several decades (Almond and Verba, 1963 ). Singerman is not challenging these notions, but rather marking the territory opened for her research on the informal economy and the so-called household politics since the earlier works of development theory gained ascendance. Arguments regarding the importance of the informaJ economy have been made earlier with regard to Egypt, notably by such scholars as Mahmoud Abdel-Fadil ( 1975, 1980), John Waterbury (1983), Robert Mabro (1974), Abdel Khalak and Tignor (1982), and Ibrahim Oweiss (1990). Other research examining the household level of the economy has been done by Homa Hoodfar (1988, 1990), with whom Singerman bas collaborated, and by such CEDEJ participants as Nadia Khouri-Dagher, Ragui Assaad, and others (Egypte Recompositions 1988) ...

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11

JACINTO, JOHN WAYNE V. "Correlates of Political Participation." International Review of Management and Business Research 7, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 41–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.30543/7-1(2018)-5.

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12

Akram, Sadiya, and David Marsh. "What is “Political” Participation." Democratic Theory 5, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 99–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/dt.2018.050208.

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Wood and Flinders re-center political participation on the idea of “nexus politics.” The effort is laudable because it contributes to other ongoing efforts at broadening our understanding of the nature of ‘political’ participation. Unfortunately, in our view, the authors misspecify new forms of political participation that have emerged by: (1) failing to take Henrik Bang’s work seriously; (2) focusing exclusively on motivation/intention, so that an action is “political,” only if the person acting sees it as “political”; (3) seeing all political participation as necessarily oppositional.

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13

Ph.D. (Economics), Peter Bearse,. "Populism & Political Participation." Advances in Politics and Economics 2, no. 2 (April 8, 2019): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/ape.v2n2p85.

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<p><em>This article defines both populism and political participation, tells why they are both important and how they interact and interrelate. Program and policy implications are drawn.</em></p>

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14

Ph.D. [Economics], Peter Bearse,. "Finance and Political Participation." Advances in Politics and Economics 2, no. 3 (July 19, 2019): p224. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/ape.v2n3p224.

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This essay identifies and discusses the factors and forces arising from finance that influence peoples’ political participation. It does so at two levels: (1) micro-economic or individual and (2) macro-economic and social. We find that both factors and forces at work are significantly adverse to political participation at all levels. The prime intermediate factor here is economic inequality, which is the subject of a companion essay published earlier.

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15

Dor, Gal, and Menachem Hofnung. "Litigation as Political Participation." Israel Studies 11, no. 2 (July 2006): 131–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/isr.2006.11.2.131.

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16

민희 and Seongyi Yun. "Emotions and Political Participation." Korean Political Science Review 50, no. 1 (March 2016): 271–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.18854/kpsr.2016.50.1.011.

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17

Meredith, Marc. "Persistence in Political Participation." Quarterly Journal of Political Science 4, no. 3 (October 30, 2009): 187–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00009015.

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18

Rossitto, Chiara. "Political Ecologies of Participation." Proceedings of the ACM on Human-Computer Interaction 5, CSCW1 (April 13, 2021): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3449286.

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19

Abramson, Paul R., and William Claggett. "Recruitment and Political Participation." Political Research Quarterly 54, no. 4 (December 2001): 905. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/449241.

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20

HOSAKA, Minoru. "Determinants of Political Participation." Annual review of sociology 2001, no. 14 (2001): 151–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5690/kantoh.2001.151.

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21

Arterton, F. Christopher. "Political Participation and "Teledemocracy"." PS: Political Science and Politics 21, no. 3 (1988): 620. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/419740.

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22

Andersson, Erik. "Young People’s Political Participation." YOUNG 26, no. 2 (October 23, 2017): 179–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1103308817729971.

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23

Worthen, Holly. "Indigenous Women’s Political Participation." Gender & Society 29, no. 6 (September 16, 2015): 914–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891243215602103.

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24

Moeller, Judith, Claes de Vreese, Frank Esser, and Ruth Kunz. "Pathway to Political Participation." American Behavioral Scientist 58, no. 5 (December 17, 2013): 689–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764213515220.

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25

Dor, Gal, and Menahem Hofnung. "Litigation as Political Participation." Israel Studies 11, no. 2 (2006): 131–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/is.2006.0016.

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26

de Leon, Erwin S., and Gem P. Daus. "Filipino American political participation." Politics, Groups, and Identities 6, no. 3 (July 3, 2018): 435–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2018.1494013.

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27

Abramson, Paul R., and William Claggett. "Recruitment and Political Participation." Political Research Quarterly 54, no. 4 (December 2001): 905–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591290105400412.

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28

Feezell, Jessica T. "Predicting Online Political Participation." Political Research Quarterly 69, no. 3 (July 11, 2016): 495–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912916652503.

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29

Serrat, Rodrigo, Andrea Petriwskyj, Feliciano Villar, and Jeni Warburton. "Learning Through Political Participation." Adult Education Quarterly 66, no. 2 (January 29, 2016): 169–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0741713615627013.

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30

Arterton, F. Christopher. "Political Participation and “Teledemocracy”." PS: Political Science & Politics 21, no. 03 (June 1988): 620–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500020357.

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31

Stoesz, D. "Social Workers' Political Participation." Social Work 44, no. 1 (January 1, 1999): 85–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sw/44.1.85-a.

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32

Jou, Willy, and Masahisa Endo. "Political participation in Japan." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 2, no. 2 (November 29, 2016): 196–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891116677349.

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There is a large volume of studies on political participation, including motivations for citizens to become involved in various channels of engagement. Building on this extensive literature, the present study examines factors that affect participation, with particular attention on the linear (conservative vs. progressive) and curvilinear (moderate vs. radical) impact of ideological orientations, and also considers the influence exerted by political interest and partisanship. Utilizing data from Japan spanning nearly three decades, we analyze changes and continuities in patterns of participation in four categories of activities: election turnout; campaigning; system-affirming; and elite-challenging. Empirical analysis reveals that radicals take a more active part in campaigning than moderates, and progressives are more inclined toward elite-challenging activities than conservatives, while no consistent results are found for turnout. The study also discusses possible causes and consequences of a long-term decline in participation in Japan.

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33

Conway, M. Margaret. "Women and Political Participation." Political Science & Politics 34, no. 02 (June 2001): 231–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096501000385.

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34

Persson, Mikael. "Education and Political Participation." British Journal of Political Science 45, no. 3 (November 22, 2013): 689–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123413000409.

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What affects who participates in politics? In most studies of political behaviour it is found that individuals with higher education participate to a larger extent in political activities than individuals with lower education. According to conventional wisdom, education is supposed to increases civic skills and political knowledge that functions as the causal mechanisms triggering participation. However, recently a number of studies have started dealing with the question of whether education is a direct cause for political participation or merely works as a proxy for other factors, such as pre-adult socialization or social network centrality. This review article provides an introduction and critical discussion of this debate.

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35

Ojeda, Christopher. "Depression and Political Participation*." Social Science Quarterly 96, no. 5 (June 9, 2015): 1226–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.12173.

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36

Ki-Choon Song. "Political Participation and Democracy." Democratic Legal Studies ll, no. 53 (November 2013): 5–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.15756/dls.2013..53.5.

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37

Gans, Herbert L. "Political Participation and Apathy." Phylon (1960-) 49, no. 3/4 (2001): 277. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3132633.

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38

Hofmann, Rainer. "Political Participation of Minorities." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 6, no. 1 (February 9, 2008): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117-90001600.

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39

Belotti, Francesca. "Political participation and commons." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 35, no. 9/10 (September 8, 2015): 649–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-10-2014-0093.

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Purpose – The crisis of confidence in political institutions has become a phenomenon with uniform trends across Europe. Nevertheless, citizens still express interest in politics and are engaged in political and social activities. What are the issues that still motivate them to go to the polls and/or engage in non-institutional forms of political participation? The case study of the Italian referendum in favour of the “Water Common Good” (June 2011) is particularly appropriate to explore these issues and motivations. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach – The paper proposes a multidisciplinary common good’s framework focusing on its social and political challenges. As the referendum succeeded also thanks to the rhetorical effectiveness of the “common good” epithet, a survey on 120 Roman citizens who voted in favour of the “Water Common Good” was conducted. The hypothesis was that the referendum success could be associated with social needs to defend strategic resources (“commons”) by actively participating in the deliberations on them. A quantitative non-probabilistic research was carried out face-to-face, through a standardized and semi-structured questionnaire. Findings – The main findings refer to the leading role that distrust in political institutions, civil society activism and common good rhetorical effectiveness played. Originality/value – The most original contribution of this paper is the explanatory and stipulative definition of common good, which reduces the semantic uncertainty of the concept including common sense meanings. This novel conceptualization has practical implications in policy terms, as it explicates the social need to change the way of conceiving the relationship with strategic resources and decision-making processes concerning them.

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40

Hamilton, David, and David Fauri. "Social Workers′ Political Participation." Journal of Social Work Education 37, no. 2 (April 2001): 321–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10437797.2001.10779057.

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41

Leeson, Peter T. "Media Freedom, Political Knowledge, and Participation." Journal of Economic Perspectives 22, no. 2 (March 1, 2008): 155–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.22.2.155.

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This paper examines the relationship between media freedom from government control and citizens' political knowledge, political participation, and voter turnout. To explore these connections, I first examine media freedom and citizens' political knowledge in thirteen central and eastern European countries with data from Freedom House's Freedom of the Press report and the European Commission's Candidate Countries Eurobarometer survey. Next, I consider media freedom and citizens' political participation in 60 countries using data from the World Values Survey. Finally, I investigate media freedom and voter turnout in these same 60 or so countries with data from the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance. I find that where government owns a larger share of media outlets and infrastructure, regulates the media industry more, and does more to control the content of news, citizens are more politically ignorant and apathetic. Where the media is less regulated and there is greater private ownership in the media industry, citizens are more politically knowledgeable and active. These results are robust to sample, specification, and alternative measures of media freedom.

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42

Mattila, Mikko, and Achillefs Papageorgiou. "Disability, perceived discrimination and political participation." International Political Science Review 38, no. 5 (June 22, 2016): 505–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512116655813.

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Disability affects the lives of hundreds of millions across the world. People with disabilities often experience discrimination and unequal treatment. Sometimes the mere categorization of people into groups, that is, ‘healthy’ vs. ‘disabled’, is enough to trigger discriminatory behaviour against people with disabilities. Previous studies show that in general disabilities depress political participation. However, the effect of disability-based discrimination on participation has received little scholarly attention. We study how perceptions of discrimination affect three forms of political participation: voting; contacting politicians; and participating in demonstrations. Results show that disability decreases voting, especially when associated with perceptions of discrimination. The analysis points in the opposite direction when the other two forms of political participation are analysed. People with disabilities are more likely to partake in demonstrations and contact politicians than non-disabled. Thus, disability-based discrimination is not always a hindrance to participation. It sometimes further motivates people with disabilities to participate.

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43

Reichert, Frank. "How internal political efficacy translates political knowledge into political participation: Evidence from Germany." Europe’s Journal of Psychology 12, no. 2 (May 31, 2016): 221–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/ejop.v12i2.1095.

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This study presents evidence for the mediation effect of political knowledge through political self-efficacy (i.e. internal political efficacy) in the prediction of political participation. It employs an action theoretic approach—by and large grounded on the Theory of Planned Behaviour—and uses data from the German Longitudinal Election Study to examine whether political knowledge has distinct direct effects on voting, conventional, and/or unconventional political participation. It argues that political knowledge raises internal political efficacy and thereby indirectly increases the chance that a citizen will participate in politics. The results of mediated multiple regression analyses yield evidence that political knowledge indeed translates into internal political efficacy, thus it affects political participation of various kinds indirectly. However, internal political efficacy and intentions to participate politically yield simultaneous direct effects only on conventional political participation. Sequentially mediated effects appear for voting and conventional political participation, with political knowledge being mediated by internal political efficacy and subsequently also by behavioural intentions. The mediation patterns for unconventional political participation are less clear though. The discussion accounts for restrictions of this study and points to questions for answer by future research.

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44

Ahmed El Khatib, Dr Numan. "POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN THE ISLAMIC POLITICAL THOUGHT." مجلة الحقوق للبحوث القانونية والاقتصادية 2.1992, no. 1 (July 1, 1992): 68–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/lalexu.1992.291433.

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45

Yun, Jun. "Relationship Between Political News Using and Online Political Participation: Roles of Political Trust and Political Interest." Advances in Economics, Management and Political Sciences 2, no. 1 (February 14, 2023): 21–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/aemps.2023016.

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In order to explore the impact of political news use on college students' online political participation and its mechanism, this study conducted a questionnaire survey and data analysis on 420 college students. The results show that the political news using can positively predict college students' online political participation, and political trust mediates this relationship; The moderated mediation model shows that political interest moderates the relationship between the political news using and online political participation, that means, the higher the political interest, the stronger the impact of the political news using on online political participation.

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46

Yun, Jun. "Relationship Between Political News Using and Online Political Participation: Roles of Political Trust and Political Interest." Advances in Economics, Management and Political Sciences 2, no. 1 (February 14, 2023): 21–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/ace.2023016.

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In order to explore the impact of political news use on college students' online political participation and its mechanism, this study conducted a questionnaire survey and data analysis on 420 college students. The results show that the political news using can positively predict college students' online political participation, and political trust mediates this relationship; The moderated mediation model shows that political interest moderates the relationship between the political news using and online political participation, that means, the higher the political interest, the stronger the impact of the political news using on online political participation.

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47

Yun, Jun. "Relationship Between Political News Using and Online Political Participation: Roles of Political Trust and Political Interest." Advances in Economics, Management and Political Sciences 2, no. 1 (February 14, 2023): 21–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2754-1169/2/2023016.

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In order to explore the impact of political news use on college students' online political participation and its mechanism, this study conducted a questionnaire survey and data analysis on 420 college students. The results show that the political news using can positively predict college students' online political participation, and political trust mediates this relationship; The moderated mediation model shows that political interest moderates the relationship between the political news using and online political participation, that means, the higher the political interest, the stronger the impact of the political news using on online political participation.

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48

Oh, Youngmin, and Seunghoo Lim. "Connecting a missing link between participation in administration and political participation: the mediating role of political efficacy." International Review of Administrative Sciences 83, no. 4 (April 18, 2016): 694–716. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852315591644.

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Public participation in administrative or political processes has been advocated as an important democratic reform by scholars and practitioners. Despite the importance of such public participation mechanisms, the relationship between participation in administration and political participation remains unexplored. This study aims to connect the missing link by empirically testing the mediating roles of political efficacy between two types of public participation. By connecting administrative and political participation through political efficacy, we intend to demonstrate that citizen participation in administration plays a pivotal role in remedying declining political participation. For the empirical tests, cross-sectional data from local jurisdictions in Korea were collected by survey questionnaires, and a series of Structural Equation Models are used to identify the causal relationships among these variables. The findings demonstrate that participation in administration influences political participation only through political efficacy, while the demand for participation in administration is connected to political participation either directly or through internal political efficacy. Conversely, political participation fosters participation in administration only through political efficacy. Given the empirical evidence, participation in administration and political participation reinforce each other, and political efficacy plays a critical role in mediating the two types of public participation. Points for practitioners Borrowing the concept of political efficacy, this study sheds theoretical light on a missing link between administrative and political participation. Practitioners need to realize that devising authentic administrative programs is a useful way to remedy waning democratic participation. Practitioners need to suggest many specific ideas on how to foster citizens’ political efficacy through public participation. By doing this, citizens could be politically awakened, which would lead to their increased participation. In this sense, this study is an initial step in exploring the possibility of democratic benefits produced by public participation mechanisms beyond the normative and instrumental benefits.

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49

Spaiser, Viktoria. "Young Immigrants’ Internet Political Participation in Germany." International Journal of E-Politics 4, no. 1 (January 2013): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jep.2013010101.

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This paper discusses the results of research on young immigrants’ political participation on the Internet in Germany. The research focuses on young people from Turkish and East European backgrounds. The interrelation between offline political activities and online political participation is explained and the differences between the two groups are examined. While young German Turks are particularly politically active Internet users, young German East Europeans are rather hesitant about using the Internet for political purposes. Statistical models show that young German Turks’ political Internet use is motivated by grievances, while young German East Europeans’ political Internet use is motivated by sentimental pessimism and world-weariness.

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50

Zhang, Kangwen. "Political Participation, Political Efficacy and Trust for Government." BCP Social Sciences & Humanities 17 (May 10, 2022): 312–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpssh.v17i.672.

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A person without trust cannot stand. A country without trust might decline. The rapid development of China's economy and the growing strength of the country cannot be separated from mutual, effective, coordinated and sustainable interaction between the government and the citizens. The achievement can neither be separated from the citizens' trust for the government, nor from the government's improvement of the citizens' political participation and the cultivation of their sense of political efficacy. This paper uses 11,783 pieces of data from the China General Social Survey (2010) to further refine political participation into institutionalised and non-institutionalised participation through factor analysis and regression analysis to explore the effects and mechanisms of influence between institutionalised participation, non-institutionalised participation, political efficacy and trust for government. The results of the analysis show that institutionalised participation has a non-significant positive effect on trust for government, non-institutionalised participation has a significant negative effect on trust for government and political efficacy has a significant positive effect on trust for government. Based on these findings, it is proposed to strengthen the institutionalisation of political participation and improve government performance assessment to further enhance citizens' trust for government.

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