Academic literature on the topic 'Political participation Timor-Leste'

Woman had been neglected from the political affairs in the early of post-independent era. It raised the concerns of women activists on political participation. They realized Timorese women had played a significant role in fighting for independence along with male veterans. Caucus Feto Iha Politika appears as the prominent NGO in Timor-Leste that promoting gender equality in politics. It resulted the rising of women’s representation in Timor-Leste Parliament significantly. Moreover, its woman participation in parliament achieves the highest percentage in the Asia Pacific. This research lies on the question of how does the role of Caucus Feto Iha Politika in increasing women’s representation in parliament of Timor-Leste. The data obtained from primary and secondary sources by conducting the in-depth interview and library research. In order to answer the research question, the authors reiterated the three main components of NGOs roles –implementer, catalyst, and partner by Lewis as the analytical framework. The authors humbly concluded that for increasing the number of women MPs, Caucus Feto Iha Politika played two prominent roles, as follows: 1) catalyst, by advocating the policy change of women-friendly legislative quota policy to the Government of Timor-Leste, and 2) partner, by working closely with the related stakeholders to increase the capacity of potential female candidates and elected women MPs through capacity building.

Abstract When Timor-Leste (re)gained its independence in 2002, it appeared to be a triumph of international state building. In a relatively short period, a massive United Nations (UN)-run mission had purportedly built the institutions of a liberal democratic state. State building took place in a highly globalized context; there was a large UN presence as well as international non-governmental organizations, academics, journalists, and activists. In addition, many exiled Timorese leaders returned to play a role. While constitution making was central to state building, there are questions about the legitimacy, effectiveness, and stability of the Timor-Leste Constitution and the state institutions that it created. This article focuses on three aspects of the interplay between the global and local during the constitution-making process. First, it considers the relationship between the UN and Timorese elites, finding that the UN adopted a hands-off approach that created space for certain elites to dominate and politicize the process. These returning exiles engaged in ‘cut and paste’ constitution making, with much of the Timor-Leste Constitution based on the 1989 version of the Portuguese Constitution (modified to an extent by the 1990 Mozambican Constitution). Second, it analyses whether the constitution-making process was a true exercise of the constituent power of the Timorese people and concludes that the dominance of certain elites contributed to social division. Third, it discusses the significance of public participation, noting that minimal participation has meant that the Constitution does not reflect the views of most Timorese people. This is even though the principle of ‘popular sovereignty’ implies that, at least in states that aspire to be liberal democracies, people should be given the opportunity to participate in making their state’s Constitution. It concludes by arguing that the Timorese people missed the opportunity for their Constitution to define the political bond between them and embed state institutions in the local context.

AbstractA new casting of diasporas, exiles and returnees as potentially transformative agents in post-conflict polities is the topic of this article. ‘Return of Qualified Expatriates’ programmes have recently been launched by international agencies in a number of post-conflict countries in an attempt to promote better capacity-building within post-conflict states institutions. This article argues that the ostensible technical orientation of these programmes is misleading, and they have a political significance which is noted and contested locally. In political terms, they represent attempts to smuggle Western hierarchies of knowledge into post-conflict reconstruction efforts under the cover of ethnic solidarity, to the detriment of local participation and empowerment. The article argues further that this is always contested by interested parties locally, often by mobilising alternative capacities, labelled ‘authentic’, in opposition. As such, strategies that attempt to use ethnic ties to overcome this local contestation are placing a significant burden on ethnic categories that are slippery, malleable and contested in post-conflict contexts. These points are demonstrated with reference to the cases of Cambodia and Timor-Leste.

Abstract Barriers to acquiring and using a shared sign language alienate deaf children and adults from their fundamental human rights to communication, education, social and economic participation, and access to services. International data collected by the World Federation of the Deaf (WFD) identify that in economically developing countries, deaf individuals are at particularly high risk of marginalization, which applies to countries in the Pacific region. This report provides a snapshot of the status of deaf people as sign language users in six Pacific nations: Fiji, Papua New Guinea (PNG), Samoa, Solomon Islands, Timor Leste and Kiribati. Information was contributed by sign language interpreters from these countries during a panel convened at the first Oceania regional conference of the World Association of Sign Language Interpreters, in Fiji, 2018. The report outlines conditions for education through sign language and the emergence of sign language interpreting as a means of increasing access and social equity for deaf people in these countries, albeit this remains largely on a voluntary basis. While Fiji and PNG governments have recognized the status of sign languages in their respective countries and allocated some resources to the inclusion of sign language users, practical support of deaf sign language users tends to be progressed on grounds of disability rights rather than language rights; e.g., several Pacific countries have ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights for People with Disabilities, which includes provisions for sign language users, and deaf advocacy efforts have gained political traction from alliance with disability organizations.

Customary gender roles in Timor-Leste have a profound effect on the respective life opportunities of young Timorese women and men, but since independence, there have been challenges to traditional gender roles. This article investigates how young Timorese women, due to their gender and age, face significant limits to their social and political participation and how young women in rural areas continue to be amongst the least heard members of the community. Drawing on interviews with Timorese women and youth, the article analyses the opportunities and limitations for young women to further their education and engage constructively in the development of their communities.

A emergência da democracia em Timor-Leste é um processo ainda recente, apresenta um sistema político multipartidário em que o número de partidos políticos registados já é de 35 partidos e com tendência a crescer em cada período eleitoral. Geograficamente é um pequeno país, com uma área de 14.954,44 km2, e com uma população que é inferior a 1,261 milhões de pessoas, e é também considerado muito heterogéneo em termos sociais, económicos e culturais, atributos que importam realçar em função da clivagem dos partidos políticos. Face a esta especificidade, justifica-se o objetivo de aprofundar o conhecimento sobre a dinâmica dos partidos políticos e participação dos cidadãos com vista a contribuir para uma maior compreensão sobre o processo de consolidação da democracia em Timor-Leste. Para o efeito, aplica-se uma metodologia mista, predominantemente qualitativa, assente numa intensa pesquisa documental e complementada com informação provocada em resposta aos objetivos traçados. O estudo desenvolveu-se o com recurso a dados recolhidos através de entrevistas, com 14 representantes de líderes dos partidos, documentos oficiais dos partidos (estatutos e manuais políticos) e estatísticas publicadas pela Comissão Nacional de Eleições sobre a participação política e dinâmica evolutiva dos partidos políticos em Timor-Leste. Complementarmente são analisadas entrevistas e debates públicos dos líderes políticos divulgados na Radio Televisão Timor Leste- empresa pública (RTTL-ep) no decorrer do último período eleitoral. Os principais resultados do estudo evidenciam que o povo timorense demostra a vontade de presença da democracia, assente num espírito de liberdade política e humanismo que fomenta a motivação dos cidadãos em formar partidos políticos. Estes são um meio institucional para a consolidação da democracia, com vista a prevenir a hegemonia política partidária, promovendo igualdade e participação política no desenvolvimento nacional baseado na identidade cultural. De fato, a representação política partidária no Parlamento Nacional, maioritariamente de ideologia socialista e tendência para um socialismo moderado, evidencia a modalidade política de clientelismo do tipo de partido elite- based;POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY IN EAST TIMOR. ABSTRACT: The emergence of democracy in Timor-Leste is still a recent process, it presents a multi party-political system in which the number of registered political parties is already 35 parties and with a tendency to grow in each electoral period. Geographically, it is a small country, with an area of 14,954.44 km2, and a population that is less than 1.261 million people, and also considered very heterogeneous in social, economic and cultural terms, attributes that are important to highlight due to the cleavage of the political parties. Given this specificity, the objective of deepening knowledge about the dynamics of political parties and citizen participation is justified, with a view to contributing to a greater understanding of the process of consolidating democracy in Timor-Leste. For this purpose, a mixed methodology is applied, predominantly qualitative, based on intense documental research and complemented with information generated in response to the outlined objectives. The study was published using data collected through declarations, with 14 representatives of party leaders, official documents of the parties (statutes and political manuals) and statistics published by the National Election Commission on political participation and evolutionary dynamics of the parties’ politicians in Timor-Leste. In addition, related issues and public debates of political leaders published on Radio Televisão Timor-Leste – empresa pública (Rttl-ep) during the last electoral period are analyzed. The main result of the study shows that the Timorese people demonstrate the will for the presence of democracy, based on a spirit of political freedom and humanism that fosters the motivation of citizens to form political parties. These are an institutional means for the consolidation of democracy, with a view to preventing party political hegemony, promoting political participation and participation in national development based on cultural identity. In fact, the party politics in the National Parliament, mostly of socialist ideology and tendency towards a moderate socialism, evidences the political modality of clientelism of the elite party type.

This book explores the political dilemmas around security governance in war-torn countries. Security assistance has become the largest component of international peacebuilding and stabilization efforts, and a primary tool for responding to civil war and insurgency. Donors and peacekeepers not only train and equip military and police forces, they also seek to overhaul their structure, management, and oversight. As international actors have attempted to strengthen oversight and curb abuse, however, they have run into thorny political obstacles. Varied outcomes have raised questions about the value of international assistance for strengthening state institutions. This book confronts these questions by delving into the political dimensions of security governance. Shifting from the perspective of outside actors to those of leaders and officials in war-torn countries, it highlights the political challenges that arise as they seek to consolidate authority. The book shows that the extent to which state policymakers adopt changes to the management and oversight of security forces depends on internal political dynamics, specifically the degree to which leaders need to consolidate power. The political strategies leaders pursue, in turn, affect opportunities for external actors to influence institutional changes through means such as conditions on aid, norm diffusion, or day-to-day participation in decision-making. Drawing on an original dataset of security governance and field research in Liberia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Timor-Leste, as well as mini-case studies of Iraq, Afghanistan, South Sudan, and Somalia, this book explains the success and failure of international security assistance and sheds light on the politics of peacebuilding. It explains why more aid does not always improve outcomes, and when political interests enable institutional change—sometimes in unintended ways. Going beyond “context matters,” it provides practical recommendations for navigating the political challenges of institutional change in conflict-affected countries.