Academic literature on the topic 'Political participation – Technological innovations – Canada'

In a rapidly evolving online environment where the inter-relationship between information and innovation is evolving from primarily closed and inward structures to much more open and networked governance arrangements, the public sector faces growing pressures and new opportunities to reform and adapt. Open data and big data are now widely embraced initiatives to spur innovation both inside of and outside of the public sector. Their capacity to foster innovation is nonetheless shaped by critical tensions between traditional government structures and culture on the one hand and more open and participative notions of governance on the other hand. Within such a context, this article examines the current Government of Canada Open Government Action Plan and its three main dimensions: information, data, and dialogue. The analysis reveals that despite some progress in the realm of open data, information and dialogue are constrained by the aforementioned tensions and the need for wider reforms to various architectural facets of the public sector – administratively, technologically, politically, and socially. Across each of these layers, we consider the sorts of wider reforms required in order to facilitate systemic innovation within the government and across sectors.

As Arctic navigation increases and states work, both at the international and the domestic level, at ensuring legal readiness, this article takes a closer look at regulation of Arctic Shipping in Canada and Russia. The analysis first focuses on the current domestic regimes that have developed over the past decades. It highlights that dissimilar political, economic and environmental contexts have shaped not only different shipping patterns off the Canadian and Russian coasts, but also dissimilar coastal state approaches that do not seem to converge noticeably under the influence of the Polar Code. The analysis then turns to challenges that lay ahead as existing regimes could be called into question due to receding ice cover and may need to adapt to evolving shipping patterns and technological innovations.

AbstractThe renewal of the Canada-US North American Aerospace Defence (NORAD) agreement in March 1986 will not end the debate on the relationship between NORAD and trends in American strategy, including the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI). This article reviews and explains the various strains of that debate. It points out why some in Canada argue that participation in NORAD will inevitably lead to Canadian involvement in the ballistic missile defence objective of the SDI. It also notes, however, why the military and other observers are concerned that strategic and technological trends in the US may make it difficult for Canada to remain active in North American aerospace defence, and indeed, even to provide for its own air sovereignty.

Abstract Indigenous journalism can facilitate the inclusion of Indigenous voices in the public sphere, thereby contributing to social change. Contemporary Indigenous journalism is in part facilitated by the introduction and diffusion of paradigmatic media innovations, including the Internet, mobile technology, and social media. Based on a literature review, we investigate how media innovations are understood to facilitate Indigenous journalism and find that few empirical studies directly address this question. Analyses of Indigenous journalism, reaching beyond the potential for increased access to media and for amplification of Indigenous voice, are lacking. Furthermore, little research investigates how the appropriation of new technological affordances influence the production of Indigenous journalism. Our review also indicates that while Indigenous political participation can be facilitated by media innovation, these innovations can also serve to reinforce existing power relations. We submit that more critical analytical approaches are required to investigate how media innovations might facilitate the potential of Indigenous journalism for social change.

In many ways, our democratic institutions, processes, and frameworks resemble the dinosaurs of the Cretaceous period...They have ceased to evolve sufficiently and are being left behind in an environment where technological innovations and greater expectations for political consultation, participation, and accountability have combined to present new challenges to the legitimacy, and perhaps the viability, of the status quo. Indeed, without further evolution, one wonders how our democratic dinosaurs will be able to survive cataclysmic events on the horizon, including escalating terrorism events and their aftermath.

The article considers the features of transport as an object of technological innovation, due, on the one hand, to the service nature of the main activity and the specifics of innovative processes during provision of transport and logistics services, and, on the other hand, to the high capital intensity and technological complexity of the infrastructure transport complex, which is the focus point of technological innovation.The objective of the article is to substantiate the initial prerequisites for developing an alternative approach to making strategic decisions on development of transport organisations based on technological innovations, which, besides the traditional justification of economic efficiency, considers several non-economic factors. The method of substantiation is a systemic strategic analysis, which allows to study the features of the transport complex in the context of the factors of external environment and their dynamics.Regarding the Russian Federation, the scale of the national territory, natural and climatic diversity and uneven territorial distribution of the resource and production base determine the special role and place of transport in the national economy, which quite often leads to the need to make decisions on development of the transport complex based on predominantly non-economic factors (such as security, reliability, environmental friendliness, etc.) and on scientific, technical, political and socio-economic forecasts. At the same time, private enterprises (with or without participation of the state) dominate currently almost all transport sectors where they operate on the principles of profitability, investment attractiveness and competitiveness, which leads to inconsistency of internal decision-making criteria in the field of technological strategies.The ongoing change in the technological paradigm is an additional and significant factor determining trends in transport developments. It is based on the processes of digitalisation and digital transformation of the transport and logistics business. The problems of decision-making in implementation of technological innovations in transport industry, arising from its peculiarities, necessitate a revision of approaches since economic assessments of efficiency are not always able to reflect the real needs and feasibility of choosing mainstream trends in technological development of the transport system.The analysis of the features of the transport and logistics industry based on universal experience and cases in Russian practices in the context of formation of a new technological paradigm makes it possible to substantiate the methodology for making strategic decisions on implementation of technological innovations.

This study investigates the role of technological innovation in increasing the effectiveness of the Kyoto Protocol in terms of greenhouse gas (GHG) mitigation. Panel data showing the number of patents for climate change mitigation technology as a measure of innovation are obtained from 54 countries for the period 1990–2015 to verify whether technological innovation is effective in reducing GHG emissions and whether it has a significant synergetic relationship with the Kyoto Protocol. The historical trends in the number of patents for climate change mitigation technology reveal a relationship between the Kyoto Protocol and technological innovation and show differences between specific types of mitigation technology. Based on these innovation data, this study conducts two-stage least squares analysis that considers the time-lag effect. The empirical results confirm that mitigation innovations for buildings and the production or processing of goods have a strong positive association with GHG emission reduction. The findings also support the long-term synergetic effect between innovation and participation in the Kyoto Protocol in terms of GHG mitigation. This study contributes to international climate change governance by providing empirical evidence for technological innovation’s role in strengthening the effectiveness of international regimes and implications for promoting open innovation.

AbstractObjectiveRenewed focus on public health has brought about considerable interest in workforce development among public health nutrition professionals in Canada. The present article describes a situational assessment of public health nutrition practice in Canada that will be used to guide future workforce development efforts.MethodsA situational assessment is a planning approach that considers strengths and opportunities as well as needs and challenges, and emphasizes stakeholder participation. This situational assessment consisted of four components: a systematic review of literature on public health nutrition workforce issues; key informant interviews; a PEEST (political, economic, environmental, social, technological) factor analysis; and a consensus meeting.FindingsInformation gathered from these sources identified key nutrition and health concerns of the population; the need to define public health nutrition practice, roles and functions; demand for increased training, education and leadership opportunities; inconsistent qualification requirements across the country; and the desire for a common vision among practitioners.ConclusionsFindings of the situational assessment were used to create a three-year public health nutrition workforce development strategy. Specific objectives of the strategy are to define public health nutrition practice in Canada, develop competencies, collaborate with other disciplines, and begin to establish a new professional group or leadership structure to promote and enhance public health nutrition practice. The process of conducting the situational assessment not only provided valuable information for planning purposes, but also served as an effective mechanism for engaging stakeholders and building consensus.

Research on information technology has been focused primarily on the worlds of IT and management systems for business and government to the relative neglect of research on the digital and institutional infrastructures that underpin the research enterprise itself. When digital research is studied, the emphasis has been on the diffusion of technological innovations, rather than the social and political dynamics shaping the design and role of technologies in research. However, what researchers know, and with whom they collaborate, could be transformed through the strategic use of advances designed to support research, defined here as ‘research-centred computational networks’. This article presents a framework for conceptualizing the social and technological choices shaping the next generation of research in ways that could open – democratize – key aspects of the research process that move well beyond academic publication. The framework highlights the limited scope of innovation to date, and identifies a variety of factors that maintain and enhance institutional control over the research process, at the risk of losing the creative and productive bottom-up participation by networked researchers and citizen researchers among the public at large. Conceptualizing, prioritizing and advancing study of next generation research is one of the most significant but difficult challenges facing scholars of information technology.

A scientific study of the directions for the formation, implementation and support of scientific, technological and innovation policy (STI policy) in the highly developed countries to overcome the COVID-19 pandemic and the crisis phenomena has been investigated. Measures and instruments of general political support for the STI sphere, in addition to effective medical and pharmacological support, also cover organizational and technical, financial, socio-economic, information, scientific and innovative support. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of directions for supporting scientific research, the development of new technologies and innovations to overcome the consequences of the coronavirus; coordination of actions and strengthening of cooperation at the national and international levels. The features of the introduction of state assistance instruments (support packages) of innovative business structures during the crisis are considered; holding collective events at the national and international levels; open exchange of data on the results of research and development — are analyzed. OECD data on decisions and measures taken by national governments and international organizations to overcome the pandemic, as well as support scientific and business structures during the crisis, have been analyzed and systematized. Eight main directions of STI support for five countries (Great Britain, Germany, Canada, Norway, Japan) are highlighted, which are combined in a summary table.

Since the emergence of the Internet, scholars have had mixed opinions regarding its role in influencing levels of political participation. Two frameworks, the mobilization and the reinforcement theses, were created from these opposing views. The introduction of social networking websites (such as Facebook) offers new platforms with which to test these opposing theories on. This study investigates the Facebook group ―Canadian‘s against Proroguing Parliament,‖ to determine: 1) what the members' motivations were for participating in the group, 2) whether the group attracted formerly marginalized voices to participate on the group, or simply reinforced those who were already active in the political process, and 3) whether the participation of members on the group translated into offline or real world political participation. The findings suggest that the group‘s members had a variety of reasons for joining the group. As well, the findings suggest that the group both mobilized reinforced its participants. Finally, the data indicates that in some instances, the group‘s members translated their online participation into real world political activity.
171 leaves ; 29 cm

This paper examines differences between what voters want from a campaign website and what political parties are actually providing on their campaign websites. A series of focus groups were conducted and the results of those discussions provided insight into what potential voters wanted from a campaign website. Analysis of the Conservative, Liberal, Bloc Quebecois, Green and New Democratic Party campaign websites was then conducted, and the results provided a glimpse at what the political parties were providing during the 2004 federal election campaign. The results of this research show that is a significance imbalance between what the political parties in Canada were providing and what the focus groups mentioned they wanted from a campaign website. The participants wanted more engaging and mobilizing features, while the campaign websites used during the 2004 election lacked these types of features.
vi, 130 leaves ; 29 cm.

Activists are increasingly relying on online tactics and digital tools to address social issues. This shift towards reliance on the Internet has been shown to have salient implications for social movement formation processes; however, the effectiveness of such actions for achieving specific goals remains largely unaddressed. This study explores how the types of Internet activism and digital tools used by activism campaigns relate to success in meeting stated goals. To address these questions, the study builds on an existing framework that distinguishes between four distinct types of Internet activism: brochure-ware, which is oriented towards information distribution; e-mobilizations, which treats digital media merely as a tool for mobilizing individuals offline; online participation, which is characterized by wholly online actions such as e-petitions or virtual protests; and online organizing, where organization of a movement takes place exclusively via the internet with no face-to-face coordination by organizers. Ordinal regression models were conducted utilizing cross-sectional data from the Global Digital Activism Data Set (GDADS), a compilation of information on 426 activism campaigns from around the world that began between 2010 and 2012; additional data regarding the types of Internet activism used was also appended to the GDADS using source materials provided within the data set. The findings suggest that use of the Internet for mobilizing offline actions is negatively associated with campaign success, but that this does not hold true for protest actions organized without use of digital tools. E-petition use was also found to be negatively related to achievement of campaign goals.

Scholarly interest for the impact of technologies on democracy has raised in parallel to the decline of political participation. Technology has often been seen as either one of the causes of the crisis of representative democracy or as a powerful remedy to heal the negative externalities generated by party oligopolies.

The study of the impact of new media in party politics or presidential elections dates back the forties (with the outgrowth of radio) and has evolved in cyclical waves until today, covering the emergence of television, the development of global telecommunications, the birth of internet and finally what’s popularly called the Web 2.0.

The notion of eDemocracy emerges from this dynamic, but is in a league of its own.

There is no agreement on many of the terms that one needs to use to dissect its meaning. Scholars diverge on virtually every foundational concept: from the very definition of democracy and interactivity, to the core functions of political parties, to the definition of propaganda as opposed to political communication or to political marketing. As a consequence of this, there is little agreement on both what could be done in theory with eDemocracy and what is actually done in practice.

A permanent tension exist between idealtypes and real types in this domain.

The aim of this research is to prove this thesis with the largest and most global research unit of political parties web sites at the time of writing.

The choice of an information architecture approach has allowed to cover some uncharted territory while providing a first set of data on the structures of the political web (in 2004-2005) for public scrutiny.

The core of this research contribution consists in a basic taxonomy and a set of data (on the intentions and on the information architecture) resulting from a 10 years observational research on the early actors of the political web (stricto sensu i.e. 2073 political parties web sites), reviewed with a new degree of detail (through an ad hoc software procedure aiming at dissecting the structure of political web sites) and grouped into 3 main families (protosites, mesosites and neosites) of party web sites. These clusters of homogeneous web sites share a common way to deal with space, with files, with usability, with multimedia.

Classic views on eDemocracy insisted on the improvement deriving from more political information online: in theory, the more information we have, the more we can compare it and use it for our political orientation/participation. In practice, to describe the problem in cybernetic terms, this empirical research shows that load appears to be an issue for most party sites: there is too often either too little content (one out of five party sites around the world is a "protosite") or too much (11% of the observed universe materializes in real “content caverns”). A little more than 4% of the sites (a high end mesosite or neosite) had between 10000 and 48,000 links !

Cyber optimists have seen in the proliferation of party web sites a sign of improved party competition. For political minorities or for incumbent parties, in the political web, like in eCommerce, what really makes the difference is the conversion rate i.e. the number of visitors that turn into involved voters. Now, with the type of technical, socio-economical constraints reducing the widespread access to the net, with motivational factors (trust and degree of social connectedness) that may alter the individual’s response to the online information offer, with the imperfect implementation (in terms of usability) of the information architecture requirements for optimal political persuasion and communication online, the actual conversation rate of political parties web sites is likely to remain modest.

One of the most characteristic uses of the political web discovered in this research is to provide cloud like archival services for the party community. Parties - in the first ten years of the political web - were trying to check mainstream media and use their sites as a low cost, contemporary version of the party newspapers of the 70s.

Although this dissertation is not investigating the specific impact of party sites, the structural analysis carried out in the empirical validation suggests that the architecture of party sites in the years 1995-2005 was developing in such a way to be less and less capable of injecting meaningful inputs in the circuitry of modern democratic institutions. Engaged in a frontal competition with traditional news media (and deprived of the same assets), the early political web stricto sensu (and the set of interactive applications it contains) seems to be too a weak vector to channel adequate stimuli to alter and modify electoral processes or institutional dynamics.

The majority of the respondents of a political webmasters survey (107 individuals responded to the survey) carried out in the course of this research project indicates that the party site is not the party's leaders favourite platform to launch messages (64% of the answers disagree or strongly disagree to the statement). The majority of the respondents in the same empirical fieldwork agrees to the following statements: “the web is not the most important tool for the party communication strategy (58%)”, “key messages are published simultaneously on all media available (77%)”, “the party has created this site to allow people to contact candidates directly (63%)”, “the biggest part of the interaction with the public happens live, in meetings - the web is used essentially to post the party documents and to give news to the electorate (73%)”.

The most interesting results of this question are related to the transactive / mediating role of party communication online. It is beyond any doubt that in the view of these respondents their site has not been created “to invite the opposition to discuss with us (81%)”. If there is a politically relevant process that goes on in these sites it’s really among like-minded.

The mission statement [our party site is meant] “to gather the wants and needs of the electorate” splits respondents in two (54% of the respondents agrees and 47% and disagrees), but 73% of all respondents also agrees that most of the interactions with the electorate are non mediated, thus limiting the relevance of the political web stricto sensu to a mere information delivery platform.

The central thesis emerging from this first major reality check of the political web is that the structure of most party sites is simply not made to generate the ambitious levels of deliberative democracy. Not only a large number of party sites are microscopic, but they lack the basic means for human to human interactivity, a criticism that .In 34,7% of the cases scrutinized in the survey the sites lacked even of the mailto command (used to allow end users to write mails to the webmaster). In 51.9% of the cases there is no form at all, to facilitate structured communications between the party and the audience. The majority of the early actors of the political web were not structured to engage in deliberative activities. Only a fraction of the universe (between 1 and 2%) showed multiple forms and input methods corresponding to advanced neosites (along the model of the US Green Party Action Centre) or the so called over exposure sites (such as the Argentinian Humanista party). The bottom line is that interactivity levels found – worldwide - on the largest array of political parties sites were (in the period between 1995 and 2005) simply discouraging, if one tends to believe in the rhetoric of eDemocracy.

A corollary of my central thesis is that the reality of the political web generated by parties between 1995 and 2005, shows a significant presence of techniques and communication forms typical of political marketing and propaganda. ‘Commands’, calls for ortopraxy, confrontational communication and a growing number of ‘digital tricks’ structure the toolbox of the best party web architects. A form of weak propaganda (the only sort of ‘naked hand’ propaganda that most political parties can afford to pay) has invaded and captured cyberspace. And the user community is becoming increasingly aware of this.

This research does not cover the user dimension. However marginal data obtained in one of the three empirical sections (the Web Master survey) seem to indicate that the political web (of the early years) maintained the capacity to swing some marginal seats.

This research covers forms of interactivity based on BBS, online fora and blogs but does not cover the historical period of the development of social networks such as Facebook and Twitter. The scientific conclusions are therefore intrinsically limited in value to the decade they refer to, but it is argued in the conclusions that recent surveys (Internet and Campaign 2010 Survey by Pew) do not seem to indicate that the so called Web 2.0 is drastically changing the levels of online political participation.

Doctorat en Information et communication
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Social media use is a pivotal driver for political engagement. The present study extended previous research by exploring the simple and serial mediating roles of narcissism, perceived anonymity, descriptive norms, and subjective norms in this relationship. Structural equation modeling (SEM) with bootstrapping estimation was conducted for hypothesis testing using data from 579 Hong Kong university students. Modeling results revealed that perceived anonymity, descriptive norms, and subjective norms are significant mediators of the relationship between social media use and political participation. Moreover, descriptive norms, together with perceived anonymity, were found to mediate the relationship. Likewise, narcissism combined with descriptive norms proved to be significant mediators of the relationship. Additionally, a distal mediation effect of descriptive norms and subjective norms proved to be significant. Based on these results, a subsequent parallel mediation analysis was conducted, revealing that perceived anonymity is the most influential indicator among perceived anonymity, subjective norms, and descriptive norms of the relationship of social media use and political participation. The study concluded by comparing male and female respondents in terms of political participation. The result showed that male respondents were generally more active than female respondents in both online and offline political activities, which agrees with prior research findings. Collectively, the current study provides a new perspective from which we can further understand the effects of social media use on political engagement.

For most of the one billion people living in extreme poverty worldwide, access to an adequate water supply and basic sanitation (WSS) is limited, resulting in substantial health, economic and social burdens. Although the international community has actively explored solutions to this crisis, primarily focusing on bottom-up approaches in which the beneficiaries participate in the design and implementation of their own WSS solutions, significant problems remain. Innovation presents an important source of feasible solutions in this sector for those in need, but insufficient study exists to allow scholars to determine the dynamics that trigger WSS innovation. In light of the recent emphasis on a bottom-up approach to water issues and the dearth of analysis with regard to the role WSS innovation plays in seeking solutions, the present dissertation sets out to explore innovation dynamics in relation to the establishment of rural Water Supply and Sanitation Community-Based (WSS-CB). The answer comes through an application of a qualitative methodology that focuses on the implementation of two publicly-run and sustainability-oriented programs - the Blue Flag Ecological Program (BFEP) and the Sanitarian Quality Seal Program (SQSP) - in three rural communities in Costa Rica. A theoretical model based on the conceptual frameworks of Systems of Innovation (SI), Community Based/Community Management (CB/CM), and the Institutional Analysis Development (IAD) theory is proposed, including two set of hypotheses addressing the contribution of two independent variables, the participation of the community and the capacity of the community, to local sustainability and local learning. The results show that the dynamics relating to leadership and a sense of ownership do, in fact, affect both dependent variables and further identify participation and interaction at decision-making and social venues as innovation drivers.

This thesis explores the implications of the Internet for democracy, re-evaluating the various claims and counter-claims that have been made for the Internet's democratic potential. Based on a framework to measure democracy that emphasises popular control and political equality, it assesses whether the Internet gives a greater and more representative share of the population the opportunity to participate in the political process by focusing on use of the Internet to contact political representatives. The analysis combines secondary analysis of population surveys with original data collected in two online surveys from more than 14,000 users of successful contact facilitation platforms in the UK (WriteToThem.com) and Germany (Abgeordnetenwatch.de) that enable sending messages to representatives. The results show that in both countries the Internet in general has only marginally increased the number of people engaged in contacting. At the same time, contact facilitation platforms as specific online applications have attracted large numbers of people who have never before contacted a representative. While all online means of contacting primarily amplify traditional participatory biases, such as for gender and education, they can at least selectively engage traditionally under-represented parts of the population, for example young people or low-income groups. The processes that shape these patterns are identified by developing a basic theory of contacting and using the similarities and differences between the findings for the two countries. It demonstrates not only that participation continues to be dominated by traditional determinants that cannot be completely overcome by technology, but also that Internet applications can shape participation patterns – if designed to appropriately adapt to the context in which they operate, which is rarely the case. This highlights the need to think carefully about how online platforms can be used, building on the – albeit limited – gains identified here, to strengthen them as a means of ensuring democratic participation.

Digital rights activism constitutes an exemplary case of how internet affordances can be mobilised to engender political change. The values and principles stemming from the hacker imaginaire, and free and open source software practices, underpin digital rights activism, which uses the internet as a tool, object and platform for the protection of rights in the digital realm. The analysis focuses on how digital rights activists use and adapt the political affordances of the internet to intervene in European Union policy-making. Two original case studies of internet-based campaigning at the European level (the “No Software Patents” and the “Telecoms package” campaigns) provide in-depth insight into the campaigning processes and their impact upon parliamentary politics. The cases highlight the complementarity of online and offline collective action, by examining processes of open collaboration, information disclosure and internet-assisted lobbying. The success of the “Telecoms package” campaign is then assessed, along with the perspective of the targets: members and staff of the European Parliament.

The belief in values of freedom, decentralisation, openness, creativity and progress inspires a particular type of activism, which promotes autonomy, participation and efficiency. The empirical evidence suggests that this set of principles can, at times, conflict with practices observed in the field. This has to do with the particular opportunity structure of the European Union and the characteristics of the movement. The EU favours functional integration of civil society actors who are expected to contribute technical and/or legal expertise. This configuration challenges internet-based protest networks that rely on highly independent and fluctuating engagement, and suffer from a lack of diversity and cohesion. The internet does not solve all obstacles to collective action. It provides, however, a networked infrastructure and tools for organising, coordinating and campaigning. Online and offline actions are not only supportive of each other. Internet-based campaigning can be successful once it reaches out beyond the internet, and penetrates the corridors of political institutions.

Doctorat en Information et communication
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis examines the effects of internet use on Australian citizens' propensity to participate in political activity. The study applies the 'civic voluntarism' model of political participation to the Australian case, theorising that internet use comprises a resource. It hypothesises that participation in Australia is a factor of an individual's free time, time spent using the internet, money, civic skills, internet-related skills, recruitment and engagement. Australia is an appropriate case study due to its institutional and cultural similarities with other advanced democracies, as well as its notable differences. Voting is compulsory for Australian citizens, and they are compelled to vote frequently and in complex systems. Previous research has found that compulsory voting has positive effects on participation between elections, as well as on the stability of the country's political parties. Australians have ample opportunity to participate in politics. The thesis analyses 2010 (and earlier) Australian Election Study data, supplemented by data from previous Australian Election Studies, the World Values Survey and Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. Descriptive, logistic regression and ordinary least squares regression analyses find that internet use leads to participation earlier in life than would occur otherwise, but that participants possess the high socioeconomic status of participants in other advanced democracies. Skills are particularly important: across a range of behaviours including electoral, campaign, communal and protest participation, the positive influence of internet proficiency over time spent online is evident. However, the determinants vary greatly between types of participatory act, revealing lowered costs of entry, and opportunities for low-resourced citizens to equip themselves to participate. The findings have implications for understanding how the internet impacts the changing face of participation in Australia, how citizens can be mobilised in the future and the prognosis for the health of Australia's participatory democracy.

AbstractThe most well-known representation of the globe, the Mercator Projection, often provokes surprise for its considerable distortions: despite appearances, Greenland is almost five times smaller than Canada, and Russia is, in fact, approximately half the size it appears. Since the oldest civilizations, maps have relied on shifting knowledges to become more accurate and efficient, a process accelerated with science and technological development. But the unrealistic proportions of the Mercator map point to a critical reflection: maps show no absolute truths, nor are they neutral. Maps tell stories; they represent ideas as much as spaces, and exactitude is no synonym for neutrality. On the contrary, mapping is a cultural and political act. In the 1990s, geographers started to defy the power relationships of mapmaking with critical cartography. This critique, strongly supported by activists, opened new debates and representational possibilities in which scientific principles started to matter less than social and environmental justice, political participation, and storytelling. Within this framework, this chapter reflects on two alternative mapping methods used in the humanities and social sciences: social cartography and deep mapping. Each section introduces origins, theoretical frameworks, reception, and applications. Because these methods aim to rectify the abuse of power often enabled by scientific mapping, they use non-prescriptive mapmaking to legitimize neglected perspectives. Social Cartography is intrinsically participatory and uses mapping as a collaborative and critical practice. It challenges the role of traditional cartography in socio-political spheres, creating opportunities for new narratives and communities to be heard and understood. Deep maps represent abstract characteristics of a place. They can transcend the boundaries of bi-dimensional and pictorial representation, and consequently, reach different publics. The method is flexible, combining literature and immersive experiences to convey personal or subjective qualities of a place. Other expressions of deep mapping include audio and performative documentations. Social cartography and deep mapping operate against traditional mapmaking by reinforcing the notion that non-institutionalized maps are just as valid in guiding public actions and projects. As participatory practices within communities, these methods promote dialogue, empowerment, and transformation. Therefore, they are indispensable in ensuring democratic research and decision-making.

Within the frame of the deliberative democratic theory, development of ICT has been proposed as a solution to enhance discussion in large groups and foster political participation among citizens. Critics have however underlined the limits of such technological innovations which do not generate the expected diversity of viewpoints. This article highlights the limits of a Habermassian conception of deliberation which restrains it to a specific type of rational discourse and harnesses citizen’s expression within strict procedural constraints. Our case study, the DUCSAI debate, i.e. the French public debate about the location of the 3rd international Parisian airport, shows that the added value of Internet-based deliberation rests in that it offers, under specific conditions, another arena of public debate. The article shows that hybrid forms of debate can widen participant’s profile, the nature of their argumentation and their means of expression if it provides them with the opportunity to voice their concern the way they choose to do so.