Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political participation – Switzerland

Academic literature on the topic 'Political participation – Switzerland'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Political participation – Switzerland"

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Barber, Benjamin. "Participation and Swiss Democracy." Government and Opposition 23, no. 1 (1988): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017257x00016997.

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AS THE GREAT HISTORIAN LOUIS HARTZ TAUGHT US IN HIS remarkable study The Liberal Tradition in America, anyone wishing to focus on the special character of a regime would do well to begin by taking the measure of what is absent rather than what is present. Like America, Switzerland has long been regarded as an exception to many of the conventional rules of historical and democratic development — Sonderfall Schweiz is how the Swiss portray and perhaps boast a little about their national exceptionalism. Switzerland possesses a unique form of democratic government the hallmarks of which are participatory democracy, neutrality and radical federalism (decentrahsm or localism, what the Swiss sometimes call Kantönligeist). These hallmarks give to it a character which stands in stark contrast to traditional Anglo-American democracy. The student of comparative politics will observe at once that a great many of Switzerland's leading political features seem to have no analogue in either the English common law or the American Constitution. Swiss democracy is English democracy minus most of English democracy's salient features: which is to say, it is scarcely English democracy at all.The powerful idea of natural rights as the armour of the individual against illegitimate authority (originally against the illegitimacy of absolute monarchy, later against the hyper-legitimacy of majoritarian tyranny) is largely missing, for example. Missing too is the tradition of an independent judiciary devoted to the protection of wholly private rights against an alien, power-mongering state. When Alexis de Tocqueville, whose liberal premises suited America so well, went looking in the Alps for something like the English liberties, he went astray. Not finding English liberties, he quite misunderstood Switzerland's regime.
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Prieto, Moisés. "Erasing the Fear from the Eyes: A Micro-Narrative on Emotions in Spanish Migration to Cold-War Switzerland." Emotions: History, Culture, Society 4, no. 2 (December 9, 2020): 252–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2208522x-02010095.

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Abstract In the summer of 1964, Miguel Soto, a Spanish immigrant to Switzerland, was arrested and imprisoned during his summer vacation in Spain, due to his participation in an anti-Francoist demonstration in Switzerland. This incident is the starting point for an inquiry into the problems – denunciation, political surveillance, xenophobia and anti-communism – that politically committed foreigners were confronted with in their home country and in Switzerland, and into the strategies they used to overcome them. Soto’s experience, including an oral history interview with him and archival material, reveals the regime of fear under which such immigrants lived, and questions the quality of democracy in post-war Switzerland.
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Schlenker, Andrea. "Divided loyalty? Identification and political participation of dual citizens in Switzerland." European Political Science Review 8, no. 4 (June 25, 2015): 517–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773915000168.

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In spite of the recent increase in dual citizenship, there are widespread fears that this double status undermines loyalty towards the state, understood as identification with and political participation in the country of residence. We analyze whether there are systematic differences between dual citizens, mono citizens, and foreign residents in this respect, based on data from a 2013 survey of dual citizens in Switzerland with very different migration backgrounds. The results reveal that controlling for migration-related and socio-demographic factors, dual citizens are more loyal in many respects than foreign residents, but there are no significant differences between dual citizens and mono citizens in their level of identification with Switzerland and political participation there. They are even more likely than mono citizens to participate in serving its interests. In addition, there is no trade-off between these forms of loyalty to the country of residence and identification and political participation in the country of descent. On the contrary, they are positively related. Transnational loyalties seem to co-exist or even to be mutually reinforcing. Thus, dual citizenship does not seem to diminish loyalty to the country of residence and countries therefore do not stand to lose anything by allowing it.
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Büchi, Moritz, and Florian Vogler. "Testing a Digital Inequality Model for Online Political Participation." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 3 (January 1, 2017): 237802311773390. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2378023117733903.

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Increasing Internet use is changing the way individuals take part in society. However, a general mobilizing effect of the Internet on political participation has been difficult to demonstrate. This study takes a digital inequality perspective and analyzes the role of Internet expertise for the social structuration of online political participation. Analyses rely on two nationally representative surveys in Switzerland and use cluster analysis and structural equation modeling. A distinct group of political online participants emerged characterized by high education and income. Further, online political participation is predicted by political interest and Internet skills, which increasingly mediated the effects of social position. Digital information policies should therefore consider Internet skills and effective use, particularly in marginalized social groups, to avoid reinforcing traditional participatory inequalities in the digital society.
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Luechinger, Simon, Myra Rosinger, and Alois Stutzer. "The Impact of Postal Voting on Participation: Evidence for Switzerland." Swiss Political Science Review 13, no. 2 (June 2007): 167–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1662-6370.2007.tb00075.x.

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Gerber, Marlène, Hans-Peter Schaub, and Sean Mueller. "O sister, where art thou? Theory and evidence on female participation at citizen assemblies." European Journal of Politics and Gender 2, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 173–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510819x15471289106095.

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This article investigates gender differences in participation at the citizen assembly of Glarus, Switzerland. We use original survey data collected among 800 citizens. We find significant gender gaps both for attending and holding a speech at the assembly. Lower female attendance is particularly pronounced among older cohorts and can largely be explained by gender differences in political interest, knowledge and efficacy. In contrast, the gender gap in speaking is substantial regardless of age and cannot be reduced to factors that typically shape participation. Hence, gender differences are disappearing in voting but persist in more public, interactive forms of political engagement.
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Stoecklin, Daniel, Ayuko Berchtold-Sedooka, and Jean-Michel Bonvin. "Children’s Participatory Capability in Organized Leisure: The Mediation of Transactional Horizons." Societies 13, no. 2 (January 31, 2023): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc13020033.

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This research conducted in Switzerland addresses the participatory capability of children regarding their organized leisure activities. Observations were made in 2016 in three French-speaking counties in Switzerland within 11 leisure facilities differentiated by their structural organization. Individual interviews were conducted with 34 children aged 13 to 16 as well as 11 managers of the leisure centers and three county-level child and youth policy-makers (Fribourg, Valais, Vaud). The findings are that children’s participatory capability in organized leisure facilities depends on a combination of factors that are both societal (economical, political, organizational) and personal. Three forms of participatory capability emerge around the opportunities for effective participation that are provided by the children’s social environment, corresponding to (1) the adaptive participation, (2) the innovative participation and (3) the cooperative participation. However, there is no strict correspondence between the types of organization of leisure structures and forms of participatory capability. This is due to the mediation of “transactional horizons”, acting as symbolic landscapes that are channeling social interactions and the negotiation of forms of participation. This confirms the relevance of an interpretive approach to children’s rights in order to better understand how they actually translate into practice.
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Ernst Stahli, M., J. M. Le Goff, R. Levy, and E. Widmer. "Wishes or Constraints? Mothers' Labour Force Participation and its Motivation in Switzerland." European Sociological Review 25, no. 3 (October 3, 2008): 333–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcn052.

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Kern, Anna. "The Effect of Direct Democratic Participation on Citizens’ Political Attitudes in Switzerland: The Difference between Availability and Use." Politics and Governance 5, no. 2 (March 27, 2017): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v5i2.820.

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According to advocates of direct democracy, it is important to involve citizens more directly in political decision-making processes in order to create a democratic linkage between citizens and the political system. Indeed, some studies have demonstrated that citizens who live in direct democracies have higher levels of trust in political institutions and a higher sense of political efficacy. However, not all empirical evidence confirms this relationship. In a recent article on Switzerland, it was shown that, while the availability of direct democratic rights enhances trust in political institutions, using those rights actually initiates distrust. In this paper I expand the analysis of Bauer and Fatke (2014) and test whether the different effects of availability of direct democratic rights and the frequency of their use also hold for broader measures of trust in political institutions and political efficacy. I find that, even though an increased use of direct democratic measures is associated with lower levels of confidence in authorities on the cantonal level, this relationship is no longer apparent when applying a more comprehensive measurement of trust in political institutions.
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Haefeli, Ueli, Fritz Kobi, and Ulrich Seewer. "History and Transport Policy." Transfers 4, no. 1 (March 1, 2014): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/trans.2014.040105.

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Based on analysis of two case studies in the Canton of Bern, this article examines the question of knowledge transfer from history to transport policy and planning in the recent past in Switzerland. It shows that for several reasons, direct knowledge transfer did not occur. In particular, historians have seldom become actively involved in transport planning and policy discourses, probably partly because the academic system offers no incentive to do so. However, historical knowledge has certainly influenced decision-making processes indirectly, via personal reflection of the actors in the world of practice or through Switzerland's strongly developed modes of political participation. Because the potential for knowledge transfer to contribute to better policy solutions has not been fully utilized, we recommend strengthening the role of existing interfaces between science and policy.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political participation – Switzerland"

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LACEY, Joseph. "Centripetal democracy : democratic legitimacy and regional integration in Belgium, Switzerland and the European Union." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/36377.

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Defence date: 29 June 2015
Examining Board: Professor Rainer Bauböck, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Philippe Van Parijs, UC Louvain (Co-supervisor); Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI; Professor Nadia Urbinati, Columbia University.
This dissertation aims to arrive at a model of democratic legitimacy for the European Union. There is, however, a strain of thought pre-dominant in political theory since the nineteenth century that doubts the capacity of political systems constituted by multiple public spheres to have sustainable democratic systems. This view is referred to here as the lingua franca thesis on sustainable democratic systems (LFT). It states that, in the absence of a common language for political debate, democracy cannot function well in the long-term as citizens existing in distinctive public spheres will inevitably come to have diverging preferences that cannot be satisfactorily resolved by a collective democratic process. Poor quality democratic institutions, as well as acute demands to divide the political system (through devolution or secession) so that state and society become more congruent, are predicted by this thesis. To arrive at a model of democratic legitimacy for the EU, in light of the challenge presented by the LFT, three major steps are taken. Part One attempts to arrive at an account of democratic legitimacy as a realistic ideal for modern political systems. Understanding democracy as a system which strives to maximise citizens’ equal opportunities for control over the decisions to which they are subject, the maximisation of electoral and direct voting opportunities for citizens is recommended, subject to certain practical constraints. Importantly, democratically legitimate institutions are identified as having important external effects, which amount to more than just the peaceful resolution of conflict. Centripetal democracy is the idea that legitimate democratic institutions set in motion forms of citizen practice and representative behaviour that serve as powerful drivers of demos-formation. In the second part of this dissertation, an effort is made to both classify and normatively assess the EU. As a political system the EU is taken to be a demoi-cracy, or a democracy of democracies, whereby the demoi of the member states take sovereign precedence over the European demos constituting the citizens of Europe as a whole. While citizen’s control over their respective governments’ roles in EU decision-making is seen to have significant shortfalls, the major democratic deficiencies are detected in citizens’ control over actors located exclusively at the European level. Overall, the absence of voting opportunities directly connecting citizens to European power ensures that the EU is not controlled by its citizens in a way that is commensurate with the power it wields. If the EU is to democratise, it must be capable of dealing with the dynamics predicted by the LFT. Part Three of this dissertation analyses the sustainability of democracy in two political systems that bear striking resemblances to the EU, namely Belgium and Switzerland. Like the EU, these are multilevel and multilingual political systems attempting to organise themselves in a democratic fashion. Belgium proves to be a near perfect case for corroborating the LFT, its linguistic communities finding it increasingly difficult to coexist in one democratic community. Switzerland, by contrast, has managed to produce one of the most democratically legitimate political systems in the modern world, despite being fractured into linguistically distinct public spheres. As my conception of centripetal democracy predicts, however, the Swiss success in integrating the public spheres within one political system is in no small part related to the arrangement of its democratic institutions. That being said, there are certain conditions that made the development of centrifugal forces more likely and centripetal democracy less likely in Belgium than in Switzerland. In Part Four, where I finally derive a model of democratic legitimacy for the EU, it is demonstrated that while many of the conditions that made centrifugal forces so strong in Belgium are not (or not yet) present in the EU, the conditions for the development of a legitimate democratic process are also generally lacking. This is especially true when it comes to the introduction of direct democracy at Union level, although there may be fewer obstacles to making European institutions more electorally accountable.
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CATTACIN, Sandro. "Stadtentwicklungspolitik zwischen Demokratie und Komplexitaet : zur politischen Organisation der Stadtentwicklung." Doctoral thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5229.

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Defence date: 5 June 1992
Examining board: Prof. Klaus Eder (EUI, supervisor) ; Prof. Bernd Marin (European Center, Wien, co-supervisor) ; Prof. Hans-Peter Kriesi, Université de Genève) ; Prof. Alessandro Pizzorno (EUI) ; Prof. Danilo Zolo (Università di Siena)
First made available online: 19 October 2015
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Books on the topic "Political participation – Switzerland"

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Ireland, Patrick R. The political participation and impact of immigrants in France and Switzerland. Ann Arbor, Mich: UMI, 1992.

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Church, Clive H. The politics and government of Switzerland. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004.

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Direct democracy in Switzerland. New Brunswick, N.J: Transaction Publishers, 2002.

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E-democracy in Switzerland: Practice and perspectives. Zurich: Dike, 2010.

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Heidelberger, Anja. Konkordanz im Parlament: Entscheidungsfindung zwischen Kooperation und Konkurrenz. Basel]: NZZ Libro, Imprint der Schwabe Verlagsgruppe AG, 2019.

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Ireland, Patrick R. The policy challenge of ethnic diversity: Immigrant politics in France and Switzerland. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1994.

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Luzius, Mader, and Karpen Ulrich, eds. The participation of civil society in the legislative process: Proceedings of the Sixth Congress of the European Association of Legislation (EAL) in Bern (Switzerland), May 13th-14th, 2004. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2005.

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Brändle, Fabian. Demokratie und Charisma: Fünf Landsgemeindekonflikte im 18. Jahrhundert. [Zürich]: Chronos, 2005.

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Wigger, Erich. Krieg und Krise in der politischen Kommunikation: Vom Burgfrieden zum Bürgerblock in der Schweiz 1910-1922. Zürich: Seismo Verlag, 1997.

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Fossedal, Gregory. Direct Democracy in Switzerland. Transaction Publishers, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political participation – Switzerland"

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Lloren, Anouk. "Switzerland: Direct Democracy and Women’s Political Participation." In The Palgrave Handbook of Women’s Political Rights, 155–67. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59074-9_11.

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Linder, Wolf, and Sean Mueller. "Consensus Democracy: The Swiss System of Power-Sharing." In Swiss Democracy, 167–207. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63266-3_5.

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AbstractThis chapter unpacks the notion of power-sharing and explains its centrality for political Switzerland. While direct democracy has played an important part in its evolution, law-making in Switzerland has become impossible without the participation of various interest groups at early stages of drafting already. The chapter details the functioning of Switzerland’s broad-based political pluralism, its structure of consociational democracy, the representation of the most important political parties and interest groups, and the ensuing processes of negotiation and mutual adjustment. It also discusses challenges and pitfalls of power-sharing.
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Linder, Wolf, and Sean Mueller. "Switzerland in Europe and the World." In Swiss Democracy, 265–79. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63266-3_7.

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AbstractThe final chapter looks at Switzerland in Europe and the world. The first section discusses the reasons why Switzerland is not a member of the EU. The second and third sections analyse the reasons and political consequences of Switzerland’s selective participation without membership and try to answer the question whether or not ‘bilateralism’ is a sustainable strategy for the Swiss preference: utmost economic integration and least political loss of national autonomy. The final section addresses the growing interest in the institutions of Swiss democracy from abroad, be it regarding decentralisation, direct democracy or political power-sharing. Instead of wanting to export democracy, the chapter proposes the ‘dialogue model’ as a discourse between equals. Through this approach, others can draw from the ‘Swiss experience’ as a base for autochthonal developments of their institutions. And the Swiss can be inspired, in turn.
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Linder, Wolf, and Sean Mueller. "Building a Multicultural Society by Political Integration." In Swiss Democracy, 9–58. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63266-3_2.

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AbstractThis chapter explains how, despite the absence of single ethnic culture, Swiss state- and nation-building was possible. Neither the Swiss nation, nor the Swiss society existed when modern Switzerland was founded in 1848, after a brief civil war. The chapter provides a reading of Swiss history since then as one of gradually achieving the participation of the most important minority groups and the different social classes through proportional representation. Beginning with the losers of the civil war, the Catholic-Conservatives, followed by Protestant farmers and the petite bourgeoise, and ending with the Social-Democrats, the Swiss thus invented the ‘magic formula’ in 1959 for proportionally sharing the seven seats in the federal government. Even the rise of right-wing populism since the 1990s has not changed this basic feature.
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Giugni, Marco, Matteo Gianni, and Noémi Michel. "The Impact of Religion on the Political Participation of Muslims: The Case of Switzerland." In Religion and Civil Society in Europe, 251–66. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-6815-4_13.

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Linder, Wolf, and Sean Mueller. "Comparative Perspectives." In Swiss Democracy, 209–63. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63266-3_6.

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AbstractThis chapter develops three comparative perspectives. Beginning with direct democracy, enhancing the direct participation of people as in Switzerland—considered revolutionary in the nineteenth century—may still be regarded a progressive form of democracy. But are increased political rights, offering the people not only a voice in electing their representatives but also a chance to decide major decisions directly, really an efficient way to improve democracy? The second perspective deals with federalism. Traditionally understood as a means for the vertical division of power within states, can it also play a role for the supranational division of power and the participation of minorities? The last section places political power-sharing in a context of conflict resolution, especially in multicultural societies. The chapter ends by stressing that power-sharing is not just an institutional arrangement, but that it also has to be based on the specific culture of a society that intends to practice it.
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Kovalev, Yuri, Alexander Burnasov, Anatoly Stepanov, and Maria Ilyushkina. "Alternative Models of Political Participation of Population in Developed and Developing Countries: Cases of Switzerland, Germany, Brazil and Uruguay." In Springer Geography, 204–16. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-58263-0_17.

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Mendez, Fernando, and Uwe Serdült. "From Initial Idea to Piecemeal Implementation." In Advances in Electronic Government, Digital Divide, and Regional Development, 115–27. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-5820-2.ch006.

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The formal genesis of e-voting in Switzerland can be traced back to a series of motions deposited by parliamentarians in 2000. At the time the Swiss were not alone in trying to roll out e-voting programmes in the early 2000s. Indeed, a large number of European countries were pursuing similar e-voting policy agendas. A decade later very few countries can be said to have implemented e-voting. One of these, Estonia, has fully generalised e-voting as a mode of participation for a range of electoral contests. While much has been written about the Estonian case, less is known about the Helvetic route to implementing e-voting. In this chapter, the authors analyse the piecemeal approach to implementing e-voting in the Swiss case. The fact that the Helvetic route to implementing e-voting involved three competing systems offers a comparative anchor for examining the sustainability of each system. It is in this sense that Switzerland offers a useful political laboratory for analysing the problems of modernising elections in the digital era and provides insights that may be generalisable to other cases.
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Frech, Elena, Niels Goet, and Simon Hug. "Switzerland." In The Politics of Legislative Debates, 734–57. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198849063.003.0036.

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What determines the speechmaking behavior of legislators in the lower house (Nationalrat) and the upper house (Ständerat) of the Swiss federal parliament? In this chapter, we employ newly collected data on debates, covering the 46th–50th legislative periods (1999–2019), to investigate the determinants of participation in debates, and the verbosity of members’ speeches. The Swiss electoral system creates incentives for personal vote seeking in both chambers, but the institutional settings are markedly different in the lower and upper house. The smaller upper house has relatively free debates, while debates in the Nationalrat are tightly regulated. We find that faction leaders are more likely to participate in the lower house. At the same time, committee chairpersonship and seniority are the most important predictors of speechmaking behavior, increasing both the participation and verbosity of speeches. Gender, in turn, fails to play a role in speeches once we consider the effect of other covariates.
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Kozibroda, Larysa, and Oksana Lypchanko-Kovachyk. "ORGANIZATION OF EDUCATION OF SCHOOLCHILDREN WITH SPECIAL NEEDS IN SECONDARY SCHOOLS OF GERMAN-SPEAKING COUNTRIES." In Integration of traditional and innovation processes of development of modern science. Publishing House “Baltija Publishing”, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-021-6-5.

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The article aims at investigating, analyzing and summarizing the peculiarities of organization of education of schoolchildren with special needs in secondary schools of Germany, Austria, Switzerland. The authors describe the experience of the countries mentioned above. In particular, the national policy of German-speaking countries concerning the integration of people with special educational needs into common socio-educational environment has been considered, the provisions of state and regional regulations governing this process have been highlighted, as well as the key approaches to its organization and practical implementation have been described by the authors of the article under consideration. The study reveals general ideas and principles of education of children with special needs in secondary schools of Austria, Switzerland, Germany and highlights the specificity of their practical implementation at the legal level of these countries in general and throughout specific regions of each one, in particular. In the process of the analysis the following methods have been applied: description, generalization, comparison and systematization of psycho-pedagogical, didactic and methodological researches. The authors reveal the specific features of the implementation of policies in the field of inclusive schooling, which had been implemented by the governments of developed countries: coverage of all children, despite individual differences or difficulties; adoption of the principle of inclusive education in the form of a law or a political declaration; development of demonstration projects and encouragement of exchange of experience with other countries; creation of decentralized and joint mechanisms for planning, monitoring and evaluation of educational services for children and adults with special educational needs; encouraging the participation of parents, communities and organizations of persons with disabilities in the planning and decision-making processes to meet special educational needs; efforts to develop strategies for early identification of such needs, as well as professional aspects of inclusive education; ensuring of the establishment and implementation of teacher training programs to provide education for people with special educational needs in public schools. It has been concluded that the integration of people with special educational needs into the academic environment of public school involves the recognition and consideration of different opportunities and needs of students, providing different types and rates of learning according to students’ abilities, implementing the appropriate organizational structure, teaching and educational strategies, providing necessary additional assistance and support.
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Conference papers on the topic "Political participation – Switzerland"

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Cahlikova, Tereza. "Significance of socio-cultural, political and historical factors for the introduction of e-participation in Switzerland." In ICEGOV2014: 8th International Conference on Theory and Practice of Electronic Governance. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2691195.2691239.

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Glauser, Christoph, and Uwe Serdült. "From Alibaba to Youtube: User Search for Digital Democracy Topics in Switzerland." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002581.

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Digital Democracy tools such as e-consultation, e-petitions or internet voting play an increasing role and are part of the digitalisation process in politics and government. Digital life styles in general and during the pandemic in particular might have pushed for an increasing demand for so called civic tech tools. Digital democracy search terms were monitored across multiple digital channels for several months in the year 2021 and contrasted to the offer for such tools in the German, French and Italian speaking part of the country. To measure the offer for digital participation tools an index per canton established in 2021 is being used.
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Reports on the topic "Political participation – Switzerland"

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Prisacariu, Roxana. Swiss immigrants’ integration policy as inspiration for the Romanian Roma inclusion strategy. Fribourg (Switzerland): IFF, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.51363/unifr.diff.2015.05.

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While the knowledge on immigrants’ integration consolidated through the last 50 years, the Roma studies and the research on the Roma inclusion seems at the beginning. The purpose of this research was to assess if and to what extent the Swiss experience in immigrants’ integration may inspire an efficient approach to Roma inclusion in the Romanian society. After highlighting conceptual vagueness, resemblance and difference in the overall social status of Romanian Roma and immigrants in Switzerland and official approaches to the integration or inclusion of each, the research concludes that the Romanian policy on Roma inclusion presumably can be better anchored in the integration conceptual framework and benefit from immigrants’ integration experience. The Romanian choice for framing its Roma policy as ‘inclusion’ rather than for ‘integration’ may be appropriate as it applies to a historic minority of citizens needing social justice. The use of an immigration integration policy as model for a Roma inclusion strategy is limited due to the stronger legit-imation of historic minorities for shared-ownership of public decision-making. That is the Swiss example of immigrants’ integration could only serve Romania as a minimum standard for its Roma inclusion strategy. It can benefit from the Swiss experience on immigrant's integration policy in terms of conception, coordination, monitoring and transparency may be beneficial, while the Roma political participation may find inspiration from the Swiss linguistic communities’ participatory mechanisms. The on-going reciprocal learning process connecting academia and public authorities able to transform science into action and experience in knowledge may inspire the Romanian authorities.
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