Academic literature on the topic 'Political participation Rwanda'

AbstractNational reconciliation is a vague and 'messy' process. In post-genocide Rwanda, it presents special difficulties that stem from the particular nature of the Rwandan crisis and the popular participation that characterized the Rwandan atrocities. This article outlines the main approaches being used in Rwanda to achieve reconciliation, highlighting some of the major obstacles faced by these institutions. It then goes on to argue that certain 'Silences' are being imposed on the reconciliation process, including the failure to prosecute alleged RPA crimes, the lack of debate on, and the instrumentalization of, Rwanda's 'histories', the collective stigmatization of all Hutu as génocidaires, and the papering over of societal cleavages through the 'outlawing' of 'divisionism'. The role economic development can play in the reconciliation process is also discussed. Given the Government of Rwanda's central role in the reconciliation process and its progressive drift towards authoritarianism, the article ends with a reflection on the worrisome parallels between the pre and post-genocide socio-political contexts.

Women’s political participation was initiated as an instrument for gender equality yet now is under research scrutiny. Due to gender quotas and other institutionalization of women’s political inclusion, Rwanda has the highest number of women in its parliament – 67%. But is women’s political participation a real tool for gender equality, or is it one that through the artificial guise of women’s political representation sets up an exclusive political space? Apart from women who work in political institutions, who else are participating in politics and how and where are they engaging with politics? Feminists should claim back this discussion, reject neoliberal approach to ‘empower’ women and propose a more distributive and collective agenda. As part of my PhD project regarding women’s (dis)engagement with politics in Rwanda, female vendors drew my attention during my fieldwork in Rwanda. In Rwanda, female vendors are among the groups who are the ‘furthest’ to participate and influence the political decision-making process, yet are heavily influenced by various political policies on a daily base. For example, the by-law forbidding street vendors was initiated in 2015 and further enforced in 2017 was designed to punish street vendors because they build “unfair competition for customers with legitimate businesses paying rent and taxes” . Consequently, many female vendors face a great deal of violence by local forces. Using feminist ethnography as the methodology, I choose visual methods to tell the stories of female vendors. That is, the photography project is designed to elicit stories of ‘what happened when’, and to encourage participants to ‘remember’ past events, and past dynamics on the street, as well as to express their own opinions and ideas. My task is to reconstruct the process of female street vendor’s engagement with politics and in doing so deconstruct the fake formal image of female political participation in Rwanda.

There is a remarkable discrepancy between the political representation of the Batwa ethnic minority group in Burundi compared to in Rwanda. Whereas Rwanda's focus on citizenship prevents the Batwa from claiming recognition as a politically salient societal segment, Burundi's governance model, characterized by ethnic, consociational power-sharing, guarantees the political representation of the Batwa in the legislative assemblies. The difference is mainly due to the various modalities of political transition that both countries have experienced. While in Rwanda, regime change came about through a military victory, Burundi's transition from conflict to peace involved a long and complex peace-negotiations process, with international mediators viewing the armed conflict and its resolution in explicitly ethnic terms. The Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement was a foundational moment for the recognition of the political participation rights of the Batwa in Burundi, despite the fact that they were not actively involved in Burundi's armed conflict, or in the peace negotiations. The comparative analysis in this paper offers insights into the potential of peace processes with respect to improved minority-rights protection following violent conflict.

AbstractThe paper reports on a qualitative study, entitled Children's Rights in Rwanda, which was conducted in Kigali, Rwanda in 2007. Qualitative interviews were conducted with government ministers, senior staff in non-governmental organisations, Human Rights Commissioners, a Senior Prosecutor and the Ombudsman. Two focus groups were held with teenage pupils. The study explores the key children's rights – provision, protection and participation – enshrined in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. The research question is whether children's participation rights feature in Rwanda, a country in which children's rights to provision and to protection are still being addressed. A parallel model and a hierarchical model of implementing children's rights are proposed and the use of elite interviews discussed. A key finding is that a parallel model of implementation of children's rights is evident, with children's right to participation (at least in the public sphere) being addressed alongside children's right to provision and protection. In the private sphere, children's participation rights lag behind.

Since the 1994 Rwandan genocide, the current government has arrested approximately 130,000 civilians who were suspected of criminal responsibility. An estimated 2,000 were women, a cohort that remains rarely researched through an ethnographic lens. This article begins to address this oversight by analyzing ethnographic encounters with 8 confessed or convicted female génocidaires from around Rwanda. These encounters reveal that female génocidaires believe they endure gender-based discrimination for having violated taboos that determine appropriate conduct for Rwandan women. However, only female génocidaires with minimal education, wealth, and social capital referenced this gender-based discrimination to minimize their crimes and assert claims of victimization. Conversely, female elites who helped incite the genocide framed their victimization in terms of political betrayal and victor’s justice. This difference is likely informed by the female elites’ participation in the political processes that made the genocide possible, as well as historical precedence for leniency where female elites are concerned.

This article examines the relationship between mass resettlement and political conflict. The author theorizes that states can use mass resettlement to extend control over contested frontiers. Settlers whose land rights are politically contested will disproportionately participate in violence to defend the incumbent regime. The theory is tested using data on resettlement and violence in postcolonial Rwanda. The author shows that the Hutu revolutionary regime resettled some 450,000 Hutus after independence to frontier and Tutsi-dominated areas to defend itself against external Tutsi militias. The author contends that the invasion of the Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) in the 1990s threatened the Hutu settler population because the RPF sought the repatriation of Tutsis onto redistributed land and that consequent land insecurity incentivized violence against Tutsis in 1994. The article identifies the positive effect of resettlement on locality violence during the genocide via a geographic regression discontinuity design. A process tracing of one notoriously violent resettled commune supports the theorized causal sequence. In light of these findings, the author suggests that research should refocus on the way that conflict shapes ethnic demography and that, to understand participation in state-sponsored violence, scholars should attend to the threat posed by regime change to individual livelihoods.

In the effort to reemerge from the scourge of the genocide, Rwanda needs to adapt reliable reconstructive and re-integrative processes. Peace education programs are among the interventions that can help the effort toward interethnic reintegration. Peace education can help students rethink history, reframe memories and differences, reconsider narratives and myths that lead to interethnic rivalry, and reimagine ways of tackling sources of interethnic tensions. This article proposes Interethnic Contact and Integrative Peace Education Programs (ICIPEPs) to inspire reflection on and critical engagement with broader sociopolitical, ideological and historic-political issues in peace education classrooms in Rwandan universities. ICIPEPs is a broadly based, context-specific, and flexibly adaptable framework that promotes critical engagement and conscious understanding. The article discusses what peace and civic educators in Rwanda can and may need to do to ensure the contribution of ICIPEPs in peace building and societal reconstruction. The article underlines that though they need strong knowledge, pedagogical, theoretical, and value bases for participation in ICIPEPs, peace educators are expected to avail themselves to different demands and challenges by adapting reflective and engaged educational praxis.

As affirmed by international instruments, instigation is a recognised mode of participation in international crimes. The UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide made punishable the inchoate crime of direct and public incitement to commit genocide. The Statute of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) imported this inchoate crime. Furthermore, it included instigation as a mode of participation under Article 6(1) (which would lead to the imposition of criminal responsibility for the crimes). This double appearance of instigation under the Statute of the ICTR has been problematic to both the Trial and Appeal Chambers of the ICTR. Their jurisprudence on instigation is not just flawed, but also inconsistent and does not contribute to the evolution of instigation as a mode of participation in international criminal law.

This article examines the German response to Rwanda's genocide, an important concern that previous research largely has ignored. Like the United States, Great Britain, France (up to mid-June l994) and other powers, Germany chose the role of bystander, observing and condemning the genocide, but failing to act. At first glance, this might appear unsurprising. The frequently cited "culture of reticence" in foreign affairs would seem to explain this posture of inaction. However, a second look uncovers several factors that could lead one to expect a German engagement in efforts to halt the genocide. By l994, Germany had contributed military and medical units to ten humanitarian efforts, including two United Nations missions in Cambodia (1991-1993) and in Somalia (1992-1994). Moreover, the Federal Republic's staunch support for human rights, as well as its considerable diplomatic and foreign aid presence in Rwanda, might have suggested a visible response to the mounting evidence of genocide. Why did this not occur? Why was there so little public discussion of German obligations to take steps to halt the genocide? On the one hand, answers to these questions are important in order to test previous research on the factors that led to states' participation in humanitarian interventions. On the other, they are significant for the inner-German debate about history and memory. Can the memory of the Holocaust inform debates about Germany's international obligations? How and under what circumstances might considerations of political morality shape foreign policy decisions?

The world’s new ideologies of regionalisationism and globalizationism anchor on the role of Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) for promotion of a healthy business climate for upgrading the private sector and engineering for economic efficiency and development. SMEs have been a mechanism of inclusion and equity for economic empowerment and deepening of economic and business services especially in developing countries. The SMEs‘cultural and socio-economic importance has driven the initiation of national SME development in many countries. SMEs have gained elevating importance in developed and developing economies, have the capability of quick adaptation, low cost of management, less capital and sometimes labor intensive for enabling cheap production. Despite their size related weaknesses, SMEs are less affected by economic crises due to their inherent flexibility and adaptability characteristics. SMEs are vital actors for enhancing entrepreneurial innovation and innovation system as well as competitiveness in economies. National SME development policies, being high level political intent, directives and guidelines are critical for development, coordination and deployment of potential and available resources and capabilities. The paper, therefore, aims at analyzing and comparing the presentations of SME development policies of Tanzania and Rwanda based on policy framework options namely, focus, significance, challenges and participation. The findings show elevating differences in various spheres of the policy processes including the SME definition, vision, mission and objectives in terms of activeness in presentation, political flavour, sharpness of intent and sense of anticipated commitment. This implies a continued gap of SME development between countries under review and other East African Community (EAC) member countries until policies affecting SMEs are harmonized.Keywords: SMEs, Policy Presentation, Policy Framework, Entrepreneurship, BDS, Tanzania, Rwanda

This study is premised on the assumption that women’s right to political participation in Africa is vital, especially as women constitute half of the population in African states. Since the 1990s, much attention has been focussed on the role of women in African politics. Consequently, women’s inclusion, especially in legislatures and in the executive arm of government, has increased during this period. International and national law, combined with political will, have been relied upon to ensure that women are included in key decisionmaking positions in national government. However, women’s political participation in local government has received less attention, despite the fact that local government may be the level of government best suited to positively impact on women’s daily lives. Four of the leading African states in respect of women’s political participation in local government are Lesotho, Rwanda, South Africa and Uganda. The study focuses on these states with a view to establishing the extent to which they have domesticated international norms that advance women’s political participation in local government. Surveying relevant international instruments at the global and Africa regional level, the study establishes that generally, international law recognises women’s right to participate in politics. Local government was, in particular, not even mentioned and participation in local government could be inferred from the wider right to political participation. However, recent developments in international law are increasingly paying attention to local government. In addition, attention is increasingly being paid to ensuring that women enjoy the right to political participation on the basis of equality with men. Consequently, parity in representation is being promoted and states are expected to domesticate the international norms to which they are parties in order to realise the goal of equality in political participation. States have made efforts to domesticate international norms by including them in their constitutions or legislation. In addition, states have put in place temporary special measures focussing on the area of local government. These measures are to be utilised by states, to ensure that women participate more fully in local government. vi With respect to the four states under investigation, it is observed that there is a limited application of temporary special measures that can be used to promote women’s political participation in local government. In terms of the actual extent of women’s participation, the limited available data illustrates a relatively high percentage of women in local government, especially at the level of councillors where all the four states reviewed are performing reasonably well. None of the four states has attained gender parity among directly elected councillors even though the number of women councillors is fairly high in some of the states. Among other senior local government positions, the rate of including women is inconsistent. In some cases women are included in substantial numbers but there are also cases were the inclusion of women is disconcertingly low. States are also failing to provide detailed information on women’s political participation across all portfolios in local government. The implication of such shortcomings is that the actual levels of women’s inclusion remain largely unknown and therefore efforts to address women’s marginalisation are undermined. In order to ensure increased political participation of women at the local government level, a number of measures must be taken. First, efforts should be made at the international level to further elaborate the right to political participation with particular reference to local government, especially in so far as indirectly elected or appointed office is concerned. These are areas of local government where the current norms do not sufficiently advance women’s inclusion and as a result inclusion of women is inconsistent. Second, human rights treaty bodies should pay greater attention to questioning states on their performance in including women in local government. Questioning state performance will create greater awareness and increase the attention that states pay to women’s political participation in local government. Third, concerted efforts should be made to streamline legislation on local government in the four states under review with a view to making it simpler, clearer and consistent. The current proliferation of laws can create challenges in understanding the extent to which the law promotes women’s political participation in local government. Finally, the four states should display greater transparency with regard to providing data on women’s political participation in local government. Providing sufficient data would enable proper scrutiny and provide a diachronic picture of developments as far as women and men’s political participation in local government is concerned.
Thesis (LLD)--University of Pretoria, 2013.
gm2014
Centre for Human Rights
Unrestricted

This dissertation discusses the ways and the extent to which transmedia storytelling and transmedia participation can benefit the peacebuilding processes in post-genocide societies. Drawing on ethnographic research conducted in Kigali, Rwanda during a period of three months between February and May in 2019, this dissertation aims to shed light on the digital practices of young Rwandans. The research included both online and offline ethnography with secondary school students aged between 13 and 19 who participated in transmedia storytelling workshops where they interacted with nonfiction transmedia projects about the genocides in Rwanda, Guatemala, and Cambodia, and created content about topics they found interesting in relation to post-genocide reconciliation and peacebuilding in these societies. Focus group discussions and interviews were also used as methods to gain a deeper understanding of these teenagers’ online activities and approaches to digital technologies. The results show that although young people acquire diverse transmedia skills, their digital inclusion and transmedia participation for peacebuilding are affected by the socio-economic and political context in post-genocide Rwanda.
Aquesta tesis analitza les formes i el grau en que la narrativa transmèdia i la participació transmèdia poden beneficiar els processos de construcció de pau a les societats post-genocidi. A partir de la investigació etnogràfica realitzada a Kigali, Ruanda, durant un període de tres mesos entre febrer i maig del 2019, aquesta tesis té com a objectiu aportar llum sobre les pràctiques digitals dels joves ruandesos. La investigació va incloure etnografia virtual i presencial amb estudiants d’educació secundària d’entre 13 i 19 anys que van participar en tallers de narrativa transmèdia, on van interactuar amb projectes transmèdia de no ficció sobre els genocidis a Ruanda, Guatemala i Cambodja, i van crear contingut sobre temes que van trobar interessants en relació a la reconciliació post-genocidi i a la construcció de la pau en aquestes societats. També es van utilitzar entrevistes i grups de discussió com a mètode que permeten aprofundir en la comprensió de les activitats i els enfocaments en línia d’aquestes adolescents sobre les tecnologies digitals. Els resultats mostren que, malgrat que els joves adquireixen diverses habilitats transmèdia, la seva inclusió digital i la seva participació transmèdia per a la construcció de pau es veuen afectades pel context socioeconòmic i polític de la Ruanda post-genocidi.
Esta tesis analiza las formas y el grado en que la narrativa transmedia y la participación transmedia pueden favorecer los procesos de construcción de la paz en una sociedad post-genocidio. Basándose en una investigación etnográfica realizada en Kigali, Ruanda, durante un período de tres meses entre febrero y mayo de 2019, esta tesis tiene como objetivo arrojar luz sobre las prácticas digitales de los jóvenes ruandeses. La investigación incluyó etnografía virtual y presencial con estudiantes de secundaria de entre 13 y 19 años, los cuales participaron en talleres narrativos donde interactuaron con proyectos transmedia de no ficción sobre los genocidios en Ruanda, Guatemala y Camboya; asimismo, crearon contenidos sobre temas relacionados con la reconciliación y la construcción de la paz después del genocidio en dichas sociedades. Las discusiones en grupos focales y las entrevistas también se utilizaron como método para alcanzar una comprensión profunda de las actividades en línea de estos adolescentes y su forma de abordar las tecnologías digitales. Los resultados muestran que, aunque los jóvenes adquieren diversas habilidades transmedia, su inclusión digital y su participación transmedia para la construcción de paz se ven afectadas por el contexto socioeconómico y político en la Ruanda posterior al genocidio.

Nine years after the genocide in Rwanda, women won 48 per cent of the seats in the parliament. In the next election of 2008 they became the most gender equal parliament in the world. But does this mean that women have received an extensive influence in decision-making in the Rwandan society? The aim with this study is to develop a deeper understanding of what role women have in decision-making at local political assemblies and in households. A field study with an ethnographical approach including interviews and observations in Rwanda was conducted in November-December 2011. Interviews with female and male farmers and urbanites were performed in order to understand their roles and responsibilities in their home. This thesis also contains a brief analysis of Rwandan women’s role in the pre-genocide society. Through a Neo-institutional approach, this thesis outlines what has contributed to women’s role today. Neo-institutionalism looks at societal changes with a holistic view and from three different aspects: the normative, cultural-cognitive and the regulative aspect. These three components of the theory are vital ingredients for a societal change to occur. My findings show that women participate in decision-making, not only on the central level, but also in local political assemblies. It also indicates that women of today partake in decision-making at the household level, earlier left to men alone. Women have also since 1999 gained equal rights by several legal regulations. My analysis shows that women’s influence in decision-making on central, local and on household level is a collateral consequence of the genocide.

Rwanda is the first country in the world that achieved a majority, (61.3%) of women’s representation in the parliament in 2013. This number becomes more extraordinary due to the conflict in 1994, when more 800,000 Rwandan people were killed. Moreover, the entire country was devastated and left in shambles. The women’s role was crucial in the process of reconciliation, as they accounted for more than 70% of the population. After the genocide, the government launched the democratic transition process, which resulted the inauguration of the new constitution in 2003, and in the first democratic multi-party system elections. This constitution guarantees gender sensitive legislations and reinforces the women’s political empowerment, declaring that there must be a minimum of 30% of women in the Chamber of Deputies and in the Senate as well. This work aims to explain the process of women’s equal representation in the Parliament and in the political organizations taking into account the constitution and the several laws ratified in according to the major attendance and influence of women in the decision-making, as well as the role of the press media regarding to the representation on gender political equality.
Ruanda é o primeiro país no mundo a atingir a maioria, (61.3%) na representação das mulheres no Parlamento em 2013. Este número torna-se peculiar tendo em conta o conflito em 1994, no qual morreram mais de 800,000 ruandeses. Além disso, todo o país foi devastado e deixado em ruínas. O papel das mulheres foi fundamental durante o processo de reconciliação, dado que constituíam 70% da população. Depois do genocídio, o governo lançou o processo de transição democrática do qual resultaram a nova constituição e em 2003, as primeiras eleições democráticas com diferentes partidos. Esta constituição garante leis sensíveis aos géneros e reforça a emancipação política das mulheres, declarando um mínimo obrigatório de 30% de presença de mulheres no Parlamento. Esta dissertação tem como objectivo principal explicar o processo de igualdade dos géneros no Parlamento tendo em conta a nova constituição com várias leis ratificadas de acordo com a maior presença e influência das mulheres na tomada de decisões, assim como o papel dos media na representação política dos géneros.

This study investigates the situation of Rwandan youth ex-combatants in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Specifically, the study examines how and why young people become involved in conflicts as fighters, how the conflict impacts upon them, and how the Disarmament, Demobilization, Rehabilitation and Reintegration programs set up by international aid agencies attempted to address the youth's special needs as they relate to reintegration in their home communities. By employing qualitative semi-structured interviews and group discussions with demobilized ex-combatant youth and other stakeholders in northern Rwanda, the study examines how the Western model and assumption of childhood and child soldiering has so far dictated the approaches of international aid agencies in response to the needs of young people in armed conflicts. The study challenges some of the assumptions and argues for a more representative and focussed approach that emphasizes on the socio-cultural context of the ex-combatants. The research shows how and why some youth voluntarily join armed groups. It also highlights the resilience of the youth in the midst of conflict and their ability to rebuild their lives. The findings of the research have some implications for the way the international aid agencies conceptualize and provide assistance to the young people affected by armed conflicts. It challenges the assumption held by the aid agencies regarding the exclusive emphases on victimization and trauma counselling, and refocuses on the need to rebuild the youth's resilience and coping strategies.
Sociology
MA (Sociology)

Since the end of the genocide and civil war in Rwanda, various measures have been implemented to facilitate women’s political participation. This chapter looks to post-conflict Rwanda as a case study in the successes and limitations in efforts to increase women’s participation in public life. The chapter details the desired outcomes of increased political participation by women before turning to the Rwandan example. It argues that while the increased presence of women in public life has resulted in some positive economic, political, and social outcomes, the power of female politicians is largely limited and has not resulted in sustainable or equitable long-term policies. The chapter concludes that while Rwanda has formally adopted many of the international best practices of transitional justice, its overall gains in women’s participation are more uneven, contradictory, and nonlinear than is often recognized.

Paramilitary or irregular units have been involved in practically every case of identity-based mass violence in the modern world, but detailed analysis of these dynamics is rare. Exploring the case of former Yugoslavia, Kate Ferguson exposes the relationships between paramilitaries, state commands, local communities, and organised crime present in modern mass atrocities, from Rwanda and Darfur to Syria and Myanmar. Visible paramilitary participation masks the continued dominance of the state in violent crises. Political elites benefit from using unconventional forces to fulfil ambitions that violate international law—and international policy responses are hindered when responsibility for violence is ambiguous. Ferguson’s inquiry into these overlooked dynamics of mass violence unveils substantial loopholes in current atrocity prevention architecture.

This chapter examines violent resistance through the actions of Mai Mai militias and the ways the civilian population relate to them. This is primarily illustrated through the experiences related by interviews undertaken with combatants from Mai Mai militias in South Kivu, including Yakutumba and Raia Mutumboki. In the context of Eastern DRC, armed resistance links with other forms of resistance in its struggle against the effects of an increased militarisation of rural authority and worsened conditions of living. For rural popular classes these effects are largely seen as benefiting the economic and security interests of Congolese and Rwandan elites, and not as realising their aspirations for land, dignified living and political participation.

This book asks why some perpetrators of political violence, from lynch mobs to genocidal killers, display their acts of violence so publicly and extravagantly. Closely examining three horrific and extreme episodes — the murder of a prominent Tutsi family amidst the genocide in Rwanda, the execution of Muslim men in a Serb-controlled village in Bosnia during the Balkan Wars, and the lynching of a twenty-two-year old Black farmhand on Maryland's Eastern Shore in 1933 — the shows how “violent displays” are staged to not merely to kill those perceived to be enemies or threats, but also to affect and influence observers, neighbors, and the larger society. Watching and participating in these violent displays profoundly transforms those involved, reinforcing political identities, social hierarchies, and power structures. Such public spectacles of violence also force members of the community to choose sides — openly show support for the goals of the violence, or risk becoming victims, themselves. Tracing the ways in which public displays of violence unfold, the book reveals how the perpetrators exploit the fluidity of social ties for their own ends.

Liberation struggle usually entails the active incorporation and participation of women. However, in the period following liberation after power is captured, we tend to see women excluded. Women are often relegated to the sidelines, gender roles are reinforced, with political positions reserved for men. In Africa, the gender backlash that follows liberation was observed in the liberation movements of the first wave (1960s and 1970s) and second wave (1980s and 1990s). However, this was not the case in Rwanda when the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) took power after halting the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. The RPF actively included women in politics appointing women to half their allocated seats in the Transitional National Parliament (TNP). This initial inclusion during the transitional period is important because it lay the ground for women's participation in Rwandan politics. The subsequent policies that enshrined women's political inclusion in the constitution through the quota system, as well the structures developed at the lowest level of government to encourage women's political participation, have their roots in the active incorporation that happened during the transitional period. This chapter explores the factors that led to this initial incorporation and why the gender backlash common in liberation movements did not occur in Rwanda.

This chapter discusses the manner in which the African Court of Human & Peoples’ Rights (African Court) has created a political opening for litigants with grievances against their governments. Using the inaugural fair trial violation cases decided by the African Court, the chapter examines how the Court developed robust jurisprudence on fair trial rights that created a favorable legal opportunity structure. By permissively interpreting its rules in these foundational cases, the African Court made itself very accessible to civil society groups, high profile opposition politicians, and opposition parties closed off from pursuing their goals of political reform under national law and through national institutions. In addition to the fair trial cases, three additional cases form the subject of this chapter. The first is a case filed against Rwanda by an opposition politician, Ingabire Victoire Umuhoza against the government of Rwanda. The second is a case filed by a Tanzanian politician, the late Christopher Mtikila regarding rights to political participation of independent candidates in national elections. The third is a case filed by a human rights non-governmental organization, Actions Pour La Protection Des Droits De L’Homme (APDH) against the government of Ivory Coast (Côte d’Ivoire) relating to exclusion of certain individuals and parties from participation in national elections. In so doing, the chapter uses the legal opportunity structures literature to explain why some groups resort to courts to advance their causes, while others do not.

This report maps the African landscape of Open Science – with a focus on Open Data as a sub-set of Open Science. Data to inform the landscape study were collected through a variety of methods, including surveys, desk research, engagement with a community of practice, networking with stakeholders, participation in conferences, case study presentations, and workshops hosted. Although the majority of African countries (35 of 54) demonstrates commitment to science through its investment in research and development (R&D), academies of science, ministries of science and technology, policies, recognition of research, and participation in the Science Granting Councils Initiative (SGCI), the following countries demonstrate the highest commitment and political willingness to invest in science: Botswana, Ethiopia, Kenya, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania, and Uganda. In addition to existing policies in Science, Technology and Innovation (STI), the following countries have made progress towards Open Data policies: Botswana, Kenya, Madagascar, Mauritius, South Africa and Uganda. Only two African countries (Kenya and South Africa) at this stage contribute 0.8% of its GDP (Gross Domestic Product) to R&D (Research and Development), which is the closest to the AU’s (African Union’s) suggested 1%. Countries such as Lesotho and Madagascar ranked as 0%, while the R&D expenditure for 24 African countries is unknown. In addition to this, science globally has become fully dependent on stable ICT (Information and Communication Technologies) infrastructure, which includes connectivity/bandwidth, high performance computing facilities and data services. This is especially applicable since countries globally are finding themselves in the midst of the 4th Industrial Revolution (4IR), which is not only “about” data, but which “is” data. According to an article1 by Alan Marcus (2015) (Senior Director, Head of Information Technology and Telecommunications Industries, World Economic Forum), “At its core, data represents a post-industrial opportunity. Its uses have unprecedented complexity, velocity and global reach. As digital communications become ubiquitous, data will rule in a world where nearly everyone and everything is connected in real time. That will require a highly reliable, secure and available infrastructure at its core, and innovation at the edge.” Every industry is affected as part of this revolution – also science. An important component of the digital transformation is “trust” – people must be able to trust that governments and all other industries (including the science sector), adequately handle and protect their data. This requires accountability on a global level, and digital industries must embrace the change and go for a higher standard of protection. “This will reassure consumers and citizens, benefitting the whole digital economy”, says Marcus. A stable and secure information and communication technologies (ICT) infrastructure – currently provided by the National Research and Education Networks (NRENs) – is key to advance collaboration in science. The AfricaConnect2 project (AfricaConnect (2012–2014) and AfricaConnect2 (2016–2018)) through establishing connectivity between National Research and Education Networks (NRENs), is planning to roll out AfricaConnect3 by the end of 2019. The concern however is that selected African governments (with the exception of a few countries such as South Africa, Mozambique, Ethiopia and others) have low awareness of the impact the Internet has today on all societal levels, how much ICT (and the 4th Industrial Revolution) have affected research, and the added value an NREN can bring to higher education and research in addressing the respective needs, which is far more complex than simply providing connectivity. Apart from more commitment and investment in R&D, African governments – to become and remain part of the 4th Industrial Revolution – have no option other than to acknowledge and commit to the role NRENs play in advancing science towards addressing the SDG (Sustainable Development Goals). For successful collaboration and direction, it is fundamental that policies within one country are aligned with one another. Alignment on continental level is crucial for the future Pan-African African Open Science Platform to be successful. Both the HIPSSA ((Harmonization of ICT Policies in Sub-Saharan Africa)3 project and WATRA (the West Africa Telecommunications Regulators Assembly)4, have made progress towards the regulation of the telecom sector, and in particular of bottlenecks which curb the development of competition among ISPs. A study under HIPSSA identified potential bottlenecks in access at an affordable price to the international capacity of submarine cables and suggested means and tools used by regulators to remedy them. Work on the recommended measures and making them operational continues in collaboration with WATRA. In addition to sufficient bandwidth and connectivity, high-performance computing facilities and services in support of data sharing are also required. The South African National Integrated Cyberinfrastructure System5 (NICIS) has made great progress in planning and setting up a cyberinfrastructure ecosystem in support of collaborative science and data sharing. The regional Southern African Development Community6 (SADC) Cyber-infrastructure Framework provides a valuable roadmap towards high-speed Internet, developing human capacity and skills in ICT technologies, high- performance computing and more. The following countries have been identified as having high-performance computing facilities, some as a result of the Square Kilometre Array7 (SKA) partnership: Botswana, Ghana, Kenya, Madagascar, Mozambique, Mauritius, Namibia, South Africa, Tunisia, and Zambia. More and more NRENs – especially the Level 6 NRENs 8 (Algeria, Egypt, Kenya, South Africa, and recently Zambia) – are exploring offering additional services; also in support of data sharing and transfer. The following NRENs already allow for running data-intensive applications and sharing of high-end computing assets, bio-modelling and computation on high-performance/ supercomputers: KENET (Kenya), TENET (South Africa), RENU (Uganda), ZAMREN (Zambia), EUN (Egypt) and ARN (Algeria). Fifteen higher education training institutions from eight African countries (Botswana, Benin, Kenya, Nigeria, Rwanda, South Africa, Sudan, and Tanzania) have been identified as offering formal courses on data science. In addition to formal degrees, a number of international short courses have been developed and free international online courses are also available as an option to build capacity and integrate as part of curricula. The small number of higher education or research intensive institutions offering data science is however insufficient, and there is a desperate need for more training in data science. The CODATA-RDA Schools of Research Data Science aim at addressing the continental need for foundational data skills across all disciplines, along with training conducted by The Carpentries 9 programme (specifically Data Carpentry 10 ). Thus far, CODATA-RDA schools in collaboration with AOSP, integrating content from Data Carpentry, were presented in Rwanda (in 2018), and during17-29 June 2019, in Ethiopia. Awareness regarding Open Science (including Open Data) is evident through the 12 Open Science-related Open Access/Open Data/Open Science declarations and agreements endorsed or signed by African governments; 200 Open Access journals from Africa registered on the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ); 174 Open Access institutional research repositories registered on openDOAR (Directory of Open Access Repositories); 33 Open Access/Open Science policies registered on ROARMAP (Registry of Open Access Repository Mandates and Policies); 24 data repositories registered with the Registry of Data Repositories (re3data.org) (although the pilot project identified 66 research data repositories); and one data repository assigned the CoreTrustSeal. Although this is a start, far more needs to be done to align African data curation and research practices with global standards. Funding to conduct research remains a challenge. African researchers mostly fund their own research, and there are little incentives for them to make their research and accompanying data sets openly accessible. Funding and peer recognition, along with an enabling research environment conducive for research, are regarded as major incentives. The landscape report concludes with a number of concerns towards sharing research data openly, as well as challenges in terms of Open Data policy, ICT infrastructure supportive of data sharing, capacity building, lack of skills, and the need for incentives. Although great progress has been made in terms of Open Science and Open Data practices, more awareness needs to be created and further advocacy efforts are required for buy-in from African governments. A federated African Open Science Platform (AOSP) will not only encourage more collaboration among researchers in addressing the SDGs, but it will also benefit the many stakeholders identified as part of the pilot phase. The time is now, for governments in Africa, to acknowledge the important role of science in general, but specifically Open Science and Open Data, through developing and aligning the relevant policies, investing in an ICT infrastructure conducive for data sharing through committing funding to making NRENs financially sustainable, incentivising open research practices by scientists, and creating opportunities for more scientists and stakeholders across all disciplines to be trained in data management.