Journal articles on the topic 'Political participation – Popular works'
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1
Zuhur, Sherifa. "Avenues of Participation." American Journal of Islam and Society 13, no. 1 (April 1, 1996): 112–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v13i1.2339.
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Singerman's work calls for the field of political science to redefine its notions of political participation in the context of developing societies. Determining the efficacy of the state's distribution of public goods and measuring the degree of popular participation in politicaJ activity are two of the five components of political development in the literature on which young political scientists have cut their teeth for several decades (Almond and Verba, 1963 ). Singerman is not challenging these notions, but rather marking the territory opened for her research on the informal economy and the so-called household politics since the earlier works of development theory gained ascendance. Arguments regarding the importance of the informaJ economy have been made earlier with regard to Egypt, notably by such scholars as Mahmoud Abdel-Fadil ( 1975, 1980), John Waterbury (1983), Robert Mabro (1974), Abdel Khalak and Tignor (1982), and Ibrahim Oweiss (1990). Other research examining the household level of the economy has been done by Homa Hoodfar (1988, 1990), with whom Singerman bas collaborated, and by such CEDEJ participants as Nadia Khouri-Dagher, Ragui Assaad, and others (Egypte Recompositions 1988) ...
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SKJÖNSBERG, MAX. "ADAM FERGUSON ON PARTISANSHIP, PARTY CONFLICT, AND POPULAR PARTICIPATION." Modern Intellectual History 16, no. 1 (April 3, 2017): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244317000099.
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Adam Ferguson has usually been portrayed as an advocate of conflict, political parties, and factional strife. This article demonstrates that this is a rather unbalanced reading. A careful investigation of Ferguson's works and correspondence in context reveals a man deeply troubled by both turbulence and party politics. He consistently expressed fears of what he saw as the tumultuous populace, and the willingness of party leaders to rise on the shoulders of the mob. This could ultimately lead to military despotism, something he dreaded. While Ferguson's theory of antagonistic sociability was original, this article shows that we should not take for granted that it implied an approval of party conflict in a broad sense. Indeed, he was highly critical of opposition parties seeking to replace the government. He did tolerate a regulated form of contest between different orders in the state under a mixed constitution, but it is here argued that he is much better understood as a Christian Stoic promoting stability and order than a supporter of party struggle.
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Buchynska, Anna. "The concept of political participation within western political thought: evolution and current status." Political Studies, no. 2 (2022): 26–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.53317/2786-4774-2022-2-2.
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The article explores the approaches to interpreting the concept of political participation. The research is based on the scientific works of western political thought theorists, who made a significant contribution to the study of this socio-political phenomenon. It was proved that socio-economic changes, rapid democratization, the development of information and communication technologies along with many other factors have influenced society, changing its attitude to politics in general and the role of the citizen in political decision-making. Therefore, there appeared a need for scientific study of the category of political participation; factors influencing the involvement of citizens; forms and types of participation; reasons for political apathy and mistrust. Despite the fact that currently, there is no unified definition of political participation, as new forms of citizen activity that encourage scholars to view them as a form of political participation are increasingly emerging, the article analyzes the genesis of the subject of study and the modern forms of political participation within western political thought. At the same time, traditional and modern forms of political participation are distinguished. It has been determined that in the mid-twentieth century, the concept of political participation goes beyond the usual approaches. If earlier, when researching forms of political participation, first of all were singled out voting, now they emphasize that it is non-electoral forms of participation that give citizens more opportunities to control politicians. According to the conducted research, the author comes the conclusion that non-institutionalized forms of political participation are becoming increasingly popular, especially among young people, while information and communication technologies make it possible to convert them into an online space, increasingly blur the line between consumer and creator of information, leading to the displacement of traditional forms of political participation.
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Fikus, Sebastian. "Obozy koncentracyjne jako nowoczesna forma zwalczania przestępczości w Republice Federalnej Niemiec?" Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, no. 4 (February 18, 2019): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.40.4.3.
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CONCENTRATION CAMPS AS A MODERN FORM OF FIGHTING CRIME IN THE GERMAN FEDERAL REPUBLICThe problem of participation of the Nazi elites in the structures of the German Federal Republic is increasingly engaging for German historians. Popular, non-academic works also address the issue of joining the police force by former officials of the Third Reich. However, in the German texts it is consistently stressed that Nazi elites did not influence the social and political life of the German Federal Republic. Nevertheless, the debate on reintroducing concentration camps shows the high standing of national socialism ideology long after World War II.
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Karikov, Serhiy, and Inna Pidhorodetska. "Innovator of Reformation Studies: Subject Matter and Style in the Works of Yu. Golubkin." Journal of V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University. Series: History, no. 60 (December 10, 2021): 8–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2220-7929-2021-60-01.
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The article outlines the range of problems in the history of the Reformation explored in the oeuvre of the outstanding medievalist Yuri Golubkin. Golubkin authored more than 90 academic and popular works on medieval and early modern history. He was particularly interested in the writings of Martin Luther and in Luther’s participation in the events of the Reformation. The study employs the historical-typological, historicalgenetic, and historical-comparative methods and is based on the principles of historicism and objectivity. Its originality lies in identifying the main avenues of the study of the Reformation in the work of Yu. Golubkin and in defining the principal phases of his evolution as a scholar. The authors argue that the first phase (1970s–1980s) was marked by a focus on the socio-political views of Martin Luther and his participation in the early bourgeois revolution in Germany, while in the second phase (1990s–2000s) Golubkin was primarily interested in the formation of Luther’s religious beliefs and his participation in the creation of the Evangelical Church. The scholar’s articles and translations are notable for their distinctive style, characterized by expressiveness and wide use of metaphor, epithet, and idiom. The authors further suggest that translation of Luther’s main works was central to Golubkin’s research trajectory. The need to engage with Golubkin’s innovative approach to Martin Luther’s life and work determines the prospects for further exploration of the historian’s oeuvre as a significant contribution to Reformation studies.
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Verli, Dorina. "Reforming Democracy: Constitutional Crisis and Rousseau's Advice to Geneva." Review of Politics 80, no. 3 (2018): 415–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670518000190.
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AbstractPolitical theorists have relegated Rousseau's writings on Geneva to the category of historical accident, assuming that whatever he had to say about politics was said fully in works like the Social Contract. This has created a widespread impression that Rousseau had little to say about ordinary political practice. In this paper, I take up his dissection of the Genevan constitution in the Letters from the Mountain. A work which has attracted little attention even from historians, the Letters are in fact essential for understanding Rousseau's thoughts on the people's role in democratic government. His proposals for reform give clear content to the abstract arguments about popular sovereignty presented in the Social Contract. Against readings that emphasize Rousseau's distrust of the people, the Letters reveal that Rousseau expected popular sovereignty to take the form of active and routine participation in both legislation and government on the part of ordinary citizens.
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Penman, Michael. "The Declaration of Arbroath: Georgian Editions, Libraries and Readers, and Scotland’s ‘Radical War’ of 1820." Scottish Historical Review 101, no. 3 (December 2022): 491–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2022.0580.
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This paper explores an aspect of the legacy of the Declaration of Arbroath and expands upon earlier research into tensions surrounding the commemorations in 1814 of the battle of Bannockburn. It considers the evidence for connections between those radical artisans and their leaders who attempted to rouse popular insurrection in 1820, Scotland’s so-called ‘radical war’, and Bruce’s now-celebrated missive to the papacy of 6 April 1320, five centuries before. Did the armed workers moving on Carron Shore Iron Foundry on 5 April 1820, routed by troops at Bonnymuir, seek to coincide with the Declaration’s anniversary? To what extent was the radicals’ own declaration, the Address to the Inhabitants of Great Britain and Ireland, influenced by the text of 1320? If so, did this represent a continuation, a renewal or a debut for the Declaration as an inspiration for popular political participation in modern times? A survey of the holdings of early working-class subscription, circulation and public libraries in central Scotland c. 1790– c. 1830 can be made to identify both known and previously unnoticed published works which reproduced, translated and/or discussed the Declaration, as well as any radicalised readers. This reveals public awareness of Arbroath in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries to have been potentially far more widespread than hitherto recognised by historians, if still marginal as a catalyst to political agitation.
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Paiaro, Diego, and Mariano Requena. "Historiografía y participación política de masas: la "decadencia" de la democracia ateniense en el siglo IV a.C. = Historiography and the political participation of the masses: the "decay" of the Athenian democracy in fourth-century BC." REVISTA DE HISTORIOGRAFÍA (RevHisto) 30 (May 28, 2019): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/revhisto.2019.4753.
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Resumen: Las características de la democracia y, especialmente, las implicancias de la participación política plena de los «pobres» han sido objeto de una profunda atención por parte del pensamiento político e histórico moderno con respecto a la historia de Atenas. Principalmente preocupados por las consecuencias asociadas al desarrollo de la soberanía popular y por la influencia progresiva de las clases populares como fuerza política, la tradición historiográfica y la filosofía política moderna tendieron a vincular a la incorporación política de las masas con la “crisis” y el “declive” de Atenas. En el presente trabajo se analiza críticamente dicha tradición interpretativa desde nuestra situación contemporánea.Palabras clave: Atenas Antigua, Democracia, Crisis, Historiografía.Abstract: The features of the Athenian democracy and particularly the implications of the full political incorporation of the «poor» have been subjected to the full attention of several modern intellectuals interested in the history of Athens. Mainly concerned with the consequences related to the development of the popular sovereignty and by the growing influence of the popular classes as a relevant political factor, modern political philosophy and traditional historiography have tended to relate the political incorporation of the masses with the Athenian “crisis” and its “decline”. In this paper, this interpretative tradition is critically analysed from our contemporary context.Key words: Ancient Athens, Democracy, Crisis, Historiography.
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Khvalin, T. A. "ALEXANDER GUCHKOV’S RESIGNATION IN SATIRE AND CARTOONS IN MAY 1917." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 4(55) (2021): 153–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2021-4-153-163.
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The article analyzes the cartoons and satirical works published in May 1917 that mentioned Alexander Guchkov and his resignation from the post of war minister. The scrutiny of materials from specialized satirical publications has enabled the author to conclude that the highly popular satire magazines Pugach, Novy Satirikon, Trepach, Baraban, and Strekoza refrained from mocking Guchkov, his resignation and his political position, although many newspapers – and particularly the pro-Socialist ones – passed highly acerbic comments on the former war minister. Even if they mentioned him, they viewed him a neutral emblem of the epoch, a definite stage of revolutionary development rather than an object of satirizing. Only the magazines Bich and Budilnik offered an excited reaction to the resignation of the Provisional Government’s first defense minister. Their authors compared Guchkov with Napoleon and with more notorious personalities associated then with ‘dark forces’ and the ‘old regime’. In May 1917, Guchkov was also mentioned in the satirical works published by the Bolshevist press where he was portrayed as a personage, cooperation with which would defame the Socialists, who were more moderate than the Bolsheviks and their allies. Thus, the leftist newspapers, opposing the coalition cabinet and the Socialists’ participation in the Provisional Government, drew a parallel between the actual political situation of May 1917 and the engagement of some Mensheviks in the activity of war industry committees. By that time, Guchkov, the leader of those committees, was viewed as a potential helmsman of a counterrevolutionary revolt of the bourgeoisie not only by the Bolsheviks, but also by many of their opponents among the Socialists.
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Ferrão Santos, Maria do Carmo. "A participação popular na emancipação político-administrativa de Tamandaré/PE." Diversitas Journal 4, no. 2 (June 3, 2019): 420–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17648/diversitas-journal-v4i2.803.
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RESUMO
Este artigo tem o objetivo de narrar todo o processo de organização para se conquistar a emancipação do município de Tamandaré, para tanto, aborda sobre: - as razões que estimularam os habitantes dos distritos de Tamandaré e Saué (situados no litoral sul de Pernambuco), a lutarem pela independência em relação a Rio Formoso (município-mãe); - a campanha em prol da realização do plebiscito; - a promulgação da emancipação político-administrativa do município de Tamandaré. Para tanto, buscou-se informações junto ao TER-PE, Assembleia Legislativa-PE, Prefeitura do Rio Formoso, e em diversos eventos com a presença constante da autora desta obra. Os resultados apontam que a emancipação foi um fato histórico muito importante para a liberdade do povo que nele vive e dele depende para sobreviver.
Palavras-chaves: plebiscito, emancipação, Tamandaré, Saué.
THE POPULAR PARTICIPATION IN THE POLITICAL-ADMINISTRATIVE ENANCY OF TAMANDARÉ - PERNAMBUCO.
ABSTRACT
The purpose of this article is to narrate the whole organization process to gain the emancipation of the municipality of Tamandaré, for this purpose, it addresses: - the reasons that stimulated the inhabitants of the districts of Tamandaré and Saué (located on the southern coast of Pernambuco) to fight for independence in relation to Rio Formoso (mother-city); - the campaign for the holding of the plebiscite; - the promulgation of the political-administrative emancipation of the municipality of Tamandaré. For this purpose, information was sought from the TER-PE, Legislative Assembly-PE, Rio Formoso City Hall, and in several events with the constant presence of the author of this work. The results point out that emancipation was a very important historical fact for the freedom of the people who live in it and depends on it to survive.
Key words: Plebiscite. Emancipation. Tamandaré. Saué.
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Chhipa, Sunil Kumar. "Relevance of Saint DaduDayal in current political field." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 7, no. 2 (February 20, 2022): 92–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2022.v07.i02.015.
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With the defeat of Prithviraj Chauhan in the Second Battle of Tarain in 1192 AD, the establishment of Islamic power in India and the end of Hindu rule occur simultaneously. It was the final end of the process of complete disconnection from the secular basis of Hindushahi in central politics, not merely the defeat of one empire by another. It is a general political principle that any king or ruler becomes popular only by his public welfare works and gets the collective loyalty and participation of the class ruled by him. On the contrary, when the ruling class starts governing with the help of oppressive military power only, starts doing anti-people work, then it becomes the shelter of the public's distaste, hatred, alienation and feeling of alienation. The history of India is full of such examples that the rulers who followed their real religion and treated all the people as equal and worked for their welfare, they became very popular among the people, whereas the rulers who were fanatics and forcefully changed their religion to the people. When compelled to accept or carried out other similar anti-religious, anti-social actions, then both common people and saints stood up as their retaliation.
Abstract in Hindi Language:
1192 ई॰ में तराईन के द्वितीय युद्ध में पृथ्वीराज चैहान की पराजय के साथ ही भारतवर्ष में इस्लामी सत्ता की स्थापना और हिन्दू शासन का अंत एक साथ घटित होता है। यह एक साम्राज्य द्वारा दूसरे साम्राज्य की पराजय मात्र न होकर केंद्रीय राजनीति में हिन्दूशाही के लौकिक आधार से पूरी तरह कट जाने की प्रक्रिया का अन्तिम छोर था। यह एक सामान्य राजनीतिक सिद्धान्त है कि कोई भी राजा या शासक अपने जन-कल्याणकारी कार्यों से ही लोकप्रिय बनता है और अपने द्वारा शासित वर्ग की सामूहिक वफादारी और सहभागिता प्राप्त करता है। इसके विपरित जब शासक वर्ग केवल दमनकारी सैनिक शक्ति की सहायता से शासन संचालित करने लगता है, प्रजा विरोधी कार्य करने लगता है तब वह जनता की अरूचि, वितृष्णा, परायेपन और विलगाव की भावना का आश्रय बनता है। भारतवर्ष के इतिहास में ऐसे उदाहरण भरे पड़े है कि जिन शासकों ने अपने वास्तविक धर्म का पालन कर समस्त जनता को एकसमान मानकर उसके हित-साधन के कार्य किये, वे जनता के बीच अत्यधिक लोकप्रिय हुए वहीं जिन शासकों ने धर्मान्ध होकर बलपूर्वक जनता को अपना धर्म ग्रहण करने पर बाध्य किया या अन्य इसी प्रकार के धर्म विरोधी, समाज विरोधी कार्यों को अंजाम दिया तब सामान्य जन और संत मत दोनों उनके प्रतिकार स्वरूप उठ खड़े हुए।
Keywords: राजनीतिक परिस्थितियाँ, साम्प्रदायिक सद्भाव, धर्मनिरपेक्षता, लोकतांत्रिक शासन।
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Smith, Stephen Samuel, Karen M. Kedrowski, Joseph M. Ellis, and Judy Longshaw. "“Your Father Works for My Father”: Race, Class, and the Politics of Voluntarily Mandated Desegregation." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 110, no. 5 (May 2008): 986–1032. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146810811000501.
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Background/Context Unlike the situation nationally where desegregation progress is faltering, the school district in Rock Hill, South Carolina, has recently undertaken measures to increase balance in pupil assignment despite considerable local opposition to these measures and the absence of a court order requiring the district to do so. Moreover, while other districts that are also pursuing desegregation increasingly rely on voluntary strategies such as magnets, the Rock Hill school district has relied more on adjusting the boundaries of mandatory attendance zones. This article investigates the conditions and developments that facilitated the school district's voluntarily increasing its desegregation efforts through the use of mandatory strategies. In so doing, the article expands upon our previous work that raises the possibility of a new politics of school desegregation. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study The purpose of this essay is to clarify the meaning of voluntary desegregation; to understand the political, demographic, and other conditions that affected desegregation efforts in Rock Hill; and to relate these conditions to broader issues such as the changed (since the civil rights era) relationship between the federal government and local school districts on issues involving desegregation, the relative merits of race- versus class-based public policy, citizen participation in desegregation planning, and the Supreme Court's consideration of voluntary desegregation. Setting Rock Hill, South Carolina Research Design Case study Conclusions/Recommendations We find that Rock Hill's school desegregation efforts were facilitated by a change in school board elections, the current relatively loose coupling of policy venues on issues involving desegregation, the overlap between the interests of Blacks and working-class Whites in the development of a high school reassignment plan, citizen participation in desegregation planning, and effective leadership from the district's administration. The findings from this case study suggest that in some situations class-based public policy is more effective than race-based public policy, but they also caution equally strongly against making any sweeping claims for the generic effectiveness of class-based public policy. The findings also suggest why and how, contrary to the situation in the civil rights era, the workings of local politics in southern school districts may currently be consistent with the pursuit of school desegregation, not antithetical to it. Because of this consistency, a Supreme Court ruling against voluntary desegregation may be viewed as undermining not only the pursuit of equality of opportunity, but also the democratic ideal of popular sovereignty.
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Webber, Jeremy. "Empire and Solidarity in International Legal Reform." Middle East Law and Governance 4, no. 2-3 (2012): 326–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-00403005.
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In the last two decades, aid organizations, led by the World Bank, have advanced legal and political reform as a necessary adjunct of international development assistance. This move has been challenged by critics who argue that institutional reform is inextricably tied to economic liberalization, that it is a form of cultural imperialism, and that it tends to displace domestic struggles for democratic self-determination, replacing them with a uniform model of atomized rights. This paper does not reject those concerns out of hand, but it does argue that they are often exaggerated and liable to undermine a valuable sense of international solidarity. It seeks to redirect the criticisms, confining and targeting them more carefully. It does so first by examining how the institutional reform agenda works in practice, drawing specifically on the experience of legal reform in Vietnam. From that example, it assesses the possibilities, limitations, and constraints of international institutional reform and provides recommendations on how reform might be pursued so as to reinforce, and not abandon, the values of transparency, consistency, popular participation and government responsiveness that animate, at its best, the institutional reform agenda.
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Calista, Margaretha Finna, and Wening Udasmoro. "Women as Breadwinners in Maureen Sherry’s Opening Belle." Journal of Language and Literature 21, no. 2 (September 20, 2021): 318–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24071/joll.v21i2.3146.
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There have been many popular fiction novels in the literature world that raise how women enter the economic aspect. One of them is the novel Opening Belle written by Maureen Sherry and published in 2016. Opening Belle represents women’s participation in the financial sector because they want a good life. This research is studied with the feminist political economy theory proposed by Jacqui True. In her book, The Political Economy of Violence against Women, True explains that economic globalization has changed women’s lives becoming financially independent. However, on the other hand, women involved in the public sphere are underappreciated and receive sexual harassment or violence, making it difficult for women to participate in the economic aspect. This research uses the descriptive qualitative method. With this method, the writer takes parts of the novel in the form of words, sentences, paragraphs which explain the economic aspect and women’s participation in it. This research is analyzed through the explanations and utterances of the characters. The results of this study are: first, the participation of women as breadwinners in this novel is started as part of her life experiences and is driven by the hardships of her family; second, women are highly motivated figures so that they implement several strategies to survive in their office, namely by proving their competence, joining the GCC women’s community and voicing equal rights in the workplace. In conclusions, economic globalization opens up women’s opportunity to become the sole breadwinner in the family.
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Way, Lyndon C. S. "Trump, memes and the Alt-right: Emotive and affective criticism and praise." Russian Journal of Linguistics 25, no. 3 (December 15, 2021): 789–809. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2687-0088-2021-25-3-789-809.
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Internet memes are the most pervasive and malleable form of digital popular culture (Wiggins 2019: vii). They are a way a society expresses and thinks of itself (Denisova 2019: 2) used for the purpose of satire, parody, critique to posit an argument (Wiggins 2019, see also Ponton 2021, this issue). The acts of viewing, creating, sharing and commenting on memes that criticise or troll authority figures have become central to our political processes becom[ing] one of the most important forms of political participation and activism today (Merrin 2019: 201). However, memes do not communicate to us in logical arguments, but emotionally and affectively through short quips and images that entertain. Memes are part of a new politics of affectivity, identification, emotion and humour (Merrin 2019: 222). In this paper, we examine not only what politics memes communicate to us, but how this is done. We analyse memes, some in mainstream social media circulation, that praise and criticise the authoritarian tendencies of former US President Donald Trump, taken from 4Chan, a home of many alt-right ideas. Through a Multimodal Critical Discourse Studies approach, we demonstrate how images and lexical choices in memes do not communicate to us in logical, well-structured arguments, but lean on affective and emotional discourses of racism, nationalism and power. As such, though memes have the potential to emotionally engage with their intended audiences, this is done at the expense of communicating nuanced and detailed information on political players and issues. This works against the ideal of a public sphere where debate and discussion inform political decisions in a population, essential pillars of a democratic society (Habermas 1991).
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Barash, Raisa E. "Russian society in the 2020s: an attempt at ideological self-determination." VESTNIK INSTITUTA SOTZIOLOGII 13, no. 2S (2022): 88–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/vis.2022.13.2s.818.
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Addressing the works of V.V. Petukhov, dedicated to the study of public opinion dynamics, including on issues of political self-determination, the author examines the impact of changes in the socio-economic and political situation on the preferences of Russians. In current sociological data, the author finds confirmation of the ideas of V.V. Petukhov about consistent attempts at ideological self-determination of Russians, despite the constant impact on society of crisis events of various origins, social turbulence and limited opportunities for political representation. Although the request of Russian society in the 1990s for democratic reforms was replaced in the 2000s by skepticism about the applicability of Western models of development, key democratic principles remained socially significant: the lifting of the ban on public criticism of senior officials, the expansion of publicity and freedom of speech, the elimination of censorship, the democratisation of elections, etc. The focus of many Russians on private problems by the time of election campaigns in 2019-2021 was replaced by a growing interest in political participation and ideological self-determination, and in 2021 about a third of citizens could clearly define their own ideological and political views. If the limited possibilities of party-political representation in the 2000–2010s stimulated public demand for ideological self-determination, then the categories of identity circulating in the official discourse gave many people a reason to think about their meanings, and even change their own ideas. This happened with the category “Russian”, the content of which has become clearer over the past few years, and the subtle components of identity have lost popularity. The idea that Russians are all those who honestly work for the benefit of Russia has ceased to be popular. The proportion of those who agree with the most popular logic of interpreting Russian identity, that suggests that a Russian is one who grew up and was brought up in the traditions of Russian culture, has slightly decreased, while the popularity of defining Russian identity through the native Russian language, Russian origin and self-determination after 2014 increased. It is possible that the search for meaningful attributes of Russian identity, coinciding in the view of many with Russian civil identity, along with support for the ideas of national diversity, is an attempt by Russian society to “assemble” a new social consensus and search for the foundations of a new national mythology.
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Hamitov, Radik N., Dmitriy Yu Tumanov, and Rinat R. Sakhapov. "Origin of a Jury Trial in the European Countries." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 6, no. 5 (November 28, 2017): 152. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v6i5.1286.
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<p>Traditionally it is believed that the birthplace of the jury trial creation is England, but the issue of the birthplace location of this particular form of popular participation in the criminal justice administration is not yet fully resolved by the historical science. The continental lawyers were particularly interested in the jury trial among other institutions of English law, in which the English themselves identified the stronghold of the country's law and order, its political and civil freedom. It is not difficult to see that the main role was not played by the judges, but by the community representatives in this form of justice administration. Since then the community has been gaining more and more importance in England as a state body in the matter of justice administration, and the initial forms of its activity have being further developed in this direction. This works investigates roots of jury trial by basing on such methods as historical, systemic, formally logical, concrete-historical, comparative legal analysis method. The authors, in turn, come to the conclusion that the jury trial has its roots still in the Ancient States, but the classical modern model owes its origin to England.</p>
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Salmon, J. H. M. "Constitutions old and new: Henrion de Pansey before and after the French revolution." Historical Journal 38, no. 4 (December 1995): 907–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020501.
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ABSTRACTHenrion de Pansey (1742–1829) is an important but neglected constitutional historian whose views on the French past served as a commentary on the unwritten and written constitutions of his own age. A feudal lawyer before the revolution and an appeal judge under Napoleon and the restored Bourbons, he published a variety of works combining liberal sentiment with judicial traditionalism. His career illustrates the shift of moderate conservative opinion across the revolutionary divide. The alteration in his political thought is best understood through its conjunction with the three historical modes prevalent in his time: a discontinuous approach, accepting the past as a series of different regimes interrupted by revolutions; a developmental view, charting the progressive growth of institutions from seeds planted in antiquity; and a fundamentalist habit of thought that saw change as decline from pristine perfection. The jurists of sixteenth-century France remained Henrion's most admired models, and he used his roseate vision of the early modern French monarchy as a sometimes critical commentary on the constitutions designed in his own day. In prerevolutionary days he recast the ideas of the sixteenth-century rationalizer of feudalism, Charles Dumoulin, into Enlightenment terms. After the revolution, De l'Autoritéjudiciaire (1810) depicted the moderating role of the judiciary as defenders of past constitutions, and formed an oblique commentary on Napoleon's civil code. Des Pairs et de l'ancienne constitution (1816) appraised the charter of 1814. It accepted a measure of popular participation in government, but held judicial expertise essential in legislation. Des Assemblées nationales (1826) shifted the emphasis from judicial oversight to the separation of powers and representative government, although Henrion, like Guizot and the doctrinaires, remained critical of popular democracy.
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Zaborovskyy, V., and V. Kharuta. "Implementation of the principle of people’s ownership: nutritional theory and legal status." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law 2, no. 79 (October 25, 2023): 415–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2023.79.2.65.
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It appears that the Constitution of Ukraine has voted for the sovereignty and united power of the people, which it implements directly through the bodies of state power and local self-government. The main manifestation of the power of the people is the referendum and free elections. The forms of centralized people’s rule, which are enshrined in Section 3 of the Constitution, play an initial role for the current political constitutionalism, which directly contributes to the development of a huge partnership between the powers that we hope is possible It is possible to provide the free-willed population with the widest range of nutrition. State power and local self-government function effectively due to the presence of developed institutions of direct democracy. Today’s practice of establishing the hidden forms of middle-free democracy significantly outpaces the theoretical developments in this area. The nutrition itself is voluminous, and at the same time there are a great number of gaps and gaps in the possibility of constitutional consolidation of new forms of unmediated democracy, especially in justice.
It appears that direct democracy in the state-legal system means ensuring the control and accountability of representative bodies before their voters, interspersed with Swaville. In other words, direct democracy is a specific mechanism, an institution in the middle of a democratic regime, which is equally important to the functioning of representative democracy. It appears that in legal literature there are different meanings of the concept of “form (institution) of middle-of-the-road democracy.” From the legal scientific literature it is clear that the forms of direct democracy mean “the ways and means of direct control over the people or any part of them, which includes the transfer of ownership to any bodies or individuals.”
On the basis of the analysis of scientific issues, the authors share the firm belief (L. Shipilov) in favor of direct democracy, that access to the stated ideal implies the convergence of “pure” non-median forms of economic power from the professional sphere the integrity of the state authorities. Only through the steady mutual interaction of the representative form in all types of people, permanent legitimation of delegated power, bilateral communication Together with the people and their representatives, mass political participation will be ensured. In this case, the ideological basis of people’s rule is popular sovereignty, the supremacy of power over the people, which actually works in the interests of the people. The idea of popular sovereignty played an extremely important role in the development of marriage, in the formation of democratic ambushes in the political life of various countries (A. Kolodiy).
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Mussagaliyeva, A. S. "ABОUT POPULАR UPRISINGS AND PROTESTS IN KAZAKSTAN (1929-1931)." History of the Homeland 99, no. 3 (September 29, 2022): 87–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/1814-6961_2022_3_87.
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The article deals with the history of popular uprisings and protests in Kazakhstan (1929-1931). In historiography, the works of Kazakh, Russianand foreign historians were analyzed. When studying the issue, first of all, attention was paid to the causes, nature and slogans of the uprisings. In particular, unbearable livestock procurement for the Kazakh population, as well as the nature of the uprisings, nationality or mass character, as well as multinationality, is noted. Slogans from archival documents are given to understand the origins of the uprisings. Particular attention is drawn to the number of uprisings and the number of participants as one of the key points in the study of this problem. Separately, the victims of political repressions, who were shot without trial or investigation during the suppression of uprisings, as well as those subjected to repression by extrajudicial and judicial bodies for participating these uprisings, are shown separately. The article uses a large array of archival documents, such as the Archive of the Prezident of the Repulic of Kazakhstan, SGA KNB of the Republic of Kazakhstan. Many sources are new, not yet introduced into scientific circulation.
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Danforth, Scot. "Disability in the Family: John and Alice Dewey Raising Their Son, Sabino." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 120, no. 2 (February 2018): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146811812000203.
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Background/Context The current biographic understanding of John Dewey's experience adopting and raising an Italian boy named Sabino emphasizes the theme of finding an emotional replacement for Morris and Gordon, two young sons who had tragically died on family trips to Europe. Lacking is substantive attention to the fact that John Dewey's son had a physical disability who grew up during the early surge of eugenics thought in American popular life. The leading biographer Jay Martin has portrayed John and Alice Dewey as rescuing Sabino from poverty, an experience that gave John Dewey “a special empathy for the second-best, the second-class citizen, the loser in society. “ What is missing from all biographic research on the Deweys is their experience of raising a boy with a physical disability during a historical time when disabilities were highly stigmatized. Purpose/Objective/Research The purpose of this historical study is to supplement the current understanding of John Dewey fathering an adopted son with an account that attends to the fact that young Sabino had a physical disability. Working in the disability studies tradition, this analysis explores both how the Deweys contended with Sabino's bone tuberculosis as an illness requiring medical treatment and how they navigated the complex political context of deeply discriminatory attitudes surrounding disabled persons. The conclusion initiates a discussion of the larger questions concerning how the experiences of fathering a boy impacted directly by disability oppression might have influenced John Dewey's political activity and scholarship. Research Design This historical analysis utilizes prior biographic research, published and unpublished works by John Dewey, and primary historical documents such as family letters and medical and popular publications of the era. Conclusions/Recommendations This analysis finds that John and Alice Dewey were very loving and attentive parents who endured many struggles due to their child's disability. They worried about their son's health, and they capably navigated the available medical options. They were troubled by their son's suffering and pain, and they worked together with great consistency to comfort and support him. Further, they directly confronted disability prejudice, including educational segregation, and worked assiduously against the powerful cultural assumption that their disabled son should lead a life of anything less than full participation in the community. The article concludes with a preliminary examination of how these experiences influenced John Dewey's political writings and activities.
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Figueiredo, Gustavo de Oliveira, and Henry Armand Giroux. "Political education against inequalities and citizenship for democracy: international scientific literature review after twenty years of neoliberalism (1999-2019)." Revista de Estudios Teóricos y Epistemológicos en Política Educativa 5 (2020): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5212/retepe.v.5.16900.021.
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This paper discusses the role of citizenship and political education in the contemporary society. It analyses the consequences of neoliberalism regarding its assault on the social sphere and its production of mass inequality around the world. We initiate the conversation by making education central to politics, culture as the key tool that helps us to analyze the meanings of citizenship. The privatization of citizenship narrows the debate around the role of the citizen, the public sphere and undermines democratic values. The goal of this research is to try and understand whether political education can reduce social inequality or not, and how the presence of an informed and politically engaged culture helps create the agents necessary for a substantive democracy. The chosen method enables the production of an international literature review with a systematic bibliographic search, exploring the meanings and scientific uses of the categories Political Education, Social Inequality, Citizenship and Democracy after many years under the neoliberalism hegemony around the globe. This research was conducted via the following databases: Google Scholar; Networked Digital Libraries of Theses and Dissertations (NDLTD); Education Research and Information Center (ERIC) and Scientific Electronic Library Online (SciELO). It includes papers written in English, Spanish and Portuguese which publishing dates range from 1999 to 2019. A total of 51 articles were selected to compose the analytic corpus (n=51). After reading all of the texts and making a content analysis, the results were presented in 3 categories: i - Citizenship education and political education: theories and practices (Conceptual approaches on citizenship and Students’ capacity for political or moral reasoning fostered by political education); ii - Politics, human rights & democratic values in education (Critical approaches of human rights or democratic values on higher education; Popular education or citizen participation on political education and Politics as a teaching or learning tool for formal education); iii - Relationships among State, citizens and civil society (Positive relationships in contemporary societies and Conflicts in adult education). Under neoliberalism, civic culture, democratic values and informed dialogue atrophied. Clearly, this is partly due to the dominant neoliberal view that social agency is dangerous and needs to be shaped by neoliberal forms of education. Under the reign of neoliberalism, there has emerged a pedagogical machinery of power engaged in producing a culture of manufactured ignorance that works to produce a form of political repression. However, as an alternative, many pieces of research are arguing that education must empower citizens to engage in their communities as a method to learn, engage in individual and collective action, and how to participate in political struggles and public affairs. Political education can be an important social movement against the inequalities. That seems to be crucial for building a direct and participative citizenship in our contemporary democracy.
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Figueiredo, Gustavo de Oliveira, and Henry Armand Giroux. "Political education against inequalities and citizenship for democracy: international scientific literature review after twenty years of neoliberalism (1999-2019)." Revista de Estudios Teóricos y Epistemológicos en Política Educativa 5 (2020): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5212/retepe.v.5.16900.021.
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This paper discusses the role of citizenship and political education in the contemporary society. It analyses the consequences of neoliberalism regarding its assault on the social sphere and its production of mass inequality around the world. We initiate the conversation by making education central to politics, culture as the key tool that helps us to analyze the meanings of citizenship. The privatization of citizenship narrows the debate around the role of the citizen, the public sphere and undermines democratic values. The goal of this research is to try and understand whether political education can reduce social inequality or not, and how the presence of an informed and politically engaged culture helps create the agents necessary for a substantive democracy. The chosen method enables the production of an international literature review with a systematic bibliographic search, exploring the meanings and scientific uses of the categories Political Education, Social Inequality, Citizenship and Democracy after many years under the neoliberalism hegemony around the globe. This research was conducted via the following databases: Google Scholar; Networked Digital Libraries of Theses and Dissertations (NDLTD); Education Research and Information Center (ERIC) and Scientific Electronic Library Online (SciELO). It includes papers written in English, Spanish and Portuguese which publishing dates range from 1999 to 2019. A total of 51 articles were selected to compose the analytic corpus (n=51). After reading all of the texts and making a content analysis, the results were presented in 3 categories: i - Citizenship education and political education: theories and practices (Conceptual approaches on citizenship and Students’ capacity for political or moral reasoning fostered by political education); ii - Politics, human rights & democratic values in education (Critical approaches of human rights or democratic values on higher education; Popular education or citizen participation on political education and Politics as a teaching or learning tool for formal education); iii - Relationships among State, citizens and civil society (Positive relationships in contemporary societies and Conflicts in adult education). Under neoliberalism, civic culture, democratic values and informed dialogue atrophied. Clearly, this is partly due to the dominant neoliberal view that social agency is dangerous and needs to be shaped by neoliberal forms of education. Under the reign of neoliberalism, there has emerged a pedagogical machinery of power engaged in producing a culture of manufactured ignorance that works to produce a form of political repression. However, as an alternative, many pieces of research are arguing that education must empower citizens to engage in their communities as a method to learn, engage in individual and collective action, and how to participate in political struggles and public affairs. Political education can be an important social movement against the inequalities. That seems to be crucial for building a direct and participative citizenship in our contemporary democracy.
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Pisano, Pietro. "La condición de las mujeres en el discurso político chocoano. ‘Raza’, género y clase en un contexto discriminatorio a mediados del siglo XX." La Manzana de la Discordia 5, no. 2 (March 17, 2016): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.25100/lamanzanadeladiscordia.v5i2.1519.
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Resumen: Este artículo analiza la presencia de la cuestiónfemenina en el discurso político chocoano de la primeramitad del siglo XX. En esa época, la condición de las mujereschocoanas, particularmente la de las mujeres negrasde sectores populares, adquirió mucha importancia en elprograma del movimiento cordobista, fundado en 1933 conel objetivo de lograr la participación de la gente negraen la vida política, económica y cultural de la región.El estímulo de la educación femenina propuesto por esemovimiento permitió a muchas mujeres negras dejar ellugar de subordinación determinado por su pertenenciaracial y de clase. En particular, la posibilidad de accederal magisterio garantizó mayores posibilidades de escapara la condición de servidumbre a la cual habían sido relegadashistóricamente y determinó su mayor participaciónen la vida política. Sin embargo, pese a la igualdad degénero proclamada oficialmente, los mecanismos internosa los movimientos políticos terminaron perpetuando ladominación de género, invisibilizando la participaciónfemenina y relegando a las mujeres a un rol secundario.Palabras clave: discriminación racial, mujeres, Chocó,género, educación, participación política.Women’s Condition in Political Discourse in Chocó. Race. Gender and Class in a Discriminatory Context in Mid-XXth CenturyAbstract: This article analyzes the presence of the femalequestion in the Chocoan political discourse during the firsthalf of the 20th century. At that time, Chocoan women’scondition, especially of the black ones from popular sectors,gained great importance in the Cordobist movement,founded in 1933 with the aim of achieving black people’sparticipation in the political, economic and cultural lifeof the region. The female education incentive, proposedby the movement, allowed a big number of black womento abandon their subordinate place - determined by theirrace and class. More specifically, the opportunity to accessthe teaching profession guaranteed them greater possibilitiesto escape the condition of servitude to which they hadbeen historically relegated and it also determined a largerparticipation in political life. However, despite the officiallyproclaimed gender equality, the movement’s internalmechanisms ended up perpetuating gender domination,ignoring female participation and relegating women toa secondary role.Key Words: racial discrimination, women, Chocó, gender,education, political participation.
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Fihurnyi, Yurii, Olena Zham, and Oksana Vysoven. "Participation of the Subjects of the Habsburg Empire in the Flour Industry of the Right-Bank Ukraine (19th — Early 20th Centuries)." Ukrainian Studies, no. 4(85) (January 15, 2023): 132–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.30840/2413-7065.4(85).2022.267875.
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The article analyzes the participation of the subjects of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in the milling industry of the Right-Bank Ukraine in the 19th and early 20th centuries. It was revealed that during the researched period, citizens of the Habsburg monarchy played a prominent role in the flour industry of the Right-Bank Ukraine. It was found that they gave a powerful impetus to the development of the flour industry and the formation of the qualified workforce of mill workers, which in turn became an important factor in accelerating the economic development of the region. It is noted that this was facilitated by the close economic, social and political ties between the two empires and the relevant legislation in the field of trade and industrial entrepreneurship. It is shown that the active participation of Austrians, Hungarians, Czechs and other representatives of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in the flour milling industry of the Right-Bank Ukraine ensured their positive influence on the development of milling. It was revealed that the Austrian immigrants expanded advanced technologies, European entrepreneurial and management culture, invested capital in the flour industry. It was found that high professionalism and good reputation of the citizens of Austria-Hungary contributed to their recruitment to the positions of employees, mill workers, therefore, on the Right-Bank of Ukraine specialists from European countries were highly valued and recruited to the most important positions: managing directors, assistant managers, machinists, mechanics. It is shown that many Austro-Hungarian industrial and trading companies had their representative offices on the Right-Bank of Ukraine, through which they sold goods of Austrian and Hungarian production. Steam engines and mill mechanisms manufactured by the Royal Hungarian Engineering Works in Budapest proved very popular in the region’s steam mills. It is proven that with the beginning of the First World War, the entrepreneurship of Austrian subjects began to curtail as a result of a series of laws, according to which German and Austro-Hungarian subjects were obliged to forcibly sell real estate (land, enterprises, firms) that they owned.
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Zipunnikova, Natalia, and Yuliya Nikolaevna Zipunnikova. "Fate of a scholar in the fate of a country (about the book “N. S. Nizhnik, S. Y. Dergileva State and Law in Theoretical-Legal Views of A. I. Elistratov: monography. – M.; Yurlitinform, 2017. – 376 p.” as about an invitation to ponder)." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 3 (March 2020): 121–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.3.30535.
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This article discusses a monographic study dedicated to the prominent Russian legal scholar A. I. Elistratov (1822-1955), whose life and works fell on the different historical periods, including a tragic crisis time. The authors of the monograph N. S. Nizhnik, S. Y. Dergileva characterize the intellectual biography of the scholar and his sociopolitical activity in the context of establishment of the police-legal theory within the European and national educational scientific tradition. Subsequent changes in the attitude towards legal scholar and his scientific writings that were popular in Russia prior to the October Revolution are demonstrated through the prism of transformation of state-legal, political-ideological, socioeconomic, educational-scientific customs of the national culture. An effective reconstruction of the scientific biography of A. I. Elistratov became possible due to careful attention to the heritage of national police science and Soviet science of administrative law as a whole, as well as anthropocentric scenario of the conducted research. From the standpoint of historicism and anthropological approach, the peer reviews turns attention to functionality in the culture of complex mechanisms that ensure succession of the traditions. The new monographs demonstrates the importance and research prospects of the separate storylines related to the formation of scholar’s personality and his realization of scientific-pedagogical and sociopolitical activity, for example on the foreign business trips and participation in seminars on law, work of law communities in pre-October Russia, dynamism of educational and scientific activity of the first Soviet decades.
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Maltsev, Alexander, and Natalia Rozinskaya. "Theory Without Measurement or Some Finishing Touches on The Creative Portrait of Douglass North." Journal of Institutional Studies 13, no. 4 (December 25, 2021): 071–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17835/2076-6297.2021.13.4.071-090.
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The article examines some of the key features of the scientific work of Douglass North. It is argued that the popular image of North as an adherent of this or that school of economic thought is not highly relevant. The authors believe that one of the key features of North's research style is his "theory-centricity". The article demonstrates that the most important milestones in North's career (fling with Marxism in his youth, participation in the Сliometrics revolution, the transition from neoclassical economist to one of the founders of neo-institutionalism, a turn towards cognitive science), despite the seeming lack of continuity served as kind of steps of the ladder along which North went to the creation of a comprehensive theory of social development. Based on the results of qualitative content analysis of North's works of the 1950s and 60s, the authors show that even in the years of his affinity for quantitative economic history, the economist always put the ability to theorize above the skills of quantitative analysis. This feature, combined with the recent empirical turn in economics, which raised the prestige of empirical work to unprecedented heights, made it difficult for modern mainstream economists to perceive the ideas of the "late" North. The authors' analysis of the citation structure of North's last major book, "Violence and Social Orders. Conceptual framework for the interpretation of the written history of mankind" confirms this trend. This book generates greater interest among heterodox economists, historians, and political scientists than among representatives of mainstream economics. In the article's conclusion, the authors speculate about the prospects of the Northian theory-driven style of doing economic research in the face of the progressive "empirization" of modern economics.
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Atygayev, N. "«Orbulak battle»: myths and facts." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical Sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 141, no. 4 (2022): 22–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2022-141-4-22-36.
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A huge influence on the internal and external political situation of the Kazakh Khanate was exerted by the militant Mongol-speaking tribes of Kalmaks (Oirats), who in the 17th century. founded the "last nomadic empire" (V.V. Bartold) of Central Asia - the Dzungar Khanate. The article deals with issues related to the battle of the Kazakh-Uzbek troops with the troops of the Dzungar Khanate in 1643, which is known in modern literature as the "Battle of Orbulak". As a result of the study, the author states the presence in the scientific and popular science literature of a number of myths regarding this battle. According to historical materials, this year the Kazakh ruler Zhangir, at the head of a small squad, heroically stopped the advance of the Dzungar army to the Kazakh lands. Later there was a major battle of the already united Kazakh-Uzbek army with an enemy many times greater in number. In this battle, the united army of the Turkic peoples under the leadership of the Kazakh Khan Zhangir and the Uzbek rulers won a brilliant victory. However, these events did not take place in the Orbulak area in Zhetysu, as is commonly believed in modern Kazakh historiography. They probably took place in the vicinity of Tashkent, as indicated in "Silsilat as-salatin". This explains the quick approach of the Uzbek troops to help the Kazakhs. Also, the participation in this battle of such Kazakh batyrs as Shaprashty Karasai, Argyn Argyntai, Alshyn Zhiembet, Kanly Sarbuk, Naiman Kekserek, Dulat Zhansygul, Suan Eltindy is not confirmed by historical materials. The materials for this article were published documents of the 17th century Russian-Mongol relations, the records of medieval Muslim historians, the results of special research works and others.
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Erowati, Rosida. "Distribution of The Sensible Jacques Ranciere." Jubindo: Jurnal Ilmu Pendidikan Bahasa dan Sastra Indonesia 3, no. 3 (December 19, 2018): 109–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.32938/jbi.v3i3.347.
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This paper aims to discuss the problem of aesthetic in modern Indonesian literature in its relation with the politic. In contrast with the traditional understanding of the aesthetic and politic, this paper offers an alternative perspective abstracted by the French aesthetic philosopher, Jacques Rancière, to look into five problems concerning this matter. First, the mechanism of inclusion/exclusion in defining the aesthetic in relation to politic. This problem leads to the second, that is the definition of aesthetic as a distribution of sensibility which consists of the visible, the intelligible, and the possible where the main goal is to shatter the social hierarchy. In addition to this, the definition of revolutionary works relies not on the engagement of the artist into the political field, but on the succeed to bridging the hierarchical migration. Moreover, the presumption of equality as the foundation of the revolutionary in aesthetic, thus a popular work does not always consider as such. And finally, art as an act for the people to position themselves in participating in the polis, thus the idea of literacy is a very important instrument to make sure the subject to emancipate. By considering these problems, the question of when is the birth of modern Indonesian literature needs to be re-assessed.
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Waters, Elizabeth. "The Bolsheviks and the Family." Contemporary European History 4, no. 3 (November 1995): 275–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300003489.
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The Bolsheviks considered the family to be a minor matter. The ABC of Communism, a popular exposition of Bolshevik Marxism published shortly after the October Revolution, detailed the economic and political institutions of Soviet Russia with only a passing reference to the public services that would emancipate women in the future society.1 Its authors, Nikolai Bukharin and Evgenii Preobrazhenskii, understood the revolutionary process chiefly as the by-product of economic development and expected socialism to come through the manipulation of economic mechanisms by central government, and in this they echoed the views of their party. The Bolshevik scenario did not preclude the ‘participation of the masses’ to use the vocabulary of the times. Individuals, women as well as men, were to enjoy unprecedented access to the political process, and as masters of the nation's resources would decide matters of state, each acting as part of the whole, or more exactly as part of a number of collectivities, first and foremost as members of the proletariat, but also as members of other groups including nationality, youth and women. While families in the past had played a crucial role in the creation and transmission of private property, with the overthrow of the exploitative capitalist system they would cease to function as providers of economic and psychological welfare. Instead the individual's social place and action would be determined by class and, to a lesser extent, by ethnicity, age and gender. Families belonged to the superstructure and were symptom rather than cause; they adapted to the needs of society, changing in response to the transformation of economic relations. Families, in other words, could look after themselves, and appropriate forms of private life would evolve without much outside intervention.
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Sultanbaeva, Gulmira, Berikbol Tolegen, Olga Lozhnikova, Zarina Buyenbayeva, and Gulnur Tyulepberdynova. "DISSEMINATION OF FAKE AND INCORRECT INFORMATION ON SOCIAL NETWORKS." Herald of journalism 72, no. 2 (2024): 25–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.26577/hj.2024.v72.i2.3.
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The article discusses disseminating fake and inaccurate information on various social media platforms. The authors examine the emergence and evolution of the term "fake". In recent years, there has been a shift in content consumption on social media and an expansion of audience participation in its production and dissemination. The research aims to identify verification algorithms and sociometric indicators of fake and inaccurate information by analyzing sources of their dissemination and assessing their impact on society. The scientific novelty and significance of the work are not just theoretical, but also have practical implications. The study focuses on dealing with inaccurate information on popular social media platforms in Kazakhstan, such as Facebook, Instagram, and TikTok. The inclusion of misinformation and fakes in the political, economic, and social agenda underscores the relevance of research in this area. The work's practical significance lies in its potential use for training media trainers, media representatives working in fact-checking systems and journalism students. This application of the research can empower these individuals to combat fake news effectively. The conclusion highlights that the development of electronic technologies and the emergence of new media platforms have not only led to new strategies for creating and delivering content , but also to the dissemination of inaccurate information. This has fundamentally changed the tactics of information consumption, with the audience now playing a crucial role in content production and dissemination. This realization should make us all more aware of our responsibility in sharing accurate information. Kazakhstanis are subjected to attacks of blatant lies and disinformation, as well as fabricated or semi-true news on popular platforms, which can spread widely in the digital age with immeasurable consequences. The obtained results show that evaluating sources and verifying news content minimizes the impact of fake news and mitigates its influence. The research findings can be used to improve the level of information literacy among the population of Kazakhstan.
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FOX, ADAM. "RUMOUR, NEWS AND POPULAR POLITICAL OPINION IN ELIZABETHAN AND EARLY STUART ENGLAND." Historical Journal 40, no. 3 (September 1997): 597–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007346.
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This essay explores the circulation of rumour and news among those at the lower levels of society in late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century England. It does so through an analysis of the court records in which people were indicted for spreading false reports or speaking seditious words and which are now preserved in assize files or amid the state papers. These sources reveal the networks of communication by which information was disseminated nationwide and shed light upon the relationship between oral, manuscript and printed media. They show how wild stories could be whipped up in the act of transmission and were fuelled by the political insecurities of this period. At the same time a more sophisticated awareness of current affairs is evident in some illicit conversations which suggest that even humble people were participating in the arguments which anticipated the Civil War.
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Hernández, Rafael, Haroldo Dilla, Jennifer Dugan Abbassi, and Jean Diaz. "Political Culture and Popular Participation in Cuba." Latin American Perspectives 18, no. 2 (April 1991): 38–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x9101800205.
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Davis, Belinda. "What's Left? Popular Political Participation in Postwar Europe." American Historical Review 113, no. 2 (April 2008): 363–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.2.363.
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Schneiderhan, Erik. "Popular Democracy: The Paradox of Participation." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 47, no. 3 (April 25, 2018): 295–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306118767651c.
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Persson, Mikael. "Education and Political Participation." British Journal of Political Science 45, no. 3 (November 22, 2013): 689–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123413000409.
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What affects who participates in politics? In most studies of political behaviour it is found that individuals with higher education participate to a larger extent in political activities than individuals with lower education. According to conventional wisdom, education is supposed to increases civic skills and political knowledge that functions as the causal mechanisms triggering participation. However, recently a number of studies have started dealing with the question of whether education is a direct cause for political participation or merely works as a proxy for other factors, such as pre-adult socialization or social network centrality. This review article provides an introduction and critical discussion of this debate.
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Good, Kenneth. "Towards Popular Participation in Botswana." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 1 (March 1996): 53–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00055208.
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Despitea competitive party system and regular free-and-fair elections, Botswana's polity has been characterised for almost 30 years by considerable authoritarianism focused on the extensive powers of the Presidency and based upon a hierarchical and highly inequitable society.1But pressures have recently arisen within the country for more openness, participation, and equality, and their growing effects were clearly evident in the October 1994 elections and in the widespread disturbances soon after.
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Shefter, Martin. "STATE AUTONOMY AND POPULAR PARTICIPATION." Critical Review 19, no. 1 (January 2007): 181–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913810701499742.
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Dzur, Albert W., and Carolyn M. Hendriks. "Thick populism: democracy-enhancing popular participation." Policy Studies 39, no. 3 (May 4, 2018): 334–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01442872.2018.1478408.
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Fernández Ríos, Olga. "On Socialism and Popular Participation in Cuba." Science & Society 88, no. 1 (January 2024): 100–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/siso.2024.88.1.100.
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Several aspects of the development of the Cuban socialist transition are analyzed with a focus on popular participation and control as the capacity and activity of the great majorities to act on the power relations and, at different levels, shape up the social, economic, political, and cultural development of the nation. Evaluating in depth the state of popular participation in the current context — characterized by the process of updating the socialist development model — requires attention to the historical background. At once, the challenges faced and the conditions required for strengthening the political power of the grassroots and ensuring the continuity of the Cuban Revolution are to be pondered.
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Wang, Zhuoyu, and Hiroshi Fukurai. "Popular legal participation in China and Japan." International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice 38, no. 4 (December 2010): 236–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijlcj.2011.01.007.
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Evenson, Debra. "Opening Paths to Renewed Popular Participation." Latin American Perspectives 36, no. 2 (March 2009): 95–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x09331827.
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Beksheneva, Alexandra A., and Nikolay N. Yagodka. "Political and Non-political Forms of Citizen Participation in Public Life in Russia." RUDN Journal of Public Administration 7, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 25–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8313-2020-7-1-25-35.
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The article is devoted to the consideration of political and non-political component of public opinions expression in contemporary Russia. The authors highlight the most popular channels for expressing public opinion on pressing issues through existing public institutions. The participation of population in the existing civic and social practices is analyzed, and the potential for increasing civic and political involvement is revealed. The paper focuses on the reasons for the low level of citizen political participation in Russia, formulates potential ways to solve this problem, including usage of modern communication tools. The classification of the most popular sectors of civic participation is also presented. Based on the analysis of sociological data, the authors highlight the relationship between the complexity of public participation and the number of citizens involved in various forms of civic initiatives. The article presents the socio-political agenda of the protests of 2017-2018 in Russia as well as its reasons. A forecast for the development of the protest agenda in future is also given in the article. In conclusion there is a forecast for the further development of political and non-political citizen participation in public life of the country and solution of pressing problems such as socio-political, economic, environmental and other spheres of public life.
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Wolfe, Joel D. "A Defense of Participatory Democracy." Review of Politics 47, no. 3 (July 1985): 370–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500036925.
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In order to defend participatory democracy in large-member voluntary organizations, Michels's challenge to traditional democratic theory must be answered. By arguing that the technical, sociological, and psychological processes of modern organizations invariably result in leaders dominating members, Michels questioned democratic theorists' assertions that participation is self-reinforcing and that participation produces popular control. Defending participatory democracy, then, involves showing how the problems of participation and popular control can be overcome in formally representative organizations. The answer proposed is that collective solidarity or community formed by those reacting to injustice and committed to egalitarian social relations provides the motivation for mass participation and the basis for popular control in modern union and party organizations.
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Rosenthal, Joshua M. "Recent Scholarly and Popular Works on Capoeira." Latin American Research Review 42, no. 2 (2007): 262–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lar.2007.0029.
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Niedzwiecki, Sara, and Santiago Anria. "Participatory Social Policies: Diverging Patterns in Brazil and Bolivia." Latin American Politics and Society 61, no. 2 (March 14, 2019): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2018.77.
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ABSTRACTBolivia and Brazil have universalized their pension and healthcare systems, respectively. Civil society organizations participated actively in social policy expansion, yet they have done so in starkly different ways, reflecting general patterns in each country. Whereas in Brazil, popular participation in social policies takes place through “inside” formal channels, such as conferences and councils, in Bolivia, bottom-up influence occurs mostly via “outside” channels, by coordinating collective action in the streets. Understanding forms of popular participation matters because policies that allow for popular input are potentially more representative, universal, and nondiscretionary. This article argues that differences in the forms of popular participation in social policy expansion can be explained by the characteristics of the institutional context and differences in the types of movements engaged in the policymaking process. By focusing on patterns of participation, these findings add nuance to the literature on Latin America’s welfare states.
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Md Sazedul, Islam. "POLITICAL PARTIES OF BANGLADESH AND THE CULTURE OF POLITICAL VIOLENCE." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 1 (December 15, 2019): 129–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-1-129-139.
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Political parties are crucial for the development of democracy in Bangladesh. They represent interests of different social groups and, by means of participation in elections, affect the development of political and socio-economic power strategies. Thus, political parties provide guarantee of equal rights of all the country’s citizens and contribute to their involvement in the democratic process. The democratic institutions in Bangladesh are represented by 40 officially registered parties, among which the largest and most popular are the Awami League, the Nationalist Party, the Jatiya Party and the Jamaat-i-Islami. The article studies political parties’ participation in the life of the country since the establishment of Bangladesh and compares the four main political parties in terms of their ideology, organizational structure, leadership and popular support during elections. Throughout the country’s political history, the winning party has always enjoyed the monopoly of power, which has contributed to the aggravation of conflict between opposition parties and authorities. This situation significantly hinders the country’s socio-economic development. Strikes, often accompanied by extremist violence, are taking place in different parts of the country. The author uses the historical method to analyze the nature of the opposition of various political forces in Bangladesh.
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Mahmood, Qamar, Carles Muntaner, Rosicar del Valle Mata León, and Ramón Ernesto Perdomo. "Popular Participation in Venezuela'sBarrio AdentroHealth Reform." Globalizations 9, no. 6 (December 2012): 815–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2012.739341.
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Cardoso, Ruth. "Building senses of "community": social memory, popular movements and political participation." Vibrant: Virtual Brazilian Anthropology 10, no. 1 (June 2013): 134–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1809-43412013000100006.
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This lecture followed by a debate concerns popular movements, in particular those which the author describes as libertarian, emerging in the city of São Paulo in the late 1970s and early 80s. It focuses on the building of memory, its relevance in creating a sense of identity and of community, and the issue of political participation. The latter was one of the mottos during the democratization of relations between society and the State in Brazil, following the years of military rule, as well as being a major challenge to the creation and development of cultural policies in the country and, among them, those relating to cultural heritage.
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Junges, Ionathan, Elizabeth Fontoura Dorneles, Luís Guilherme Nascimento de Araujo, Ananda Rodrigues dos Santos, Etyane Goulart Soares, and Tiago Anderson Brutti. "Justifications of Representative Democracy." International Journal for Innovation Education and Research 8, no. 11 (November 1, 2020): 702–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31686/ijier.vol8.iss11.2773.
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The totalitarian regimes of the 20th century - Nazism, fascism and Stalinism - in the same way as the dictatorships of South America and Africa, gave the human community a profound reflection on the future. This literature review problematizes the justifications and limits of representative democracy. It discusses the mechanisms of improvement of the democratic process for greater popular participation in the decisive spheres of political life. The lack of popular participation and a possible disbelief with political representation deserve to be addressed in order to continuously actualize democracy as a political regime.