Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political participation – Popular works'
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Nyendu, Morgan. "Popular participation in Ghana's political decentralization program, real or symbolic?" Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ56721.pdf.
Full textGolooba-Mutebi, F. "Decentralisation, democracy and development administration in Uganda, 1986-1996 : limits to popular participation." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.299458.
Full textSherlock, Andrew. "Re-presenting the city : a dramatist's contextualisatioon of his works on Liverpool, post-1990." Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 2015. http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/4402/.
Full textBlackburn, James. "Popular participation in a prebendal society : a case study of participatory municipal planning in Sucre, Bolivia." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.340828.
Full textEikås, Elisabet. ""It is open, but not so open" : gaining access to participation among Kabuli youths /." Oslo : Department of Social Anthropology, Universitetet i Oslo, 2007. http://www.duo.uio.no/publ/sai/2007/53789/xitxisxopenxxbutxnotxsoxopenxx-xgainingxaccessxtoxparticipationxamongxKabulixyouths.pdf.
Full textFreire, Luciano Nunes Maia. "A acção popular como instrumento de efetividade de democracia." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/20904.
Full textEste trabalho procura refletir sobre o papel da acção popular, nomeadamente sua importância e utilidade para a efectividade da democracia. Parte-se, principalmente, da teoria desenvolvida por Thomas Humphrey Marshall, para quem a cidadania pressupõe a conquista de três tipos de direitos: civis, políticos e sociais. Na sequência, traça-se um panorama histórico da cidadania no Brasil, de sorte a identificar as confluências e divergências entre a clássica trajetória da cidadania, desenvolvida a partir da teoria marshalliana, e a história da cidadania na realidade brasileira, bem como as possíveis causas dessa variação. Ademais, esta pesquisa pretende analisar o contexto histórico de criação da acção popular no Brasil, e se o conceito de cidadania, adotado para o manuseio da acção poular, esgota as possibilidade de participação popular na democracia do país. Por fim, discute-se a acção popular à luz do princípio da separação dos poderes, de forma a evidenciar a extensão e os limites do Poder Judiciário nessa seara. Baseando-se no referencial bibliográfico e documental pesquisado, pretende-se explicitar as razões pelas quais a acção popular, embora prevista formalmente, ainda não representa, na prática, um efetivo instrumento de efectividade da cidadania no contexto democrático brasileiro. Como resultado, levanta-se como hipóteses para tal problema: o contexto histórico de regulamentação da acção popular, a limitação do conceito de cidadania adotado para o uso da acção popular e a incipiência dos direitos civis, políticos e sociais, nomeadamente relacionados à participação popular, ao acesso à justiça e à educação.
This work seeks to reflect on the role of popular action, namely its importance and usefulness for the effectiveness of democracy. From the theory developed by Thomas Humphrey Marshall, for whom citizenship presupposes the conquest of three types of rights: civil, political and social. Following, a historical overview of citizenship in Brazil is drawn, in order to identify the confluences and divergences between the trajectory of citizenship in Marshall's work and in the Brazilian reality, as well as the possible causes of this variation. Furthermore, this research intends to analyze the historical context of popular action creation in Brazil, and whether the concept of citizenship, adopted for the handling of popular action, exhausts the possibilities of popular participation in the country's democracy. Finally, popular action is discussed from the principle of separation of powers, in order to highlight the extent and limits of the Judiciary in that area. Based on the researched bibliographic and documentary framework, it is intended to explain the reasons why popular action, although formally foreseen, does not yet represent, in fact, a real instrument of citizenship effectiveness in the Brazilian democratic context. As a result, hypotheses for this problem are raised: the historical context of regulation of popular action, the limitation of citizenship concepts adopted for the use of popular action and the premature nature of civil, political and social rights related to popular participation, access to justice and education.
N/A
Murgatroyd, Richard. "The popular politics of the poll tax : an active citizenship of the left?" Thesis, Brunel University, 2000. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/4852.
Full textAvila, Clarissa Azambuja Lima de. "O voto direito." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/174935.
Full textThe present work intends to study the institute of direct voting in Brazilian constitutional political law. The dimension of non-Brazil's political rights is not always related to growing political participation in the electoral process. This important is a process of distributing historical documents, an extension of rights and the way in which this movement occurred. The power conferred on the authority to act on behalf of someone in a representative democracy is through elections, that is, the electoral mechanism is understood as a means of ratifying an action. In this tuning fork, such a means of renewal in case of non-compliance. Thus, through elections the one chosen through popular vote, acting on behalf of the voters and their representation will be legitimized. Hence the imperiousness of an extension of the history of voting in Brazil, its historical and social context, through which we will seek to understand the improvement of political representation and the amplification of the acceptance of democracy.
Neves, Angela Vieira. "Clientelismo, cultura politica e democracia : dilemas e desafios da participação popular : a experiencia do orçamento participativo da cidade de Barra Mansa." [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280316.
Full textTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Esta tese buscou analisar o impacto do orçamento participativo enquanto um novo instrumento de inovação democrática na cultura política local a partir da afirmação de que esse instrumento tensiona a política mais conservadora presente em diferentes municípios brasileiros. Trata-se de pesquisar nesta tese a tensa relação no exercício da política quando o OP é colocado em prática. A questão a que se tenta responder é: Como se verifica o impacto provocado pela inovação democrática, pela gestão participativa, com o OP sobre a cultura política? Tomando como ponto de partida essas indagações analisamos os efeitos políticos a partir de um estudo de caso sobre o OP em Barra Mansa, Rio de Janeiro. A contaminação de práticas culturais conservadoras como o clientelismo coloca um desafio à democracia participativa. Constatou-se também que um dos maiores conflitos com o OP se deu com aqueles vereadores, inclusive do PT, acostumados a reproduzir uma prática menos democrática na intermediação de interesses com a população por meio do favor e do clientelismo. O que encontramos no estudo de caso foi que o sucesso democrático de uma experiência de participação popular depende bem mais dos aspectos culturais e políticos presentes na sociedade brasileira. Essa tese mostrou que há um hibridismo na cultura política exercida pelos diferentes atores quer sejam da sociedade civil ou dos aparelhos do Estado que acionam mecanismos democráticos e clientelistas na intermediação de interesses públicos e coletivos. Além disso, confirmou-se a hipótese de que a cultura política é uma variável fundamental para o estudo sobre experiências participativas, pois pode limitar a construção da cidadania ativa e a ampliação da esfera pública quando existe a presença de forte tendência clientelista entre as práticas políticas dos atores sociais presentes na sociedade civil em diferentes municípios
Abstract: This thesis searched to analyze the participated budget¿s impact as a new democratic innovation instrument in the local politics culture, considering the affirmation that it pressures the politics more conservatives, present in different Brazilian cities. It is treated to search in this thesis the tense relation in the politics exercising, whenever the participated budget is placed in pratical. The question is how is verified the impact provoked by the democratic innovation, by the participated management, with the participated budget on the politics culture? Starting from these questions, we have analyzed the politics effects considering the case study participated budget on Barra Mansa, Rio de Janeiro. The contamination of cultural pratical conservatives as the client¿s relation, becomes a challenge for the participated democracy. It has concluded also that one of the biggest conflicts with the participated budget was developed with the councilmen, including the members of PT, accustomed to reproduce a pratical less democratic in the interest¿ intermediate with the population through doing favors and client¿s relations. What we have found in this study¿s case was that the democratic success of an experience envolving the popular participation, depends on more the culture and politics¿ aspects presents in Brazilian society. This thesis showed that there is a hybridism in the politics¿ culture, exercised by the different actors, members of the civil society as well as the State¿s apparatus that gesticulate democratic mechanisms based in client¿s relations in intermediate of public and collective interests. Moreover, it was confirmed the hypothesis of that culture politics is a variable basic for the study on participated experiences, because it can limit the construction of the active citizenship and the public sphere¿s magnifying when the presence of strong client¿s relations trend exists between the social actors¿ practical politics presents in the civil society in different cities
Doutorado
Doutor em Ciências Sociais
Tay, Geniesa. "Embracing LOLitics: Popular Culture, Online Political Humor, and Play." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Media and Communication, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/7091.
Full textPercassi, Jade. "Arte, política, educação popular: diálogos necessários para transformação social." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-07072015-132300/.
Full textWe intend with this work contribute to highlighting the relevance of the conceptual debate on popular education, in dialogue with artistic practice and the political intentionality. For this, we used participant observation with an initiative of theater groups \"group\" of São Pau-lo, of creating collective spaces of action and reflection on their artistic practice, investigating the potential and limits of its aesthetic , political and educational contribution to the cultural and political - and raising awareness - of the working class. Along the way key issues emerged for the construction of a transforming performance - from the aesthetic point of view, the material conditions, of the production process, the organizational forms of workers of art and theater, the relationship with the public, the interaction with social movements. Such questions have referred to their historicity, identifying continuities, discontinuities, contra-dictions and overcomes from previous experiences when art, as well as education, as cultur-al aspects, were intertwined in a political strategy of social transformation.
Wansetto, Rosilene. "Avançar na participação com vistas à transformação: o Movimento Consulta Popular." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2009. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2976.
Full textParticipatory democracy is the subject of numerous studies. In this research, we intend to contribute to renewing the analysis of the topic, highlighting the participatory political action with a view to formulating a popular project to Brazil. The completion of this project requires profound social changes and, therefore, collides with the liberal-democratic model of political representation. For this reason, the search for alternatives to that model is present in the struggles of contemporary social movements, especially in Latin America. Upon analyzing this challenge, we will focus on the perspective of Movimento Consulta Popular MCP
A democracia participativa é objeto de numerosos estudos. Nesta pesquisa, pretendemos contribuir para a renovação da análise do tema, destacando a ação política participativa com vistas à formulação de um projeto popular para o Brasil. A realização deste projeto implica transformações sociais profundas e, portanto, se choca com o modelo liberal-democrático de representação política. Por esta razão, a busca de alternativas a este modelo está presente nas lutas dos movimentos sociais contemporâneos, especialmente na América Latina. Ao analisarmos este desafio, centraremos o foco na perspectiva assumida pelo Movimento Consulta Popular MCP
Dunn, Andrew R., and Andrew F. Herrmann. "Participatory Fandom as Reality Convergence." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2014. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/807.
Full textPudenzi, Ana Gabriela Moreira. "Protagonismo feminino e consciência política: uma análise do papel da economia solidária na ação política da União Popular de Mulheres de Campo Limpo e Adjacências." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/100/100134/tde-28042015-141154/.
Full textThe many varieties of collective action promoted by women in the course of history have been able to provide concrete responses for overcoming their subordinated condition in society. In this process, paid work and political participation are factors that contributed to the consolidation of their economic, political and social autonomy. The present study investigates the União Popular de Mulheres de Campo Limpo e Adjacências UPM (Popular Union of Women of Campo Limpo and Surrounding Neighborhoods), a social movement created by women in the 1970s decade in the poor outskirts of São Paulo, in Brazil. Through the analysis of six interviews with former and present members of the entity, this study traces the historical trajectory of this organization and elaborates reflections about the specific roles of each subject and about the particularity of its different phases. Through the study of UPM members political consciousness under the perspective of Political Psychology, this study aims to investigate their constructions and deconstructions regarding feminine protagonism and the development of a more fair and equalitarian society within the horizons of feminist and solidarity economy and, furthermore, to understand the potentialities and limits of UPMs actions and practices for social change.
Silva, Danilo de Carvalho. "Psicologia comunitária e movimentos sociais: juventude, participação política e enfrentamento de formas de desenraizamento em Comunas do MST." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/47/47134/tde-07102016-172321/.
Full textThe observations made during the project \"Community psychology and popular education: a study of possible links in the social movements practices\", funded by the Program Teaching with Research, raised elements for discussion about the sufferings caused by the uprooting of young people of the MST settlements. Throughout our participation in the Movement\'s activities, we observed that the youth of settlements Regional Greater São Paulo MST faced many obstacles to its membership in the place where they live, such as the feeling that when they lived camped residents were more united; the search for living spaces and socialization, as well as the search for access to urban centers; and the various prejudices and discrimination suffered in the neighborhood and at school. Therefore, this project discusses some of the forms of resistance expressed by young people in relation to the suffering living and to what extent the membership of areas linked to movement support development experiences of suffering as the uprooting and social humiliation. To meet this goal, we approach the theoretical links between community psychology and popular education, reflecting on the forms of support developed by psychologists to social movements, whose practices are guided by an emancipatory horizon, and continue participating in movement activities, workshops with young settlers. Also, we collect life stories of five young participants of the MST in major regional São Paulo. Noted, the interviews and participation in the Movement activities and workshops, the different forms of participation in the communes make us young settlers marks by which you can recognize the importance of the Movement in their lives. Reports keep good memories of childhood amid the precariousness of the camps and show how young people are not passive demonstrations of disrespect they suffered, reacting to the moral and physical violence living in their daily lives, is, for example, in the search for dialogue with the board of a school attending or joining confronting violence and suffering. We understand that the appointment of these forms of resistance contributes to the militancy to strengthen the political participation of these young people in the Movement. This strengthening, in turn, contributes to the construction of autonomy of the settlers young, built on participation in a community and to be held in recognition that depend on each other, a dependence that is not subservience or submission, but recognition that our humanity depends on humanity\'s mutual recognition on the other, that is, the shared experience of rooting
Herrmann, Andrew F. "Business in the Front, Party in the #Backchannel." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2014. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/808.
Full textDósa, Mariann. "Citizenship undermined : messages received through the social assistance system in contemporary Hungary." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4a5aa65f-259f-4206-9f07-5f8524389d18.
Full textCamarÃo, Virna do Carmo. "O OrÃamento Participativo de Fortaleza: Ã possÃvel uma pedagogia da participaÃÃo popular?" Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2011. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=6366.
Full textEsta tese se propÃs a investigar o fenÃmeno da participaÃÃo popular no OrÃamento Participativo de Fortaleza como processo pedagÃgico. A pedagogia à compreendida como processo instituinte, capaz de mobilizar novos imaginÃrios sÃcio-polÃticos. Esse viÃs contou com as contribuiÃÃes teÃrico-conceituais de Castoriadis e Paulo Freire. Realizou-se um estudo de caso delimitado aos quatro (2005-2008) primeiros anos da implantaÃÃo do OP na cidade. O OrÃamento Participativo faz parte de um projeto democrÃtico-participativo, fundamentado em uma perspectiva de democracia cujos princÃpios da deliberaÃÃo popular, controle social, autonomia etc. detÃm-se no empoderamento popular. O objetivo deste estudo deteve-se no sujeito (individual e coletivo) e nas possibilidades deste desenvolver neste espaÃo uma forma de existir coletivamente. A participaÃÃo nÃo compreende as aprendizagens individuais, mas as que se dÃo entre-os-indivÃduos, daà a categoria central ser: âpedagogia da participaÃÃoâ. Esse termo contempla um conjunto de outras subcategorias (eidos coletivo, saber dialÃgico, tempo pedagÃgico, domÃnio pÃblico do saber) norteadoras do processo investigativo. Os resultados da pesquisa apontaram no OP de Fortaleza uma instituiÃÃo capaz de estabelecer tensÃes com um imaginÃrio sÃcio-polÃtico jà instituÃdo, mas estas tensÃes nÃo romperam com as formas tradicionais de fazer polÃtica (territorialidade, tempo administrativo, saber epistÃmico, etc.), dificultando a criaÃÃo de uma forma de existir coletivamente.
This thesis aims to investigate the phenomenon of popular participation in the Participative Budget (PB) of Fortaleza as a pedagogical process. The pedagogy is understood as an establishing process, able to mobilize new socio-political imaginary. This bias includes the theoretical and conceptual contributions of Castoriadis and Paulo Freire. In this work, we conducted a case study limited to the first four years (2005 - 2008) of the implantation of PB in Fortaleza. The PB is part of a participatory-democratic project, based on a perspective of democracy whose principles of popular deliberation, social control, autonomy, etc., hold on the popular empowerment. In this way, the aim of this thesis had a focus on the subject (individual and collective) and on the possibilities of this to develop a way of to exist collectively. Participation does not include individual learnings, but that which give between individuals, therefrom the central category to be "pedagogy of participation". This terms cover a number of other subcategories (collective eidos, dialogical knowledge, pedagogical time, public domain of knowledge) that are guiding the investigative process. The research results revel the PB of Fortaleza as an institution able of to establish tensions with a socio-political imaginary already established, but these tensions did not breaks with traditional ways of doing politics (territoriality, administrative time, knowledge epistemic, etc..), making impossible the formation of a collective.
Mtaka, Nhlanhla Dalibhurhwana. "An exploratory study of the role of synergy between the state and civil society in popular participation with reference to the province of Kwazulu-Natal." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1135.
Full textVieira, Karen Lima. "Um olhar: cultura política sob o impacto da Ficha Limpa." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2013. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2420.
Full textInstitute recently inserted into the Brazilian legal system, the Clean Record Law, which emerged within the movement for greater transparency and ethics in politics, have contributed to a change in behavior and the Political Culture of the country. In this line, this thesis has in order to promote an approach on the impacts of this law in political frameworks, as well as how to act and interact in society and their representatives. Therefore, analyzes the Clean Record Law Municipal from the preparation process, their dissemination to public servants and popular participation and non-governmental entities as agents of change in the Political Culture in the political environment and the collective imagination, looking it from the context of the differential composition of powers
Instituto recentemente inserido no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, a Lei da Ficha Limpa, que surgiu no seio dos movimentos por maior ética e transparência nos meios políticos, têm contribuído para uma mudança nos costumes e na Cultura Política do País. Nessa linha, a presente dissertação tem o intuito de promover uma abordagem sobre os impactos causados por esta lei nos quadros da política, bem como na forma de agir e de interagir da sociedade e de seus representantes. Para tanto, analisa-se a Lei da Ficha Limpa municipal a partir de seu processo de elaboração, sua difusão aos servidores públicos e a participação popular e de entidades não governamentais como agentes de mudança na Cultura Política, no ambiente político e no imaginário coletivo, olhando-o a partir do contexto dos diferenciais da composição dos poderes
Baxter, Declan Patrick Wemyss. "The Failure to Establish Codetermination in Australia: A Comparative Political Economic Analysis." Thesis, Department of Political Economy, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/26283.
Full textCury, Márcia Carolina de Oliveira 1982. "O protagonismo popular : experiências de classe e movimentos sociais na construção do socialismo chileno (1964-1973)." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280317.
Full textTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Depois da vitória da Unidade Popular (UP), em setembro de 1970, a "experiência chilena" despertou grande interesse de estudiosos do país e da América Latina, o qual se justifica por consistir numa experiência singular que expressou a possibilidade de edificar uma sociedade socialista sem romper com os mecanismos institucionais. Diferentes autores analisaram características desse processo, especialmente o conflito político institucional entre os partidos atuantes no período, as disputas ideológicas internas da UP, e a articulação do golpe militar. Em pesquisas mais recentes é possível visualizar uma nova tendência analítica voltada para as manifestações da classe trabalhadora chilena durante o governo da Unidade Popular. Inserido neste quadro, a presente tese busca realizar uma análise da atuação da classe trabalhadora chilena que valorize as múltiplas experiências no cotidiano dos bairros operários, no ambiente de trabalho, nas entidades de classe, além das relações entre os movimentos sociais envolvidos naquele processo político e os partidos de esquerda, elementos fundamentais para a formação de uma identidade de classe centrada no compartilhamento de interesses. Por meio do cruzamento de diferentes fontes, como documentos partidários, sindicais, registros do Ministério do Trabalho, panfletos, jornais e fontes orais, visamos compreender como os trabalhadores atuaram naquele processo político, participação que entendemos como uma das principais expressões de identidade da classe trabalhadora daquela sociedade e como a faceta mais criativa do socialismo chileno. Além disso, analisar as tensões que configuravam as relações entre trabalhadores e governo consiste em um dos nossos objetivos. Acreditamos que a atuação da classe trabalhadora, que ultrapassou os canais institucionais de representação, assentava-se numa longa tradição política, e que os trabalhadores se reapropriaram do projeto político apresentado pela esquerda a partir das suas próprias experiências e concepções de mundo
Abstract: Since the victory of the coalition Popular Unity (UP) in September of 1970, the "Chilean Experience" has aroused great interest of scholars in the country and in Latin America as a whole, much of which is justified, as it constitutes a singular experience that expressed the possibility of building a socialist society without breaking the institutional mechanisms. Different authors have analyzed this process, specifically the political institutional conflict between the active parties at that time, the internal ideological disputes within UP, and the composition of the military coup. In the most recent studies it is possible to detect a new analytical tendency focusing on inherent manifestations of the Chilean working class during the UP government. Within this context, this thesis aims to analyze the role of the Chilean working class that values the multiplicity of daily experiences in blue-collar neighborhoods, in the working environment, in labor unions, apart from the relations among the social movements involved in that political process and the left parties, essential elements for the making of a class identity centered on shared interests. From the wealth of different sources, such as party documents, unions, records of the Ministry of Labor, pamphlets, newspapers, we seek to understand the involvement of the workers in the political process, and the participation we understand as one of the main expressions of identity of the working class in that society, and the most creative aspect of Chilean socialism. Moreover, analyzing the tensions that were present between workers and the government is at the heart of our objectives. We believe that the role of the working class that went beyond the institutional representative channels, was built on a long political tradition, and that the workers redefined the political project presented by the left wing, based on their own experiences and worldviews
Doutorado
Política Contemporânea
Doutora em Ciência Política
Kalil, Daniela. "Plebiscito." Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie, 2013. http://tede.mackenzie.br/jspui/handle/tede/1088.
Full textUniversidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie
The preamble of the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil of 1988, called Citizen Constitution states that representatives of the Brazilian people gathered in the National Constituent Assembly to institute a Democratic State. This democratic state founded on some fundamental principles constitutionally expressed, including, sovereignty and citizenship, which are prerequisites for citizens' political participation in public affairs. All these concepts are interrelated, complementing each other and constitute a set of principles, rights and duties, which provides the practical existence of democratic political order. The challenge of Brazilian society, as well as of other contemporary democratic societies, is to promote the improvement and accomplishment of popular participation in the State s life, which reveals a very complex task from the moment one understands that, first, it is imperative that become effective the rights and guarantees proclaimed in the Constitution. Aside from this need, it is essential, also, that people dispose of participatory mechanisms, which enjoy a truly legal and political framework that aims at the achievement, execution and result. In a country whose highest law prescribes that all power emanates from the people, who may exercise it in a direct form, popular participation is a prerequisite for the fulfillment of the purposes of a democratic State under law. The plebiscite comes as a fundamentally valuable tool for the achievement and consolidation of participatory democracy.
O preâmbulo da Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988, denominada Constituição Cidadã, declara que representantes do povo brasileiro reuniram-se em Assembléia Nacional Constituinte para instituir um Estado Democrático. Esse Estado Democrático de Direito alicerça-se em alguns princípios fundamentais constitucionalmente expressos, dentre eles, a soberania e a cidadania, que são pressupostos para a participação política dos cidadãos nos negócios públicos. Todos esses conceitos estão interligados, complementando-se mutuamente, e constituem um conjunto de princípios, direitos e deveres, que propicia a existência prática da ordem política democrática. O desafio da sociedade brasileira, assim como das demais sociedades democráticas contemporâneas, é promover o aprimoramento e a concretização da participação popular na vida do Estado, o que se revela tarefa de grande complexidade a partir do momento que se compreende que, antes, é imprescindível que se efetivem os direitos e garantias fundamentais previstos na Constituição. Afora essa necessidade, é essencial, ainda, que o povo disponha de mecanismos participativos, que usufruam de uma estrutura genuinamente legal e política que vise à sua aplicação, execução e resultado. Em um país cuja Lei Maior prescreve que todo o poder emana do povo, que poderá exercê-lo de forma direta, a participação popular é requisito para o cumprimento dos propósitos do Estado Democrático de Direito. O plebiscito surge como um instrumento fundamentalmente valioso para a realização e consolidação da democracia participativa.
Bezerra, Carla de Paiva. "Do poder popular ao modo petista de governar: mudanças no significado da participação para o Partido dos Trabalhadores." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-06102014-105726/.
Full textSince the foundation of the Brazilian Workers Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores, PT), its participation guideline has occupied a central role in its political program, which is based on an idea of democracy that involves both the economic and political dimensions. In the 1982 elections, PT launched a motto that would follow throughout its history: to govern with popular participation and inversion of priorities, which summarizes the partys values of democracy and social justice. However, between 1980 and 2002, there was substantive change in the meaning of the term participation for the Workers Party. In the 1980s, the party proposed to rule by popular councils, in order to build a workers government. The vision was that the rulers would delegate their decision power to such structures. In the 1990s, with the gradual expansion of PT in municipal governments, it is forged the PT way of governing (modo petista de governar) in which the Participatory Budgeting (Orçamento Participativo, OP) emerges as the main, though not the only, mechanism of social participation within its local governments. Finally, the early 2000s, marked by the rise of PT to the federal executive, Councils and Conferences became the major mechanisms of participation, with a silencing about the OP, once advocated to be implemented in national level. Here, participation plays a role of supervision, accountability and collaboration in developing public policies through a strong listening of the state. We argue that changes in the meaning of participation for the PT were caused by the adaptation of the party to institutional constraints related to the new political arenas it occupied. Such changes are permeated by partisan conflicts: whether between its internal groups, or among those who occupy different areas of activity such as government, party structure and social movements. We have used as theoretical frameworks the contributions of the historical neo-institutionalism, the polity approach and the contentious politics.
Gomes, Angela Quintanilha. "Conselhos municipais em Porto Alegre - 1937/2008 : quem participa?" reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/37442.
Full textThe thesis aims to analyse the trajectory of municipal councils in Porto Alegre from 1937 to 2008 in order to identify how civil society representatives were included in such instances and who the state was going to hold the position of advisor for. Its main points: (1) an analysis of participants’ access procedures to such councils; (2) when and how a closer relationship between the government and the society was established in Porto Alegre; (3) what categories represent the society and how they have been defined; (4) what role or responsibility was expected from such representatives; (5) what type of procedure or mechanism was used in this insertion of society and the underlying political concept at stake in these scenarios. In our country, two conjunctures originating such instances were regarded as fundamental in this study: the 30s and the postredemocratization period. However, for purposes of analysis of the 1937-2008 period, we established phases which were in line with the stages of the Brazilian political history, namely the New State; the democratization after 1946; the dictatorial period of the military regime; the democratic transition and the redemocratization after the Federal Constitution of 1988; and the first term after the Labour Party left Porto Alegre’s municipality. Regarding the different moments the city has experienced along this path ever since, two ways have been established as constant in conceiving and dealing with the presence of the civil society within the government: a society of the "distinguished" or qualified, and the "participating" society which, in turn, constitute different council models: the traditional and the democratic one. Far from supplanting each other, they seem to signal the existence of a hybrid model of council.
Brandão, Lucas Coelho. "Os movimentos sociais e a Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987-1988: entre a política institucional e a participação popular." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8132/tde-16082012-125217/.
Full textThe dissertation analyzes the interaction between the popular participation dynamics and the political-legislative dynamics by investigating the social mobilization that occurred during the preparation of the 1988s Constitution. I support the hypothesis that, during the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), this interaction was increased and requalified according to: first, the context of the of the developmental state crisis and the political-institutional crisis, which allowed the process of democratic transition and favored social mobilization; and second, the use of direct democracy instruments (like the popular amendments) already in the process of drafting the new Constitution, which created new opportunities for social mobilization in the ANC. Using a conceptual and analytical framework of the theories of social movements (especially the Political Process Theory), I construct and analyze a database of collective actions carried out during the Constituent Assembly. This analysis shows that these popular instruments created an institutionalization of the interaction between the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary actors. And that this produced significant impacts both on political-legislative dynamics and on the dynamics of popular participation, influencing social mobilization, the political game and the results of the National Constituent Assembly.
Souza, Leandro Vianna Silva. "Consciência política e participação no orçamento participativo de Cachoeiro de Itapemirim no período de 2009-2012." Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2012. http://repositorio.ufes.br/handle/10/5653.
Full textThis work aim to understand the political consciousness and the participation of the members in the Board of Participatory Budgeting in Cachoeiro de Itapemirim ES Brazil, during 2009-2012. The theoretical is the Model of Political Consciousness to Understand the Participation in Collective Actions from Sandoval (2001). It‟s a qualitative approach of collected data on twenty-eight semi-structured interviews with the counselors of Participatory Budgeting (PB), documents from city hall and reports. To do data‟s organize and analyze, we use the content analysis priori (BARDIN, 2004), with the analytical categories from the Sandoval‟s model (2001). The results show collective identity feelings of union and social belonging, mainly on neighborhoods. Social expectations and beliefs contribute to the participation on OP due to the presence of collective values to answer the needs of all; because they believe in political changes in the city giving voice to the expectations and popular chooses; and by the hope that the choices made on OP will be done. When they don‟t see that, it demobilizes them. The identification of collective interests and adversaries make some counselors face the situation and others don‟t involve anymore. The idea that they can change the reality through OP is present on political efficacy. Feelings of injustice lead to the fight for more resources to do the works and against the injustices and favors perceived in its configuration. Despite the costs of time and money, the interviewers see the collective action to help everybody like a privilege. The OP‟s proposals are good, but your actions are lengthy and insufficient. Then, we can conclude that different types of political consciousness‟s motivate the participation on PB: popular democratic, restrictive, of confronting, reflective and of social justice. So, twenty-three interviewers approve it as an important mechanism of democratic and participative public management; and, because they trust that by means of collective public mobilization can face and overcome the obstacles, changing their life‟s realities. On the other hand, five disapprove it, including three that don‟t participate anymore. The main failures are: don‟t grant equals opportunities for everybody; don‟t give enough resources to answer the requested demands; don‟t actually include all the communities; and don‟t make some chosen works
Este trabalho visa a compreender a consciência política e a participação dos membros do Conselho do Orçamento Participativo (COP) de Cachoeiro de Itapemirim - ES - Brasil, no período 2009-2012. Adota como marco teórico o Modelo de Consciência Política para Compreensão da Participação em Ações Coletivas , de Sandoval (2001). Trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa baseada em dados de vinte e oito entrevistas semiestruturadas com conselheiros do OP, documentos da prefeitura e reportagens. Para a organização e análise dos dados, utilizou-se a análise de conteúdo a priori (BARDIN, 2004) com as categorias analíticas do modelo de Sandoval (2001). Os resultados revelam sentimentos de identidade coletiva, sentimentos coletivos, de pertencimento social e união, sobretudo nos bairros. As crenças, expectativas e valores societais contribuem para a participação no OP devido à presença de valores coletivos de atendimento às necessidades de todos; por se crer na mudança da política na cidade ao dar voz aos anseios e escolhas populares; e pela expectativa de que que foi votado no OP será feito. Não ver isso se cumprir, desmobiliza. A identificação de interesses antagônicos e adversários faz alguns conselheiros enfrentarem tal situação e outros não mais se envolverem. A ideia de que se pode mudar a realidade com o OP está presente na eficácia política. O sentimento de justiça e injustiça conduz à luta por mais recursos para a realização das obras e contra injustiças e favorecimentos percebidos em sua configuração. Apesar dos custos de tempo e dinheiro, os entrevistados veem o agir coletivamente pelo bem comum um privilégio. Já, as metas do OP são boas, mas suas ações, morosas e insuficientes, prejudicam a mobilização. Conclui-se que a participação no OP é motivada por diferentes tipos de consciência política: popular democrática, restritiva, de enfretamento, reflexiva e de justiça social. Assim, vinte e três conselheiros aprovam e participam do OP como importante mecanismo de gestão democrática e participativa e um meio de mobilização e transformação popular coletiva para superar barreiras. Em contrapartida, cinco o reprovam, com três nem mais se envolvendo. As principais falhas apontadas são: a falta de oportunidades iguais para todos; conceder recursos insuficientes para atender às demandas; não abranger todas as comunidades; e não concretizar algumas obras escolhidas
Pinheiro, Werden Tavares. "Os sistemas públicos de comunicação e a política : o contexto econômico e político das emissoras públicas brasileiras – o caso Aperipê." Universidade Federal de Sergipe, 2015. https://ri.ufs.br/handle/riufs/4014.
Full textOur research seeks to do a reading of the transformations undergone by the Brazilian public communication system. Therefore, we seek to understand the public broadcasters as part of the market structure, next to the trade. In this perspective, we try to discuss the function of each type of public broadcasters field, its chronology and its historical use by politicians, but also its relationship with the private field and with the audience. We, on the other hand, a historical listing the policy to events that are part of the narrative of Brazilian public broadcasters. The survey included interviews and a thorough analysis of documents, laws and printed. As a case study, we chose to focus on the history of Aperipê Sergipe Foundation, trying to understand how the Management, Structure and Popular Participation in the Sergipe public broadcasting system. In other words, we aim to understand the structure and point out its contradictions, approaching theory and reality, to discuss the importance of public media for society as a state instrument, its own definitions and reasons for being.
Nossa investigação procura fazer uma leitura das transformações pelas quais passa o campo público brasileiro de comunicação. Para tanto, buscamos entender as emissoras públicas como parte da estrutura. Nessa perspectiva, procuramos debater a função de cada um dos tipos de emissoras do campo público, sua cronologia e o seu uso histórico por políticos, mas também sua relação com o campo privado e com a audiência. Fazemos, por outro lado, um resgate histórico relacionando os acontecimentos da política aos que fazem parte da narrativa das emissoras públicas brasileiras. A pesquisa incluiu entrevistas e uma exaustiva análise de documentos, leis e de impressos. Como estudo de caso, escolhemos focar na história da Fundação Aperipê de Sergipe, procurando entender como funciona a gestão, a estrutura e a participação popular nas emissoras do sistema público sergipano. Ou seja, pretendemos entender a estrutura e apontar as suas contradições, aproximando teoria e realidade, para discutir a relevância dos meios públicos de comunicação para a sociedade como instrumento de Estado, suas próprias definições e razões de ser.
Pinheiro, Marcia Maria Biondi. "O CNAS: entre o interesse público e o privado." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2008. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/17942.
Full textThe present work is searching to analize the social control trajectory on social politic assistance, having as locus the National Social Assistance Counsel, discussing the localization of public and private interest of such perspective, starting from 2003 gestions. For this motive,the principal aproaches about social control realized in Brazil , with a a descrption of CNAS, as stage of the experience of those two interests, as a reference in the history of the political and social Brazilian formation, questions that even today pass through social assistance.It describe still the principal fights that the Brazilian people undertake in search of democracy, giving special attention to the arise of new personages in the country and in the social assistance, locating the social assistance birth nominated here as MAS. The CNAS is also focated under it s paritarian composition,civil society and government, after reflexive analysis about such categories. After a definiton of the referential analysis , is realized the activity classification of CNAS at the gestions, since 2003. Finally, the principal analysis of his object is taken followed by the necessary agenda for the advance of popular participaton in the social assistance
Este trabalho procura analisar a trajetória do controle social na política de assistência social, tendo como lócus o Conselho Nacional de Assistência Social, discutindo a localização do interesse público e o privado nessa perspectiva, nas gestões a partir de 2003. Para tanto, traz as principais abordagens realizadas no Brasil sobre o controle social, descreve o CNAS, palco da vivência desses dois interesses, bem como referencia na história da formação política e social brasileira as questões que ainda hoje perpassam a assistência social. Descreve, ainda, as principais lutas que a população brasileira empreendeu na busca da democracia, dando especial atenção ao momento do surgimento dos novos personagens no país e na assistência social, localizando o nascimento do movimento da assistência social aqui denominado MAS. O CNAS também é focado, em sua composição paritária, sociedade civil e governo, após análises reflexivas sobre essas categorias. Após a definição de referenciais de análise, é realizada a classificação das atividades do CNAS nas gestões, desde o ano de 2003. Por fim, retoma as principais análises de seu objeto e, em seguida, aponta a agenda necessária para o avanço da participação popular na assistência social
Rust, Barbara Cavalcanti de Albuquerque. "Internet e movimentos populares: um modelo global de dados em painel." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/13336.
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In the past few years, the World witnessed several protests taking place in countries ranging from traditionally developed democracies to developing nations under dictatorships. These social movements gained ground simultaneously to a global explosion in Information and Communication Technology (ICT) over these years, notably mobile phones and the Internet (ITU, 2013; CETIC, 2013), facilitating information diffusion and bypassing traditional media. While some studies argue that different nations contexts are the true responsible for protests, others consider both the context and ICT access as relevant. The research purpose is to identify explanatory variables for protest through a panel data approach, considering its technological, social and political aspects. For this goal, World Bank, ITU and World Economic Forum data were used on a sample of 124 countries. The research results points to the proportion of Internet users as positively influencing protest occurrence, and developed countries most prone to them
Nos últimos anos, o mundo vem assistindo a um maior número de mobilizações sociais, que ocorrem em todo o espectro de regimes de governo e níveis de desenvolvimento econômico: de países tradicionalmente democráticos e desenvolvidos, a países em desenvolvimento sob regimes autoritários. Tais mobilizações vêm ocorrendo simultaneamente a uma expansão acelerada das Tecnologias da Informação e Comunicação (TIC), mais notadamente o avanço da Internet e dos telefones celulares (ITU, 2014; CETIC, 2013), tornando mais rápido e fácil o acesso e difusão de informações sem o intermédio dos meios de comunicação de massa tradicionais; há os que defendem que o contexto de cada nação é o grande responsável por tais manifestações, enquanto outros citam a importância tanto das TIC quanto dos fatores contextuais como influenciadores. O objetivo desta pesquisa é identificar as variáveis explicativas da ocorrência de protestos, considerando aspectos tecnológicos, sociais e políticos, por meio da construção de modelos utilizando dados em painel. Para tal são utilizados dados do Banco Mundial, Fórum Econômico Mundial e ITU, desenvolvendo uma amostra de 124 países. O resultado desta análise revela que o percentual de usuários de Internet influencia positivamente a ocorrência de protestos e que países desenvolvidos possuem maior a chance de apresentarem manifestações.
Bennani, Jerari Dina-Maria. "Demokratisk innovation : En fallstudie av medborgardialogen som kanal för politiskt inflytande." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-323352.
Full textStudiet av medborgardialoger kretsar främst kring vilka och hur medborgare inkluderas i dialoger, trots att perspektivet inflytande har en minst lika viktig betydelse för rätten till politiskt deltagande som inkluderingsperspektivet. Uppsatsen tar därmed fasta på medborgardialogens utmaning kring inflytande. Studien undersöker hur medborgardialogen fungerar som demokratisk innovation i en lokalpolitisk kontext, detta för att svara på hur dialogen fungerar som kanal för politiskt inflytande. Det övergripande syftet är huruvida en demokratisk innovation kan vitalisera den representativa demokratin. Detta besvaras genom en kvalitativ fallstudie av en av Huddinge kommuns medborgardialoger. Undersökningen genomförs med semistrukturerade intervjuer som primärmaterial. Med avstamp i Graham Smiths institutionella demokratiteori skapas analysramverket bestående av olika institutionella och demokratiska ideal. Studiens resultat visar att medborgardialogen som demokratisk innovation, fungerar väl i en lokal-politisk kontext då innovationen ses som effektiv och innehar en tydlig funktion inom det politiska systemet. Resultatet visar även att medborgare har en god möjlighet till inflytande på politiska processer. Detta beror främst på att den studerade medborgardialogen skedde i ett tidigt skede av beslutsprocessen, vilket möjliggjorde bättre förutsättningar för politisk delaktighet. Av resultatet framkommer det även att det saknas mekanismer inom det politiska systemet som garanterar att deltagandet blir betydelsefullt. Det går följaktligen inte att dra slutsatsen kring om medborgardialogen i allmänhet är en bra kanal för politiskt inflytande eller inte. Slutsatserna är att medborgardialogen kan ses vitalisera den representativa demokratin, med förbehåll att medborgardialogen både passar i den lokala politiska kontexten och har goda förutsättningar för att integrera medborgarnas deltagande i efterföljande politiska beslut.
Lage, Gomez Pablo. "Participación y empoderamiento : Experiencias del Movimiento de Trabajadores Desocupados de Lanús." Thesis, Stockholm University, Stockholm University, Department of Spanish, Portuguese and Latin American Studies, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-28963.
Full textEl Movimiento de Trabajadores Desocupados (MTD) de Lanús es una organización de la zona sur del Gran Buenos Aires (Argentina), cuyo ámbito de actuación es la localidad de Monte Chingolo. Se caracteriza por su autonomía con respeto a partidos políticos y sindicatos, por su inserción territorial y trabajo de base en los barrios, por el rechazo a las practicas clientelares enraizadas en el conurbano bonaerense, al igual que por modelos de participación y discusión horizontales. Propugnan la necesidad de un cambio social en el que las clases populares son los actores protagonistas del cambio.
Desde sus orígenes han desarrollado formulas alternativas de organización y un proyecto autogestivo, donde los talleres y micro-emprendimientos autogestionados son su máxima expresión. Este estudio pretende analizar las prácticas colectivas que representan estas experiencias en correlación con procesos de empoderamiento individuales y colectivos.
Concluimos que la participación en el MTD de Lanús ha fomentado relaciones sociales y vínculos comunitarios. La militancia tiene más herramientas para hacer oír su propia voz, sus demandas y propuestas, y cuentan con mayores recursos para el conocimiento de sus derechos como ciudadanos. Un proceso caracterizado por la dotación de poder de sujetos tradicionalmente excluidos de toda participación social y política.
Theviot, Anaïs. "Mobiliser et militer sur Internet : reconfiguration des organisations partisanes et du militantisme au Parti Socialiste et à l'Union pour un Mouvement Populaire." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014BORD0231.
Full textThe 2012 French presidential campaign was marked by the Internet's prominent role in providing information, debating on-line, mobilizing, and organizing activists in the field. This turn to digital tools allows for a reexamination of central themes in the study of political parties, thereby contributing to the debate on party transformations in terms of organization as well as actors who get involved and use the tools. This comparative study examines the recruitment of campaign team members, relations between the media and political communications professionals, as well as changes in political activism
Diagne, Yacine. "Sociologie politique d'une expérience de démocratie participative. Le cas d'une radio communautaire au Sénégal." Thesis, Paris 9, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA090018/document.
Full textAspiring to “give a voice” to the poor people of Pikine, a suburb of the Senegalese capital, “Local Debate” is an interactive political programme of the community radio Air’Jeunes, created in the late nineties at the initiative of youth associations in the Dakar region with support from a major Canadian NGO. This thesis explores the use of this programme by local citizens in three main areas where activists and proponents of participatory democracy are committed to developing citizen action mechanisms, aiming to correct the defects and shortcomings under the democratic ideal of representative government: the role of citizens in the production system of local public goods, symbolic relationships between elected leaders and electors, and the public space for debate on public policies and the actions of representatives. Based on an ethnographic field study conducted in three phases between 2006 and 2011 in the radio production studio and the show’s listening sites, it appears that, even if the programme has enabled forms of contestation of local authority to be voiced publicly without mediation, the realisation of the original project faced an unfavourable local context marked by the lack of resources given to local officials to exercise their newly decentralised powers and a local political journalism polarised around two dominant forms, leaving little room for debate: the antagonistic journalism of big private groups and small informal press, and the legitimising journalism of the public service group. Despite their militant commitment to the project, radio staff and hosts whose social origins and educational backgrounds distance them from the forms of consumption of information goods and activities of Pikine’s inhabitants, as well as the dynamic activities of informal neighbourhood associations in the suburbs of Dakar, have gradually yielded to forces of attraction exercised by mainstream private radios, influencing their vision of their professional future and, in turn, their journalistic practice
Mukuna, J. M. "Political governance and constitution-making in Kenya : in search of popular participation. / J.M. Mukuna." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/15666.
Full textThesis (PhD) North-West University, Mafikeng Campus, 2012
Johnson, Hume Nicola. "When citizen politics becomes uncivil between popular protest, civil society and governance in Jamaica /." 2006. http://adt.waikato.ac.nz/public/adt-uow20070716.124418/index.html.
Full textWANG, CHIH-I., and 王└豐弟┐翊. "The Influence of Popular Music in Political Participation of Music Fans: A Case Study of Guts United, Taiwan." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/19610245245687183643.
Full textMallett, Samantha Josephine Judina. "Preventing Predictions: The Political Possibilities of Play and Aesthetics in Contemporary Installation Art and Works by Carsten Hller and Gabriel Orozco." Master's thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10048/1425.
Full textBrutus, Nora. "Pratiques associatives et construction d'un espace social citoyen à Trou du Nord (Haïti)." Thèse, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/3713.
Full textThis master thesis focuses on the construction of a social citizen from the analysis of the intervention of two local agencies located in "Trou du Nord" (Haiti). It is exploring ways in which members will represent their ownership and represent their citizenship status. We put emphasis on the social mechanisms and associations involved in building what we call "citizen social space". We have conducted a qualitative research from the works of Barber (1997) on practical policy participation and those of Lamoureux (1991) on collective social action. We assume, as central hypothesis, that associative practices are the main vector for construction of a citizen social space in "Trou du Nord". This central hypothesis is supported by two secondary one interested on the operating conditions for the exercise of citizenship and the affirmation of individual members belonging to the common area. We have made fourteen semi-structured interviews conducted with members of the "Assemblée Populaire Veye Yo Trou du Nord (APVT)" and the "Rassemblement des militants solidaires de Trou du Nord (RAMSO)". The results indicate that members of both organizations show great willingness to contribute to the development of their locality and "wellbeing" of the population. This freedom of action is based on sharing their individual experiences and their extensive knowledge of the local realities faced daily citizens. Both groups are designed as spaces of sociability, as public and dynamics places reflecting the various types of local interaction. According to the analysis, members of both groups get involved in resolving collective problems at the local level without neglecting their own interests. They are part of the game of electoral bargaining and teach their members to behave as a community of interests and action, itself contained in all interactions, processes and dynamic resolution of problems local level. Those findings validate some of our hypothetical assumptions and reveal at the same time their limits. On the one hand, the willingness to help with the wellbeing on the population, with the need for the people to speak out and to express their collective and individual problems, with the desire to have control over the elected leaders actions, are all issues that allowed the groups to pursue broader collective interest and to define themselves as a citizen social space. On the other hand, their position in the political arena especially at election time makes them appear as groups of supporters, that is to say they are not always in the construction of the general interest. We conclude this dual aspect is necessary both for the construction of a citizen social space and that of democratic citizen at the local level. In addition, those two groups help citizen to assert their sense of belonging to a local community. They help them also to develop capacities to criticize actions taking by both local and national leaders. They help them also to acquire the skills to participate – even though in the interstices – at the sociopolitical games as part of the process of building citizenship and a democratic system under construction.
Ottmann, Goetz Frank. "Symbolic contestation : genesis, death and resurrection of the liberationist project in the bairros of São Paulo." Phd thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/147892.
Full textMagomero, Christopher Julio. "The development role of traditional authorities in view of the decentralization in Malawi." Diss., 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/628.
Full textDevelopment Studies
M.A. Social Science (Development Studies)