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Journal articles on the topic 'Political participation – Italy'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Graziano, Paolo R., and Francesca Forno. "Political Consumerism and New Forms of Political Participation." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 644, no. 1 (October 3, 2012): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716212454839.

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Political consumerism has become one of the most promising research fields in social movement and political participation studies. However, most research has focused mainly on the more personalized and less collective version of such forms of action, leaving largely unexplored the nature and dynamic of some new local grassroots organizations (such as the so-called Gruppi di Acquisto Solidale, or Solidarity Purchasing Groups [SPGs] in Italy). The influence of such forms of political participation in contemporary democracies has been scarcely investigated. The aim of this article is to provide an in-depth exploratory case study of SPGs in Italy, which more specifically focuses on the main definitional, organizational, and sociodemographic features of SPG participation. The article shows that the Italian SPGs are locally based hybrid pressure movements that go beyond conventional forms of political consumerism by adopting innovative organizational and participatory tools.

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2

Accetturo, Antonio, Matteo Bugamelli, and Andrea R. Lamorgese. "Law enforcement and political participation: Italy, 1861–65." Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization 140 (August 2017): 224–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2017.05.019.

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3

Caddeo, Maria Letizia, and Mino Vianello. "Present Prospects for Women's Political Participation in Italy." International Political Science Review 6, no. 3 (July 1985): 317–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019251218500600306.

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After the war, Italy passed through a notable but uneven period of economic development. The great changes in the economic structure of the country were not accompanied by policies directed toward changing the traditional style of life and of the family, where the women had the function of caring for and satisfying the various needs of the members of the family. The lack of social services and infrastructures is consequently a strong brake on women's opportunities to get out of the house and enter the working world. Therefore, notwithstanding legislation aimed at equality, women in Italy are few with regard to work, almost absent from public life, and above all absent from professional, political, and governing élites.

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4

Hayes, Bernadette C., and Clive S. Bean. "Gender and Local Political Interest: Some International Comparisons." Political Studies 41, no. 4 (December 1993): 672–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1993.tb01665.x.

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Since the 1970s, political science research suggests no significant gender differences in overall levels of participation. For example, an examination of current rates of conventional political participation and voter turnout indicates little difference between men and women in either the United States, Great Britain, West Germany, Italy or other western industrial nations.1 Despite this disappearance of gender differences in political participation, however, both national and international research suggests an enduring gender gap in political interest. Regardless of country of origin, women remain less politically interested than men.2

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5

Machado, Carlos. "Civic honours and political participation in Late Antique Italy." Antiquité Tardive 26 (January 2018): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.at.5.116748.

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6

Quaranta, Mario. "An Apathetic Generation? Cohorts’ Patterns of Political Participation in Italy." Social Indicators Research 125, no. 3 (January 18, 2015): 793–812. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11205-015-0869-x.

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7

Torney-Purta, Judith. "Italy's Participation in Three IEA Civic Education Studies (1971-2009)." CADMO, no. 1 (June 2009): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/cad2009-001003.

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- Following a brief history of the three Civic Education Studies conducted by IEA over nearly 30 years, the focus is on results for Italian 14-15 year olds in the 1971 and 1999 studies. The first civic education study (1971) showed that Italian teachers had poor preparation to teach civic education (stressing good manners rather than civic or political information). Italian students performed poorly on the 1971 civic knowledge test (7th out of 8 countries). The second study, CIVED (1999) showed marked improvement for Italian students, who had an average knowledge score above the international mean for 28 countries. Italian students expressed interest in protest participation. They trusted political information from the mass media less than those in the other 27 countries. Students and teachers reported an absence of opportunities for students to learn to protect the environment (compared with other countries).Keywords civic knowledge, IEA civic education study, ICCS, trust in media, political socialization (Italy), adolescents (Italy).

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8

Grasso, Maria. "The Differential Impact of Education on Young People’s Political Activism: Comparing Italy and the United Kingdom." Comparative Sociology 12, no. 1 (2013): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341252.

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Abstract It is a common theme in the literature on voter turnout that advanced Western democracies have entered a period of political disengagement and that it is young people, in particular, that participate less. In this paper, I analyse data from the three waves of the European Social Survey and show that while young people are in general less likely to be politically involved than their elders, these differences are greater in the United Kingdom than in Italy. In addition, I show that controlling for education accounts for differences in political participation between young and older people in Italy. However, education does not appear to mediate youth political involvement in the United Kingdom so that normative concerns about youth political disengagement appear to be more appropriate for the latter of the two countries.

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9

Manganelli, Sara, Fabio Alivernini, Fabio Lucidi, and Ines Di Leo. "Expected Political Participation in Italy: a Study based on Italian ICCS Data." Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 46 (2012): 1476–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2012.05.324.

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10

Ivaldi, Enrico, Guido Bonatti, and Riccardo Soliani. "An Indicator for the Measurement of Political Participation: The Case of Italy." Social Indicators Research 132, no. 2 (April 4, 2016): 605–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11205-016-1303-8.

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11

Beryozkina, Elena Yu. "Integration of Italian populist parties into the political system: participation in the development of electoral laws." Nauka Kultura Obshestvo 26, no. 4 (2020): 80–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/2308829x-2020-4.6.

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The article analyzes the participation of the populist parties of Italy “League of the North” and “5 Star Movement” in the development of electoral legislation and the distribution of parliamentary mandates in recent electoral cycles. The author considers their participation in lawmaking as part of an inter-party competition.

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12

Ippolito, Marzia, and Lorenzo Cicatiello. "Political instability, economic inequality and social conflict: The case in Italy." Panoeconomicus 66, no. 3 (2019): 365–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pan1903365i.

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Rising economic inequality may produce a contraction of political stability and a spread of social conflict, as suggested by the theory of relative power. Following this approach, participation in the political arena depends on the distribution of incomes, because the relative rich use their power to ensure that the status quo do not change, while the relative poor are likely to abandon the public arena when they realize that their demands will not be discussed. Through the implementation of an index of political stability on the Italian general elections of 2008 and 2013, this study empirically tests whether political instability is linked with economic inequality. The results of the analysis, which examines the sub-regional level, show that the strengthening of economic inequality is a decisive factor affecting the weight of the elites in the determination of economic and political choices, and that it influences the distribution of votes between political blocks. This comes at the disadvantage of the poorest who, aware of their lesser chances to have influence, choose to change the character of their participation.

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13

Vaccari, Cristian, and Augusto Valeriani. "Dual Screening, Public Service Broadcasting, and Political Participation in Eight Western Democracies." International Journal of Press/Politics 23, no. 3 (June 7, 2018): 367–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161218779170.

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We investigate the relationship between political dual screening—that is, watching political contents on television while reading and commenting on them on social media—and political participation across eight Western democracies: Denmark, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Based on custom built online surveys conducted between 2015 and 2016 on samples representative of the adult population with internet access in each country, we test hypotheses on both intra-country and cross-country direct and differential effects of political dual screening on various forms of offline and online political participation. We find a positive correlation between the frequency with which citizens dual screen political content and their overall levels of participation. Such correlation is stronger among respondents with lower levels of interest in politics, suggesting that dual screening has the potential to bridge participatory gaps between citizens who are more and less politically involved. The relationship between dual screening and participation is also significantly stronger in countries whose media systems feature the strongest Public Service Broadcasters. Our findings suggest that dual screening makes a positive contribution to democratic citizenship and political equality, and that it can also help public service media fulfill some of their key functions.

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14

Mantovan, Claudia. "Bangladeshi immigrants’ self-organization and associationism in Venice (Italy)." Migration Letters 18, no. 1 (January 28, 2021): 111–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v18i1.1063.

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In Italy, most of the studies on immigrants’ associationism and participation have concentrated on the more formal andstructured aspects. Little research has been done on forms of immigrant self-organization not oriented towards the society in the country of adoption. Drawing on these considerations, this article analyzes the self-organization of Bangladeshi residents in the municipality of Venice considering both their infra-political and their politico-organizational mobilization, seeking relationships between these two spheres of action, identifying transnational bonds, and dynamics linked to the social and political context of their home country. At the same time, the study considers the influence of other factors, such as the social, political and economic context found in the country of immigration (at both national and local level), and also the personal variables that can influence people’s participation, such as gender, generation, social class, amount of time spent in the adopted country, legal status, formal education, human capital, attitudes and personal projects in general.

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15

Bartiromo, Marianna, and Enrico Ivaldi. "Political Participation in the Risk Society: The Italian Case." Journal of Risk and Financial Management 14, no. 9 (September 9, 2021): 435. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jrfm14090435.

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The risk society has profoundly changed our way of life. Among the social phenomena most affected by its effects is undoubtedly political participation and the degree of trust in institutions. This work aims, through the construction of two different indices, to answer the question “How does the risk society influence conventional participation and trust in institutions?”. The Indagine Multiscopo sulle famiglie and the Benessere Equo Sostenibile surveys provide a complete set of indicators to assess specific aspects of Italian daily life and well-being. This work uses a series of data from these surveys to analyze political participation and trust in institutions in Italy in 2019 at regional level using two composite indices obtained through the application of the MPI method. The result of this paper shows no particular effects of the risk society on conventional forms of political participation. Instead, the effects of the risk society are fully visible on levels of trust in institutions.

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16

Colombo, Fausto. "Wrong turns towards revolution? Grassroots media and political participation in Italy (1967-2012)." CM - casopis za upravljanje komuniciranjem 9, no. 30 (2014): 55–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/comman1430065c.

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17

Farini, Federico. "Inclusion Through Political Participation, Trust from Shared Political Engagement: Children of Migrants and School Activism in Italy." Journal of International Migration and Integration 20, no. 4 (January 7, 2019): 1121–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12134-018-00643-y.

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18

Genova, Carlo. "Participation with Style. Clothing among Young Activists in Political Groups." Societies 10, no. 3 (July 23, 2020): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc10030055.

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Research shows that forms of participation among youth are strongly differentiated and connected with complex meanings and motivations. A growing sector of youth develops political intervention through the adoption of distinctive everyday practices and lifestyles. The article aims to reflect upon dress among young activists involved in political groups. Very little research focuses on this topic, but following studies on everyday politics, the young activists’ clothing could be considered as a form and a field of political participation. This approach, however, seems not to be sufficient to interpret the phenomenon. Taking inspiration from research about youth cultures, the article suggests interpreting youth clothing conjointly as a component of style, as a means for constructing collective identity, and social positioning. The article is based on qualitative interviews collected in Piedmont (Italy). Six main topics have been investigated: 1. Socialization to clothing; 2. clothing of the activists and in their groups; 3. meanings of clothing; 4. relevance of clothing; 5. practices of buying clothes; 6. clothes as consumer goods.

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19

Alaminos, Antonio, Clemente Penalva, Luca Raffini, and Óscar Santacreu. "Cognitive mobilisation and the dynamics of political participation among EU movers." OBETS. Revista de Ciencias Sociales 13, no. 2 (December 23, 2018): 467. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/obets2018.13.2.01.

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Non-conventional participation has dramatically spread because of cultural and social change, favouring a deinstitutionalisation of politics. To verify if there is a link between this spread of non-conventional participation and the mobility of Europeans living in other European countries, we have explored the data gathered by the MOVEACT European project, including data on the political behaviour of “old Europeans” (British and Germans), and “new” Europeans” (Poles and Romanians), resident in Greece, France, Italy and Spain. Our analysis has confirmed that a plurality of variables affect the relation between movers and non-conventional participation. There are three relevant dimensions to explain the unconventional political participation of EU movers: social integration, situational context and individual characteristics. On the other hand, the key aspect to understand the non-conventional participation of EU movers is the degree of Cognitive Political Mobilisation, together with other factors such as membership of associations, family socialisation, expectations of living in the country of residence in the future or the political culture in the country of origin.

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20

Cavanaugh, Jillian R. "Entering into politics: Interdiscursivity, register, stance, and vernacular in northern Italy." Language in Society 41, no. 1 (January 23, 2012): 73–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404511000911.

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AbstractThis article focuses on how specific types of language use connect socially, geographically, and temporally distant speakers and span face-to-face and mediated language contexts. It examines one variety of political language (the Northern League register in Italy) in order to analyze how the interdiscursive potentials of register and stance-taking enable such connections. It also presents the metapragmatic effects of engaging in types of talk such as political language, which are less about individual expression or political participation, but are rather part of a complex of stance-taking and alignment of self within local and national political debates. Based on long-term ethnographic and linguistic research in Bergamo, Italy, this article introduces the concept of the interdiscursive trap, showing how the Northern League register functions in this capacity, forging indexical links to particular ideas and stances that some speakers find undesirable. (Political language, interdiscursivity, register, stance, Italy, Europe, Northern League, media)*

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21

Blockmans, Wim. "Civil Rights and Political Participation in Ancien Régime Europe." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 65, no. 3 (2020): 842–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2020.309.

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After the Second World War, a wave of euphoria fostered an international consensus that led to the creation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the European Treaty for Human Rights, and institutions safeguarding their application. In the early 21st century, however, these great ideals and even parliamentary democracy appear to be open to various forms of manipulation tending to the restriction of its own constitutional rights and functions. This paper retraces the long-term genesis of these concepts which emerged in the course of a centuries-long development that is uniquely European. A constant tension can be observed between the difficult formulation of fundamental rights of subjects, originally on a local and regional basis, and the effectiveness of the institutions created to control governments. The growth of cities, which acquired various levels of autonomy and autarchy, was fundamental to make it possible that immunities and particular privileges similar to those of clerics and aristocrats were extended to the new communities. The periods of urban growth, and the density of cities within particular territories, determined which balance of powers was stabilised. The earliest and most intense wave of urbanisation, in North and Central Italy from the 10th to the 13th century, brought civil rights and privileges for local communes, but also domination of the largest cities as they absorbed or eliminated all potentially countervailing powers. In other regions, various balances were attained between the prevailing seigneurial interests and those of urban communities.

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22

Pipan, P., and M. Zorn. "Public participation in recovery after earthquakes in Friuli (NE Italy) and the Upper Soča Valley (NW Slovenia) in 1976, 1998, and 2004." Natural Hazards and Earth System Sciences Discussions 1, no. 3 (May 22, 2013): 2231–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/nhessd-1-2231-2013.

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Abstract. The article deals with public participation in recovery after earthquakes in the border region of Friuli (NE Italy) and the Upper Soča Valley (NW Slovenia) in 1976 (magnitude 6.4, 6 May; magnitude 6.1, 15 September), 1998 (magnitude 6.0, 12 April), and 2004 (magnitude 4.9, 7 July). It highlights the differences in the concepts of the post-earthquake recovery, taking into consideration the different political systems between the two countries (capitalist Italy vs. communist Slovenia in 1976) and changes in recovery after the change of political system in Slovenia (communist Slovenia in 1976 vs. capitalist Slovenia in 1998 and 2004).

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23

Dunphy, Richard, and Tim Bale. "The radical left in coalition government: Towards a comparative measurement of success and failure." Party Politics 17, no. 4 (June 27, 2011): 488–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068811400524.

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This article raises questions about how best to assess the performance of radical left parties participating in coalition governments. Drawing in part on interviews (see Appendix 1), it covers parties that have participated in coalition government (Cyprus, Finland, France, Ireland, Italy, Norway), or have acted as ‘support parties’ (Denmark, Sweden), or are debating the ‘pros and cons’ of coalition participation (Netherlands). It undertakes a comparative analysis of how radical left parties themselves evaluate the measure of their achievements and failings in coalition government — a critical exercise for such parties that can influence their tactical and strategic decisions about future government participation, as well as the ability of the parties to survive political and electoral setbacks. The approach we adopt is one that takes the policy, office and votes triad developed by political scientists seriously, but also factors in the principles, political outlook and goals of the parties themselves. It concludes that the experience of coalition government for radical left parties is far from encouraging to date. Their few achievements have to be set against many potential pitfalls. Whilst there may be no alternative to government participation if these parties wish to be taken seriously as actors, a more strategic and cautious approach to coalition formation seems advisable in many instances.

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24

Fargion, Silvia. "Social work promoting participation: reflections on policy practice in Italy." European Journal of Social Work 21, no. 4 (April 29, 2017): 559–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13691457.2017.1320528.

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25

Capperucci, Vera. "Alcide De Gasperi and the problem of reconstruction." Modern Italy 14, no. 4 (November 2009): 445–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903237540.

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Starting with a quick overview of the historiography of Italy from Fascism to the Republic, this article looks at Alcide De Gasperi's establishment as a leader within both the Italian political system and within his Party–the Christian Democrats–casting new light on three aspects of his political activity: (1) his relationship with the Church and the Catholics’ new modes of participation in political life; (2) the reasons inspiring the definition of the Republican State's institutional architecture; and (3) alliance strategy in government formation and in relationships with the other parties. The originality of De Gasperi's political activity can be defined in terms of these issues, together with the development of a distinctive political leadership, for too long overlooked, that would play a critical role in carrying Italy through its postwar reconstruction.

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26

Dotti Sani, Giulia M., and Mario Quaranta. "Chips off the old blocks? The political participation patterns of parents and children in Italy." Social Science Research 50 (March 2015): 264–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ssresearch.2014.12.002.

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27

Augello, Massimo M. "The Societies of Political Economy in Italy and the Professionalization of Economists (1860–1900) ()." History of Economics Society Bulletin 11, no. 1 (1989): 99–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1042771600005780.

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A recent comparative study of the economists' participation in government, draws negative conclusions with respect to this profession in Italy. The Italian case was shown to have been weak both in the teaching of economics at University level and lacking in the provision of a clearly defined and a highly specialized academic training. The complaint that Italian economists were generally devoted to teaching microeconomics, rather than macroeconomics, which is more strongly linked to political and productive demands, has often been heard.

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28

Zimina, N. "PRIMARIES AS A FORM OF POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF PARTIES." TRANSBAIKAL STATE UNIVERSITY JOURNAL 27, no. 10 (2021): 65–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/2227-9245-2021-27-10-65-69.

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The article is devoted to the procedure of conducting primaries - preliminary intraparty voting in Russia and participation in primaries of political parties. The subject of the article “Primaries as a form of political participation of parties” is primaries. The purpose of the article is to study the procedure of primaries as a form of political participation of political parties. The article presents various methods, such as analysis, comparative method, survey, which to a greater extent make it possible to define the conceptual apparatus, to conduct a comprehensive analysis of primaries. Primaries are used in the electoral systems of the USA, Italy, Russia and other countries. The history of primaries in Russia dates back to 2000, and the United Russia party held its first primaries in 2007 in order to determine the party's candidates for the elections. It can be noted that despite the rather long existence of primaries in the Russian political process, there is still no single legal interpretation of the primaries procedure. Today, attempts are being made in Russia to institutionalize primaries as a form of political and legal participation of parties in electoral procedures, which is confirmed by the data of recent electoral campaigns. Primaries are firmly included in the electoral process as pre-election intra-party voting, which allows forming lists of participants in the elections from a political party at the preliminary stage of the elections. In Russia, with its imitation democracy, primaries in “systemic” parties can also be called imitation. In non-systemic opposition blocs, we can sometimes observe honest primaries; these parties have no chance of getting into power even at the regional level, because primaries are actively used only by United Russia. As a result of the work, the author comes to the conclusion that the Russian version of the primaries is far from perfect and needs careful refinement of the legal and technological aspects of the primaries and requires rethinking the true objectives of the procedure, which was projected from the American political reality to the unprepared Russian electoral procedure. The results of the study can be applied when conducting primaries by political parties and their regional branches in the conditions of the Transbaikal Territory.

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29

Mannozzi, Grazia, and Ralph Henham. "Victim Participation and Sentencing in England and Italy: A Legal and Policy Analysis." European Journal of Crime, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice 11, no. 3 (2003): 278–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181703322681113.

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30

Ortensi, Livia Elisa, and Veronica Riniolo. "Do Migrants Get Involved in Politics? Levels, Forms and Drivers of Migrant Political Participation in Italy." Journal of International Migration and Integration 21, no. 1 (August 2, 2019): 133–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12134-019-00703-x.

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31

Genova, Carlo. "Youth Activism in Political Squats between Centri Sociali and Case Occupate." Societies 8, no. 3 (September 5, 2018): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc8030077.

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Nowadays a lot of research describes most young people as barely interested in politics, expressing little trust in political institutions and far from any forms of institutional political participation. Moreover, most of the engaged youth are involved in forms of participation described as more civic and social than political, weakly ideological, more and more often digital and developed in virtual space, and usually experienced as one among several components of everyday personal lives. The article explores youth activism in political squats because it is a form of participation which, in countertendency, is political and radical in its aims and strategies, explicitly ideologically inspired, strongly rooted in physical places, and often quite central in everyday personal lives. The text is based on research conducted in the city of Turin (Italy) by means of qualitative interviews, participant observation and document analysis. Four main interconnected thematic dimensions are considered: Individuals’ biographical paths and meanings of activism; distinctive lifestyles and cultural sensitivities among the activists; collective narratives about contemporary society and possibilities of social change; patterns of intervention and forms of organization. On the basis of these analyses, the article maintains that this form of activism can be usefully interpreted as a real lifestyle, which has an explicit and intense political sense, but which young activists also connect with a much wider, more differentiated set of meanings.

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32

Pounds, Gabrina. "Democratic participation and Letters to the Editor in Britain and Italy." Discourse & Society 17, no. 1 (January 2006): 29–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926506058064.

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33

Leonardi, Salvo, and Donata Gottardi. "Why no board-level employee representation in Italy? Actor preferences and political ideologies." European Journal of Industrial Relations 25, no. 3 (February 21, 2019): 291–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680119830574.

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Unlike most continental EU countries, Italy lacks any system of board-level employee representation, despite a specific article in the 1948 Constitution. Hence, involvement and participation remain limited to the sphere of contractually established information and consultation rights, primarily because of the reluctance of the social partners to establish reciprocal responsibilities by law. Employers feared that this would limit their property rights and prerogatives, unions that it would restrict their own autonomy. After a long history of confrontational industrial relations, there has been a shift towards participatory approaches, but in a distinctive way. We present an overview of the historical background and the cultures and practices of the main actors, the Italian approach to industrial democracy, the influence of other national models and the current debates and legislative proposals. We conclude by assessing the opportunities for and obstacles to real change in the future.

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34

Falcucci, Beatrice. "European museology and colonial concord: Italy at the 1934 Expo du Sahara in Paris." Modern Italy 27, no. 3 (July 29, 2022): 239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2022.24.

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AbstractThis article assesses Italy's participation in the Expo du Sahara in Paris in 1934, placing it within the framework of European colonial culture, exhibitions, and international relations during the 1930s. Hitherto, the Expo du Sahara has been largely ignored by historiography, but it offers important insights into Italo-French relations in the years immediately preceding Italy's invasion of Ethiopia, as well as the ways in which Fascist Italy sought national and international legitimacy through the medium of exhibitions. The Paris exhibition, staged by the European powers after years of clashes, was also a physical representation of the so-called ‘colonial concord’ and ‘peaceful’ partition of North Africa, processes in which Italy's role was fundamental.

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35

Palma, Marco. "No Dal Molin: The Antibase Movement in Vicenza." South Atlantic Quarterly 111, no. 4 (October 1, 2012): 839–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-1724219.

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In 2006 the citizens of Vicenza, Italy, discovered that for three years US authorities, the Italian government, and city officials had been negotiating secretly to approve the construction of a new military base on the only large undeveloped area in the northern part of the city and the largest aquifer in northern Italy. Beginning in the adjacent neighborhoods, a mobilization arose against the construction of the military installation. In a few months hundreds of thousands of residents were demonstrating in the city, and various forms of direct action against the base became a daily occurrence. Thus was born an extraordinary experiment in democratic political participation.

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36

Vickstrom, Erik R., and Amparo González-Ferrer. "Legal Status, Gender, and Labor Market Participation of Senegalese Migrants in France, Italy, and Spain." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 666, no. 1 (June 14, 2016): 164–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716216643555.

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Policymakers are understandably concerned about the integration of migrants into labor markets. This article draws on retrospective data from the MAFE-Senegal (Migration between Africa and Europe) survey to show that the effect of legal status on Senegalese migrants’ labor market participation in France, Italy, and Spain differs for men and women because of gendered immigration policies. We find that there is little association between Senegalese men’s legal status and their labor force participation. For Senegalese women, however, those who legally migrate to these countries for family reunification are more likely to be economically inactive upon arrival than women with other legal statuses. Family reunification does not preclude labor market participation entirely, however, as some of these women eventually transition into economic activity.

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Secco, Laura, Alessandro Paletto, Raoul Romano, Mauro Masiero, Davide Pettenella, Francesco Carbone, and Isabella De Meo. "Orchestrating Forest Policy in Italy: Mission Impossible?" Forests 9, no. 8 (August 1, 2018): 468. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/f9080468.

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In the Italian political and economic agenda the forest sector occupies a marginal role. The forest sector in Italy is characterized by a high institutional fragmentation and centralized decision-making processes dominated by Public Forest Administrations. Public participation in forest policy processes has been implemented since the 1990s at national, regional and local levels in several cases. However, today no significant changes have been observed in the overall governance of the forest sector and stakeholders’ involvement in Italian forest policy decision-making is still rather limited. The aims of this paper are to describe the state of forest-related participatory processes in Italy at various levels (national, regional and local) and identify which factors and actors hinder or support the establishment and implementation of participatory forest-related processes in the country. The forest-related participatory processes are analyzed adopting a qualitative-based approach and interpreting interactive, complex and non-linear participatory processes through the lens of panarchy theory.

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Ferragina, Emanuele. "The socio-economic determinants of social capital and the mediating effect of history: Making Democracy Work revisited." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 54, no. 1 (February 2013): 48–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715213481788.

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Putnam argued that the different levels of social capital between the North and the South of Italy originated in the Middle Ages. In the North of Italy, the existence of a dense network of medieval towns gave rise to horizontal ties and collective action. Conversely, in the South of Italy, the authoritarian Norman rule generated hierarchical relationships and the absence of collective action. This article proposes an alternative explanation for the lack of social capital in the South of Italy using a comparative perspective. The analysis is undertaken in two steps: 1) testing the socio-economic determinants of social capital in 85 European regions; 2) performing a comparative historical analysis between deviant – that is, South of Italy and Wallonia – and regular – that is, North East of Italy and Flanders – cases. These cases are selected by looking at the residual of the regression model. The results suggest that medieval history does not explain the lack of social capital in the South of Italy. On the contrary, the historical legacy mitigates the negative effect of inequitable income distribution, low labour market participation and weak national cohesion on social capital.

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Iannelli, Laura, and Carolina M. Marelli. "Performing civic cultures: Participatory public art and its publics." International Journal of Cultural Studies 22, no. 5 (July 23, 2019): 630–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367877919849964.

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This research investigated the performances of participatory public art as ways of taking political agency in contemporary democracy. We considered these ‘maximalist’ forms of participation – ‘multi-sited’, as the language of democratic theory suggests, in both the political sphere of art and the formal arena of politics – as ways of doing, acting, and performing citizenship in democratic societies. Drawing upon the ‘cultural turn’ in citizenship studies, we assumed civic cultures as central variables to explain these forms of political agency. Referring to media audience research, we adopted an analytical framework to explore the artists’ civic cultures that are in action in public urban spaces. The analysis focused on performances of citizenship developed in Sardinia (Italy). The research shed light on the artists’ knowledge and values, the multiple layers of audience participation envisaged in their practices of communication, their (dis)trust towards institutions and non-elite actors in civil society, and the civic identities they perform in contemporary societies.

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Compston, Hugh. "Union participation in economic policy making in France, Italy, Germany and Britain, 1970–1993." West European Politics 18, no. 2 (April 1995): 314–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389508425074.

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Quercia, Francesca. "Theatre Associations in Working Class Neighbourhoods: between Politicisation and Public Action." Swiss Journal of Sociology 47, no. 3 (November 1, 2021): 431–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sjs-2021-0023.

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Abstract For about thirty years now, in the context of urban policies, number of theater associations carry out projects in working-class neighborhoods providing active participation of their inhabitants. Based on an ethnographic survey in France and Italy, this article highlights the discursive politicisation processes within these associations. Participatory theatre provides a framework a priori conducive to generate “public spirited-political conversations”. However, these processes can be hampered by a set of public funding constraints.

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Griffo, Giampiero. "Models of disability, ideas of justice, and the challenge of full participation." Modern Italy 19, no. 2 (May 2014): 147–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2014.910502.

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The definitions of disability adopted in the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) necessitate an important change in the way disability is assessed and introduce a new idea of justice in relation to persons with disabilities. The article starts by reviewing the various ‘models of disability’ prevailing in the past and the respective ideas of justice underlying them. The charity model, for instance, was rooted in ideas of divine justice and human beneficence, where care for the disabled led in practice to their being segregated from the rest of society, while the medical model saw justice in terms of treatments or compensations for individual pathologies rather than of positive enablement for active living. The CRPD overturns these models and the related conceptions of justice by emphasising society's obligations towards persons with disabilities and, above all, their human right to full inclusion and participation in society. The key concepts are empowerment and capability. In Italy these concepts and this new conception of justice have started to be applied by the Osservatorio nazionale sulla condizione delle persone con disabilità, the body created to monitor the effective application of the CRPD in Italy, and they are included in the two-year action programme on disability, approved by the Italian government in October 2013.

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Woźniak, Joanna. "Parliamentary Elections in Italy 2013 Struggle Between Demagogy and Pragmatism." Reality of Politics 4, no. 1 (January 31, 2013): 336–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201320.

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Parliamentary elections in Italy, which took place on 24 – 25 February 2013 in a very specific political circumstances caused by economical crisis and the internal situation of the Italian State.The fall of the Silvio Berlusconi’s government and replacement it with a technical government did not improve the internal situation of the country, and indeed it has deepened. The withdrawal of support by the Popolo della Libertàto the government of Prime Minister Mario Monti has caused the need for early parliamentary elections. On the political scene appeared new political parties, including Movimento Cinque Stelle (Five Stars Movement), which stood out from the traditionally corrupt politics and proposed a new form of campaign, using such means as the Internet, blogs, and tour around the country. The new group has also set up outgoing Prime Minister Mario Monti called Scelta Civica (Civic Choice) aided by the smaller parties which were in the Parliament and supported of the European Union austerity policies. In addition, in the election participated the Democratic Party, the Northern League and the Popolo della Libertà (People of Freedom). In total, their participation in the elections reported 215 political parties. Elections minimally won leftist Democratic Party with a score of 29.54% (Chamber of Deputies). Surprisingly Popolo dellaLibertà of Silvio Berlusconi received 29.13% (Chamber of Deputies). But the biggest winner was the Five Star Movement, which won 25.55% of the seats, while the biggest loser was the group of Mario Monti, because he received only 10.54% of votes. The result above shows that the creation of the coalition will be very difficult. Political class will have to regain the trust of the society to be able to make the necessary reforms to cure the economical situation of Italy and they should focus on the problems of the country and not the Silvio Berlusconi’s excesses.

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Lange, Peter, Cynthia Irvin, and Sidney Tarrow. "Mobilization, Social Movements and Party Recruitment: The Italian Communist Party since the 1960s." British Journal of Political Science 20, no. 1 (January 1990): 15–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005688.

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Political life in the advanced industrial democracies since the Second World War has been characterized by periods of mass mobilization and protest followed by years of relative quiescence and institutional dominance. The individual phases have prompted extensive reflection. Far less attention, however, has been devoted to how developments in one phase might influence the subsequent one. Using data from a 1979 survey of activists of the Italian Communist Party, this article examines how the cycle of protest which swept Italy in the late-1960s and early-1970s was reflected in the distribution of attitudes towards dissent within the different generations of party activists. Our findings clearly suggest that participation in social movements had independent effects on the presence of particular tolerance attitudes and that phases of mobilization affect the distribution of politically salient attitudes among party activists during a subsequent phase of institutionalization. This, in turn, has possible implications for processes of change in the Italian political system.

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Grilli, Gaetano, Antonella D’Agostino, and Antoanneta Potsi. "Social Participation and Safety Deprivation of Children in Italy: PIIGS Countries in Perspective." Child Indicators Research 11, no. 1 (September 27, 2016): 159–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12187-016-9419-6.

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Bernardi, Luca, Giulia Sandri, and Antonella Seddone. "Challenges of political participation and intra-party democracy: Bittersweet symphony from party membership and primary elections in Italy." Acta Politica 52, no. 2 (April 2017): 218–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ap.2016.4.

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Morciano, Daniele, Anna Fausta Scardigno, Amelia Manuti, and Serafina Pastore. "An evaluation study of youth participation in youth work: a case study in Southern Italy." Educational Research for Policy and Practice 13, no. 1 (June 23, 2013): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10671-013-9150-8.

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Fazzi, Luca. "The Democratization of Welfare Between Rhetoric and Reality: Local Planning, Participation, and Third Sector in Italy." Journal of Civil Society 5, no. 2 (September 2009): 187–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448680903154931.

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Legnante, Guido, and Paolo Segatti. "Intermittent abstentionism and multi-level mobilisation in Italy." Modern Italy 14, no. 2 (May 2009): 167–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940902871802.

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This article is focused on one of the most relevant novelties in the Italian electoral market of the past decade: the emerging phenomenon of intermittent abstentionism. Rather than an increase in overall abstentionism rates, aggregate and survey data show a clear increase in the number of floating voters who swing between voting and non-voting. After a description of the characteristics of intermittent abstensionists, the article discusses the relationship between different electoral systems at different levels of government and territorial differentiation as far as voting participation is concerned. It then discusses the impact of intermittent abstentionism on the results of the 2006 general election where the parties’ electoral campaigns appear to have been aimed at mobilising intermittent abstensionists. The article concludes with some considerations of the Italian electoral cycle, particularly in relation to the changes generated by the run-up to the 2008 elections.

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Zingari, Valentina L. "Community participation in Intangible Cultural Heritage safeguarding." Pravovedenie 64, no. 1 (2020): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu25.2020.102.

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According to the Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH), social actors are at the core of the ICH. Article 2 proposes a subjective, creative and dynamic definition of heritage based on community, groups and individuals (CGIs), highlighting a spiritual connection: ICH safeguarding must respect the “sense of identity and continuity” of CGIs — the main actors in the process of heritage transmission. This community-based vision of heritage is developed in the text of the Convention, the Operational Directives, and reinforced since 2016 by the Twelve Ethical principles introduced in the Basic Texts. A Convention is much more than a text: it determines political, social and cultural contexts, as well as processes of change. A normative tool conceived as guidelines for governments, permeates social life, becoming a framework for the actions and evolution of civil society. This article reflects on the following case study: the “Tocatì Programme for the Safeguarding of Traditional Games and Sports” (TGS). The programme started in Verona, Italy in 2003, connecting a network of communities and building relationships through the organization of an international event: The “Tocatì Festival of Games in the Streets”. From the beginning, this social movement has strengthened the support of institutions at different levels, connecting people, communities and living traditions with representatives of institutions, researchers, artists and policymakers. The cultural association coordinating Tocatì, Associazione Giochi Antichi (AGA) met the UNESCO ICH Convention in 2007. The author examines what has changed in the framework of the Convention in regard to the history of a community-based process and how the Tocatì experience contributes to the effective implementation of the Convention today. An attempt is made to identify the key factors, actors and steps of the Tocatì cultural, social and political process. This is a story that improves our understanding of the role of civil society in the complex, often conflictual and powerful dynamic of heritage-making.

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