Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political participation – Italy

Academic literature on the topic 'Political participation – Italy'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Political participation – Italy"

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Graziano, Paolo R., and Francesca Forno. "Political Consumerism and New Forms of Political Participation." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 644, no. 1 (October 3, 2012): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716212454839.

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Political consumerism has become one of the most promising research fields in social movement and political participation studies. However, most research has focused mainly on the more personalized and less collective version of such forms of action, leaving largely unexplored the nature and dynamic of some new local grassroots organizations (such as the so-called Gruppi di Acquisto Solidale, or Solidarity Purchasing Groups [SPGs] in Italy). The influence of such forms of political participation in contemporary democracies has been scarcely investigated. The aim of this article is to provide an in-depth exploratory case study of SPGs in Italy, which more specifically focuses on the main definitional, organizational, and sociodemographic features of SPG participation. The article shows that the Italian SPGs are locally based hybrid pressure movements that go beyond conventional forms of political consumerism by adopting innovative organizational and participatory tools.
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Accetturo, Antonio, Matteo Bugamelli, and Andrea R. Lamorgese. "Law enforcement and political participation: Italy, 1861–65." Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization 140 (August 2017): 224–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2017.05.019.

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Caddeo, Maria Letizia, and Mino Vianello. "Present Prospects for Women's Political Participation in Italy." International Political Science Review 6, no. 3 (July 1985): 317–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019251218500600306.

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After the war, Italy passed through a notable but uneven period of economic development. The great changes in the economic structure of the country were not accompanied by policies directed toward changing the traditional style of life and of the family, where the women had the function of caring for and satisfying the various needs of the members of the family. The lack of social services and infrastructures is consequently a strong brake on women's opportunities to get out of the house and enter the working world. Therefore, notwithstanding legislation aimed at equality, women in Italy are few with regard to work, almost absent from public life, and above all absent from professional, political, and governing élites.
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Hayes, Bernadette C., and Clive S. Bean. "Gender and Local Political Interest: Some International Comparisons." Political Studies 41, no. 4 (December 1993): 672–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1993.tb01665.x.

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Since the 1970s, political science research suggests no significant gender differences in overall levels of participation. For example, an examination of current rates of conventional political participation and voter turnout indicates little difference between men and women in either the United States, Great Britain, West Germany, Italy or other western industrial nations.1 Despite this disappearance of gender differences in political participation, however, both national and international research suggests an enduring gender gap in political interest. Regardless of country of origin, women remain less politically interested than men.2
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Machado, Carlos. "Civic honours and political participation in Late Antique Italy." Antiquité Tardive 26 (January 2018): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.at.5.116748.

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Quaranta, Mario. "An Apathetic Generation? Cohorts’ Patterns of Political Participation in Italy." Social Indicators Research 125, no. 3 (January 18, 2015): 793–812. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11205-015-0869-x.

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Torney-Purta, Judith. "Italy's Participation in Three IEA Civic Education Studies (1971-2009)." CADMO, no. 1 (June 2009): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/cad2009-001003.

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- Following a brief history of the three Civic Education Studies conducted by IEA over nearly 30 years, the focus is on results for Italian 14-15 year olds in the 1971 and 1999 studies. The first civic education study (1971) showed that Italian teachers had poor preparation to teach civic education (stressing good manners rather than civic or political information). Italian students performed poorly on the 1971 civic knowledge test (7th out of 8 countries). The second study, CIVED (1999) showed marked improvement for Italian students, who had an average knowledge score above the international mean for 28 countries. Italian students expressed interest in protest participation. They trusted political information from the mass media less than those in the other 27 countries. Students and teachers reported an absence of opportunities for students to learn to protect the environment (compared with other countries).Keywords civic knowledge, IEA civic education study, ICCS, trust in media, political socialization (Italy), adolescents (Italy).
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Grasso, Maria. "The Differential Impact of Education on Young People’s Political Activism: Comparing Italy and the United Kingdom." Comparative Sociology 12, no. 1 (2013): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341252.

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Abstract It is a common theme in the literature on voter turnout that advanced Western democracies have entered a period of political disengagement and that it is young people, in particular, that participate less. In this paper, I analyse data from the three waves of the European Social Survey and show that while young people are in general less likely to be politically involved than their elders, these differences are greater in the United Kingdom than in Italy. In addition, I show that controlling for education accounts for differences in political participation between young and older people in Italy. However, education does not appear to mediate youth political involvement in the United Kingdom so that normative concerns about youth political disengagement appear to be more appropriate for the latter of the two countries.
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Manganelli, Sara, Fabio Alivernini, Fabio Lucidi, and Ines Di Leo. "Expected Political Participation in Italy: a Study based on Italian ICCS Data." Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 46 (2012): 1476–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2012.05.324.

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Ivaldi, Enrico, Guido Bonatti, and Riccardo Soliani. "An Indicator for the Measurement of Political Participation: The Case of Italy." Social Indicators Research 132, no. 2 (April 4, 2016): 605–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11205-016-1303-8.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political participation – Italy"

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Casteltrione, Isidoropaolo. ""It's complicated" : Facebook and political participation in Italy and the UK." Thesis, Queen Margaret University, 2015. https://eresearch.qmu.ac.uk/handle/20.500.12289/7343.

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Drawing from an extensive and unique data set acquired by combining a cross-national comparative approach and a mixed methods methodology, this thesis examines the contributions of Facebook to citizens’ political participation in Italy and the UK. In the last decade there has been a proliferation of academic studies investigating the links between digital technologies and citizens’ political participation, with an increasing number of publications focusing on social networking websites (SNSs). Within this specific sub-field, research has produced contrasting evidence. Some scholars stress the positive impact of the Internet and SNSs on political participation (i.e., optimists), while others minimise their mobilising power, emphasising their tendency to reinforce existing participatory trends (i.e., normalisers) or highlighting their limited or even negative influence on political participation (i.e., pessimists). The present research differs from the majority of investigations in this area in three ways. Firstly, the data for this study were gathered mostly in a non-electoral period and thus the contributions of Facebook to citizens’ political participation were assessed independently of the electoral process, which usually occasions a rise in political participation. In addition, this research tackled two conceptual weaknesses characterising many Internet and political participation studies: the failure to consider political participation as a multidimensional phenomenon and the over-generalised approach to Internet and SNS usages. It did so by differentiating between political communication and political mobilisation activities, and three Facebook non-political usages, i.e., information, interpersonal communication, and social recreation. Thirdly, in response to the lack of cross-national comparative studies in this subject area, the contributions of Facebook to citizens’ political participation were examined in the different contexts of Italy and the United Kingdom. This thesis makes four main contributions to the field of political communication, and more specifically to the strand of research examining the impact of digital technologies on political participation. The first contribution is the Particularised Model of Facebook Political Participation. The model identifies a number of factors mediating the links between Facebook and political participation, demonstrating the relevance of both external, context-related factors related to the British and Italian media and political landscapes, and more personal, subjective ones such as self-presentation, pre-existing levels of political engagement, and the nature and size of the Facebook network. Secondly, this study sheds light on the ways that Facebook functions as a political platform, establishing that dynamics typical of both new and traditional media are in action on this SNS, and that Facebook holds the capacity to activate a virtuous circle, thereby generating an information-led mobilisation. The third contribution is the Dual Routes of Exposure Model which offers clarification on the alleged tendency of digital technologies to promote selective exposure and, consequently, political fragmentation and polarisation, and shows that Facebook can operate as a potential antidote to such trends. The fourth contribution is to the polarised debate between optimists, normalisers, and pessimist, with the present research further highlighting the sterility of such a debate and indicating potentially fruitful approaches for the development of the field.
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Poletti, M. "HAS ITALY BECOME A TOCQUEVILLIAN DEMOCRACY? A LONGITUDINAL ANALYSIS OF THE DETERMINANTS OF POLITICAL PARTICIPATION." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/172624.

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In the early 1960s Italy was described as a country characterized both by high disaffection and low social participation, not a picture of a healthy democracy particularly if compared with other more economically advanced countries, characterized by a participant civic culture. Since the country was divided between a partisan minority that actively participated in political parties (and related organizations), and those who did not participate at all, the decentralized pluralistic democracy proposed by Tocqueville was still non-existing in Italy. In the last sixty years Italian society has undergone a process of modernization and mass scholarization that significantly changed the socio-political context: the levels of resources in society increased, an intense season of social mobilization led to an expansion and growth of civil society participation and to a gradual separation from subcultural belonging. According to the neo-Tocquevillian thesis of political socialization of associations, the slow, but persistent, upward movement of Italian social participation and civil associations should have then transformed Italian parochial citizens into participant citizens, with higher political efficacy and more likely to participate at higher rates in politics in less partisan ways. Yet, while political disaffection has stayed quite constant (and extremely high) through the years. Moreover, conventional political participation, relatively high in the 1960s compared to other countries, has undergone a slow but profound crisis since the 1980s while electoral participation, that had been surprisingly high since the end of the war (more than 90% turnout), and quite stable for many years, started to decrease. What appears from these macro level trends of the socio-political context is a paradox in light of social capital theories: in Italy the theory that sees the spread of social associations as producing participatory citizens has not worked, and at the macro level the three indicators of interest, social participation, political disaffection and political participation, seem to follow rather independent behavioural paths. We investigated why it is so and whether the same relation can be found at the micro level. Whereas this longitudinal study that investigates causality is very important for understanding the dynamics at work in Italy, it has much wider implications that go beyond the specificity of a single country. Since we find similar results at the macro and micro levels, the underlying mechanism hypothesized by social capital theories is empirically undermined, at least in its universalistic perspective. This volume consists in two main parts. The first part includes Chapter 1 to 3 and relates to a broad and extensive literature review on the world of political and social participation as well as of political disaffection, both in general terms and in more specific terms relating to the Italian case. The second part of the research includes Chapter 4 to 8 and relates to the empirical analyses of the Italian socio-political context. We first describe through secondary data analysis its evolution across time. We then construct a few hypotheses linking education and time in its time-period, political cohort and life-cycle aspects, in order to test with a multi-source pooled dataset whether the thesis of cognitive mobilization of Inglehart and Dalton has been at work in Italy for different types of associations after the post-war process of societal modernization. We finally move to a more analytical level constructing several hypotheses in order to study the existent causal relationship between social participation, political participation and political efficacy. Using a three-wave Italian national election panel (ITANES), through structural equation modelling (SEM) we test for several forms of association, whether at the micro level the theory of political socialization of associations holds. We also test alternative models, such as the theory of self-selection, or the theory of reverse causation. Finally, in order to give more insight to our findings we run a latent class analysis identifying different profiles of participation among the Italian population. Chapter 9 summarizes our findings, thinking upon the general interpretation of results and discussing the implications for future research. Analyses show firstly that the thesis of "cognitive mobilization" (which gives importance to changing levels of education in society, and to changing attitudes through a process of generational replacement) is only partially able to explain the evolutions of the macro trends of participation in Italy. Secondly, they show that it is not possible to claim which of the causal model tested worked better. Indeed, self-selection models worked only slightly better than political socialization models, but neither worked properly because participation in conventional politics and in civil society associations in Italy do not seem to be much connected to each other. We then conclude that, in a context like Italy, looking only at the demand side (individual characteristics or individual experiences within social groups) distorts the analysis because it is necessary to look also at the characteristics of the political offer and of the socio-political context in which citizens decide to participate, as well as at the structure of political parties. If these were found to be depending on the wider political context, the thesis of social capital might have to be rethought as being context-dependent. Since this research empirically studies only one country in a longitudinal way, however, studying the influence of the political offer is not possible if only in a speculative way. Non-empirically, the Italian "paradox" can indeed be solved in the following way. Italian political system has been modernized under fascism that, being a totalitarian regime, used to mobilize people to participate in a top-down way. This has strongly influenced the structure of the post-war Italian political system, since major parties (DC-Christian Democrats and PCI-Communist Party) were actually structured and functioned in the same way as Fascist party did, although with an extremely different ideological content. Relatively high levels of political participation in late 1950s were then not due to bottom-up participation in a pluralistic democracy, but they were rather a consequence of top-down mobilization of quite homogeneous sub-cultures (as states within the state, and against it). This situation slowly changed with increasing levels of economic and educational resources in society, and change in the international context of the Cold War, finally leading toward a crisis of political parties. When the political system collapsed in the 1990s due to bribery scandals, political parties changed their structure, relating much more on communication via mass media rather than on local branches of parties. The result was that people virtually stopped to participate in conventional politics also because they were no more mobilized from above to participate. Social participation increased across time on the one hand because number of social associations increased, because of higher levels of resources in society, while on the other hand, it can be argued that this increase is the consequence of a closed party system that is not able to incorporate citizens demands, and this is particularly true for the most politicized types of social associations, such as trade unions or social movements associations. Finally, political efficacy remains constant and low across time because of idealized views that citizens hold of political participation, along with perceptions of a closed party system that does not have transparent channels of recruitment and that does not treat citizens in equal ways. We conclude with a question to be investigated in future research: does this peculiar evolution of the socio-political context concerns only Italy, that has apparently not yet become a pluralistic Tocquevillian democracy, or is Italy only an extreme case of a more general European phenomenon, where countries have historically been politicized in a different way than the US (top-down vs. bottom-up, as Tocqueville and then Weber already reported long time ago)?
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Schalke, Thomas. "The Political Economy of Participation in the Euro: A Case Study of Italy and Germany." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1769.

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This thesis analyses the political economy of the decision of Italy and Germany to participate in the euro. The emphasis is on understanding the economic rationales employed in each country in support of euro membership. For Italy, the central argument is that Italy outsourced monetary policy management to the ECB in order to delimit deficient domestic policy making and import German monetary credibility. This transferred the costs of monetary orthodoxy to Europe, and the thesis briefly examines places where we might observe those costs. For Germany, the argument is that, out of respect for the national humiliation and shame of the Second World War, Germany shirked the possibility of unilaterally leading European monetary policy in favour of a European solution that suited German economic interests. German actors were aware of these economic benefits at the time.
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Lamal, Nina. "Le orecchie si piene di Fiandra : Italian news and histories on the Revolt in the Netherlands (1566-1648)." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6902.

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This thesis examines the Italian news reports, political debates and histories of the revolt in the Netherlands between 1566 and 1648. Many Italians were directly involved in this conflict and were keen narrators of these wars. Despite this, a systematic study of the Italian interest for the conflict has not yet been undertaken. This thesis argues that the complex political constellation of the Italian peninsula, dominated by the Habsburg monarchy, shaped the Italian news, debates and interpretations of the Dutch Revolt. Chapter one examines the different ways in which news from the Low Countries reached Italian states. It demonstrates that Italian military officers, active on the battlefield in the Netherlands in the Habsburg army, played a crucial role as purveyors of news and opinion on the conflict. The two following chapters study the circulation of political treatises on the Italian peninsula. Chapter two reconstructs the debates sparked by the events in the Low Countries between 1576 and 1577. Chapter three examines the descriptions of the emergence of a new state in the Northern Netherlands and the discourses on war and peace between 1590 and 1609. Chapter four looks into the development of a market for printed news pamphlets and explores the connections between manuscript and printed news. Chapter five studies how news was used by Italian history writers in their contemporary chronicles. It also investigates how these authors celebrated Italian protagonists in the war as Italian and Catholic heroes. The conclusion examines the evolution of all these Italian discourses related to Dutch Revolt.
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MATTONI, Alice. "Multiple media practices in Italian mobilizations against precarity of work." Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13290.

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Defence Date: 16/10/2009
Examining Board: Bianca Beccalli (University of Milan); Nick Couldry (University of London); Donatella Della Porta (EUI) (Supervisor); Peter Wagner (University of Trento, formerly EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The dissertation addresses the general question of how social movements interact with the media in contemporary, media-saturated societies. The basic assumption is that visibility in the media is crucial to become recognized and thus valuable social and political subjects. This is especially true for resource-poor groups of activists at the margins of the political field who aim to introduce new social problems into the public arena. Compared to past decades, however, visibility today holds a different meaning, and passes through different channels due to the emergence of information and communication technologies which have transformed mainstream-dominated media systems into more nuanced and complex media environments. The dissertation is based on an interdisciplinary analysis about how social and political actors involved ingrassroots mobilizations against insecure employment in Italy and Europe seek visibility at the public level by acting in complex, multilayered media environments. In doing so, the dissertation presents three relevant novelties in two strands of literature: social movements studies and communication/media studies. At first, the analysis revolves around the concept of activist media practices and three important dimensions that emerged from the investigation: media representation of activists and mobilizations; activists’ perceptions of the media environment; and interactions between social movements and the media. The former and the latter have been addressed in the literature, but separately and without comparing how they develop with regard to different types of media outlets. Scholars in the field, moreover, do not usually consider activists’ perceptions of the media environment, despite the relevance this dimension has for understanding activist media practices. Second, the analysis is based on a comparative research design which takes into consideration three territorial levels (transnational, national and local), three types of media outlets (mainstream, sympathetic and alternative, with the second never having been empirically explored in studies about social movements and the media), and a number of media technologies (from the press to the Internet). The dissertation compares a broad range of (activist) media practices which the existing literature in the field considers separately, while in reality they develop in parallel and often intertwine. Third, the empirical research on which the dissertation is based deals with a critical area of investigation, the realm of insecure and precarious jobs. Despite the fact that this issue has already been addressed by several disciplines, including the sociology of work and industrial relations, there is only a sporadic and fragmented body of literature about mobilizations of precarious workers in Italy and Europe. After a theoretical and methodological introduction, the dissertation empirically explores the three above-mentioned dimensions of activist media practices in complex media environments. Conclusions recompose the three dimensions of activist media practices (representation, perception and recognition) in complex media environments, taking into consideration the literature on the sociology of practices and insights from two relevant theoretical approaches: field theory and actor network theory. Additionally, the conclusions discuss the empirical and theoretical validity of three relevant concepts in the field of media and social movements: 'sympathetic media', the 'discursive opportunity structure' and the 'communication repertoire'.
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Consonni, Inês Francesca Bento. "The Erasmus Programme and political participation among young people: the cases of Spain and Italy." Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1822/73304.

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Dissertação de mestrado em Ciência Política
There has been a concern both in policymaking and scholarly work on youth political participation since youth voter turnout in elections showed a tendency to decline together with political party membership. Voter participation and public attitudes appear to be different among Erasmus students, with recent data showing that they had higher levels of voter turnout in European elections and significant levels of political engagement. In particular, available data shows that both in Spain and Italy, there has been a steady increase in student participation in the Erasmus Programme and higher youth voter turnout in European elections. Hence, the choice of this two Member States of the European Union (EU), which share various common characteristics, as case studies of this dissertation. Whilst the Erasmus programme role in students’ lives has been previously studied, there is still research ground to explore when it comes to political participation of students who have joined the exchange programme. Thus, the present work endeavoured to understand how the Erasmus Programme and political participation of young people has evolved in Spain and Italy between de 1980s until 2019, and the significance of such evolution. This dissertation starts by going through the history and development of the Erasmus Programme from its origins to 2019. It then provides the description of the evolution of the international exchange programme in Spain and Italy followed by how youth political participation has evolved in both countries. Finally, Chapter Four provides a comparative analysis of Spain and Italy regarding the Erasmus Programme and youth political participation. This study outlines that the global financial crisis might have pushed young people to political action expressed through protest movements. Indeed, youth in general has shown a tendency towards non-institutionalized forms of political participation and higher levels of abstention in elections. As for Erasmus students, they tend to have positive associations with the EU, higher interest in EU elections and higher voter turnout in them. Nevertheless, they do still engage in other forms of political participation, which are less institutionalized. Overall, young people have been searching for a different direction in politics and this is also noticeable in Erasmus participants who seek for more rights as EU citizens.
Tem havido uma preocupação tanto na elaboração de políticas como na elaboração de trabalhos académicos sobre a participação política dos jovens desde que a afluência às urnas dos mesmos nas eleições registou uma tendência decrescente, juntamente com a filiação em partidos políticos. A participação eleitoral e as atitudes públicas parecem ser diferentes entre os estudantes Erasmus, com dados recentes a demonstrar que estes tiveram níveis mais elevados de participação eleitoral nas eleições europeias e um envolvimento político mais significativo. Em particular, os dados disponíveis mostram que, tanto em Espanha como em Itália, tem havido um consistente aumento da participação dos estudantes no Programa Erasmus e uma maior afluência às urnas por parte destes jovens nas eleições europeias. Daqui resultou a escolha destes dois Estados-Membros da União Europeia (UE), que partilham várias características comuns, como estudos de caso desta dissertação. Embora o papel do programa Erasmus na vida dos estudantes tenha sido previamente estudado, ainda há muito para explorar no que toca à participação política dos estudantes que aderiram ao programa de intercâmbio. Assim, o presente trabalho procurou compreender como o Programa Erasmus e a participação política dos jovens evoluíram em Espanha e Itália entre 1980 e 2019, e que significado esta evolução tem. Esta dissertação começa por percorrer a história e o desenvolvimento do Programa Erasmus desde a sua origem até 2019. Em seguida, fornece a descrição da evolução do programa de intercâmbio internacional em Espanha e Itália, e de como tem sido a participação política dos jovens em ambos os países. Por fim, o Capítulo Quatro fornece uma análise comparativa entre Espanha e Itália no que diz respeito ao Programa Erasmus e à participação política dos jovens. Este estudo demonstra que a crise financeira global poderá ter pressionado os jovens na direção de uma ação política expressa através de movimentos de protesto. De facto, os jovens, em geral, têm demonstrado uma tendência para formas não institucionalizadas de participação política e níveis mais elevados de abstenção nas eleições. Quanto aos estudantes Erasmus, estes tendem a ter associações positivas com a UE, maior interesse nas eleições da UE e maior afluência às urnas. Ainda assim, dedicam-se também a outras formas menos institucionalizadas de participação política. Em geral, os jovens têm procurado uma direção diferente na política e isto também se pode verificar nos participantes Erasmus que procuram mais direitos como cidadãos da UE.
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CATTACIN, Sandro. "Stadtentwicklungspolitik zwischen Demokratie und Komplexitaet : zur politischen Organisation der Stadtentwicklung." Doctoral thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5229.

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Defence date: 5 June 1992
Examining board: Prof. Klaus Eder (EUI, supervisor) ; Prof. Bernd Marin (European Center, Wien, co-supervisor) ; Prof. Hans-Peter Kriesi, Université de Genève) ; Prof. Alessandro Pizzorno (EUI) ; Prof. Danilo Zolo (Università di Siena)
First made available online: 19 October 2015
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Cappiali, Maria Teresa. "Activism and participation among people of migrant background : discourses and practices of inclusiveness in four italian cities." Thèse, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/13579.

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Ricci, Amanda. "From acculturation to integration : the political participation of Montréal's Italian-Canadian Community in an urban context (1945-1990)." Thèse, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/7689.

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Books on the topic "Political participation – Italy"

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Trupia, Piero. Parlamento, che farne?: Una risposta politically incorrect. Milano: Guerini e associati, 2003.

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Toward the construction of a theory of political action: Antonio Gramsci, consciousness, participation, and hegemony. Lanham: University Press of America, 1985.

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Marco, Canta, ed. Come scegliere per chi votare senza farsi male. Torino: Gruppo Abele, 1994.

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Nussdorfer, Laurie. Civic politics in the Rome of Urban VIII. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1992.

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Moulakis, Athanasios. Republican realism in Renaissance Florence: Francesco Guicciardini's Discorso di Logrogno. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1998.

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Die Unterstützung der Demokratie in Deutschland und Italien: Eine empirische Analyse zum Einfluss der traditionellen politischen Teilkulturen 1959 bis 1992. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1997.

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Village politics and the Mafia in Sicily. 2nd ed. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2002.

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1964-, Böhlen Michael H., ed. E-government: Towards electronic democracy : international conference, TCGOV 2005 Bolzano, Italy, March 2-4, 2005 proceedings. Berlin: Springer, 2005.

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Fasciste di Salò: Una storia giudiziaria. Roma: GLF editori Laterza, 2016.

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Fucci, Franco. Ali contro Mussolini: I raid aerei antifascisti degli anni Trenta. Milano: Mursia, 2006.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political participation – Italy"

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Bartiromo, Marianna, and Enrico Ivaldi. "Political Participation and Electoral Participation in Italy." In The Palgrave Handbook of Global Social Problems, 1–14. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-68127-2_255-1.

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Zamponi, Lorenzo, and Lorenzo Bosi. "Political Consumerism and Participation in Times of Crisis in Italy." In Citizens and the Crisis, 141–63. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-68960-9_6.

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Uleri, Pier Vincenzo. "Institutions of Citizens’ Political Participation in Italy: Crooked Forms, Hindered Institutionalization." In Citizens’ Initiatives in Europe, 71–88. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230369900_5.

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Sigona, Nando. "The ‘Problema Nomadi’ vis-à-vis the Political Participation of Roma and Sinti at the Local Level in Italy." In Romani Politics in Contemporary Europe, 272–92. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230281165_13.

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Pitti, Ilaria. "Youth Participation, Movement Politics, and Skills: A Study of Youth Activism in Italy." In The Palgrave Handbook of Citizenship and Education, 877–89. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-67828-3_61.

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Pitti, Ilaria. "Youth Participation, Movement Politics, and Skills: A Study of Youth Activism in Italy." In The Palgrave Handbook of Citizenship and Education, 1–13. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-67905-1_61-1.

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De Luigi, Nicola, Alessandro Martelli, and Ilaria Pitti. "New Forms of Solidarity and Young People: An Ethnography of Youth Participation in Italy." In Young People Re-Generating Politics in Times of Crises, 253–71. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-58250-4_14.

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"Union, Faction and Political Participation." In Reason and Experience in Renaissance Italy, 15–46. Cambridge University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108955713.002.

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La Terr, Alessio. "Cultural activism against inequalities: the experience of Quaderni Urbani in Bologna." In Young People's Participation, 17–28. Policy Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447345411.003.0002.

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The chapter presents the story of Quaderni Urbani, a “cultural activism” project carried out by a group of young activists participating in a political squat (centro sociale) named Làbas and based in the city of Bologna (Italy). The chapter, written by one of the activists involved in the project, discusses how Quaderni Urbani has sought to combine cultural commitment with social conflict by organising independent, accessible, countercultural events (i.e. open workshops, thematic readings and collaboration with independent artists) inspired by the values of anti-fascism, anti-racism, and anti-sexism. Reading the experience of Quaderni Urbani through the lenses of Frankfurt School’s critical theory and Bourdieu and Passeron’s analysis of culture as reproduction, the chapter analyses how Quaderni Urbani has attempted to transform art and culture in ways that will foster social change and question hegemonic thinking.
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Vaccari, Cristian. "Online Mobilization in Comparative Perspective: Digital Appeals and Political Engagement in Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom." In Digital Politics: Mobilization, Engagement and Participation, 69–88. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429459955-5.

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Conference papers on the topic "Political participation – Italy"

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Hidayatullah, Nur, and Achmad Nurmandi. "The success of E-Participation in Supporting the development of Smart Cities in Spain, Italy, United States and Germany." In 8th International Conference on Human Interaction and Emerging Technologies. AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002806.

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This study aims to analyze the role of E-participation in supporting the success of smart city development. This research method uses qualitative research with a bibliometric analysis approach. Sources of research data obtained 218 documents from the Scopus database using the keywords "smart city" and "e-participation" with a span of 7 years from 2015 to 2022. The data analysis phase of this research used VOSviewer and NVivo12 Plus software to visualize the data. This study indicates that e-participation is essential in creating the successful implementation of smart cities. The implementation of e-participation in four countries has different participation strategies. Spain is increasing participation forms online communities and public participation platforms. Italy utilizes digital technology and involves volunteers in public participation. Germany, in increasing participation, develops digital participation platforms and implements practical participation projects. The United States applies a political approach and involves interest groups supported by digitization. Furthermore, increasing participation is supported by information and communication technology, services, and agile management are the main focus. Spain, management focuses on location data management, and service aspect focuses on service platforms, and technology focuses on blockchain technology. Italy, the service aspect focuses on open service, and the technology aspect focuses on open source technology. In the United States, the management aspect pays attention to location data management. Then, the technological aspect focuses on civil technology practices. Germany, management and service are not yet a top priority in this aspect. While the technology aspect only pays attention to the web technology sector. Based on these findings, Spain is a country that dominates various aspects. This means being a country that can be an example of e-participation development in realizing a smart city.
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Langer, Sabina. "PARTICIPATION TO EMPOWER CHILDREN AND STRENGTHEN THE COMMUNITY." In International Conference on Education and New Developments. inScience Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36315/2021end069.

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In a pandemic, children’s participation is even more important than before. This paper presents the first stage of an exploratory study for my PhD research in Pedagogy beginning in January 2021 in Milan. The participants are 19 pupils of class 4B (primary school), their parents and the teachers who joined energies to reproject a square, in order to transform it into a welcoming space for the entire community. In Italy, public speeches did not mention children who could not finally use public spaces for months as they were identified as the “plague spreaders”. The project revisits this perspective by considering children as potential actors of the transformation. Only if adults set the conditions for a change, children, their needs and their imagination could become agents for that change and centre of the community. The project name is Piazziamoci (Let’s place ourselves here) to signify the conscious act of taking a place together. After a theoretical framework of the study within Student Voice, I describe the generative circumstances, the context and the first steps of the project. The children explored the square, interviewed the inhabitants, shared information and dreams with their classmates coming up with proposals to present to City Council. This first phase aimed to set the basis of my investigation on the participants self-awareness as people and members of the community; it also focuses on the perception of the square as a common good. To this purpose, this work introduces concepts as the capacity to aspire (Appadurai, 2004), imagination and creativity (Vygotsky, 1930/2004), interdependence (Butler, 2020), and, therefore, a political and educational interpretation of the project.
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Novelli, Francesco, and Gian Marco Chiri. "Studies and projects for the archaeological park of the Nuraghe s’Urachi (Sardinia, Italy). From knowledge for heritage conservation to project for the community." In HERITAGE2022 International Conference on Vernacular Heritage: Culture, People and Sustainability. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica de València, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/heritage2022.2022.15674.

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This piece of research regards the archaeological area of ​​the Nuraghe s'Urachi in San Vero Milis (OR- Sardinia, Italy). The site is probably one of the most significant and complex testimonies of the so-called "Nuragic civilization" in Sardinia (18th–11th century BC). Among the approximately eight thousand currently surviving "nuraghi”, the s'Urachi complex stands out for its pivotal role in the vast and important network of territorial relations that characterized central-western Sardinia during the Archaic period. Its crucial role in terms of its political, economic, social, and military importance is displayed by its considerable size. Today only seven of the ten perimetral towers are still visible, and of the central tower — originally over twenty-five meters high — only the base remains. However, from an archaeological point of view, the Nuraghe still constitutes one of the most interesting artifacts of the region. As part of a renewed collective interest in Nuragic sites, the area of ​​the excavations of s'Urachi is a candidate to host a new archaeological park whose formal and organizational characters are still to be defined (section 1.1). In August 2021, a workshop was organized and promoted as part of Accademia Adrianea in Rome Master's degree program on Architecture and Archaeology. The workshop focused on the site to envision four possible scenarios (section 2.1) for implementing and stimulating the preservation and conservation processes, as well as to enhance the archaeological area in accord with the municipal administration and the local community. The process of rediscovery, participation, sharing, and final "reappropriation" of this heritage's tangible and intangible value represents one of the fundamental objectives this article intends to outline.
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