Journal articles on the topic 'Political participation – European Union countries'
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1
Miyauch, Toshitake, and Masatsugu Sanada. "Political participation in global accounting standard-setting." Journal of Accounting & Organizational Change 15, no. 3 (September 2, 2019): 357–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jaoc-02-2018-0020.
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Purpose This study aims to examine constituents’ political participation in the establishment of an Accounting Standards Advisory Forum (ASAF). Design/methodology/approach Based on a literature review, three hypotheses regarding political participation in global accounting standard-setting are constructed: regional disparity, professional dominance and financialization. These hypotheses are tested through a content and narrative analysis of the comment letters on the establishment of the ASAF. Findings Consistent with the regional-disparity hypothesis, neither Anglo–Saxon nor European Union countries were active advocates or positive supporters of ASAF’s establishment. However, no evidence supporting the professional and financialization hypotheses was found. Narrative analysis suggests a divergence of opinion among vested-interest groups in the International Accounting Standards Board (IASB), emerging nations and other groups, rather than the traditional conflicts between Anglo–Saxon and European countries. This suggests the possibility of a future-destabilizing factor in global standard-setting. Originality/value By discussing the IASB’s organizational and strategic changes and the constituents’ responses, this study describes the IASB’s organizational dynamics: how various stakeholders react to each other. Although prior studies primarily focused on comment letters regarding the contents of an accounting standard or the standard itself, this study examines such letters considering the size and composition of, and membership in, the ASAF, an organization within the IFRS Foundation (IFRSF). Therefore, the study reflects constituents’ opinions regarding their participation in the IFRSF/IASB more directly.
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Guseletov, Boris. "ON THE INTERACTION OF EURO PARTIES WITH PARTIES FROM THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP COUNTRIES. PART 1." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 24, no. 6 (December 31, 2021): 32–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran620213240.
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The article analyzes the results of cooperation between two leading pan-European political organizations – the European People’s Party (EPP) and the Party of European Socialists (PES) with their counterparts in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program (Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine), except Azerbaijan. It is considered with which political forces and why the EPP and the PES have established interaction and even accepted them into their membership. The profiles of these political organizations were studied, including the results of their participation in the national parliamentary and presidential elections and interaction with other political forces of their countries on the formation of ruling coalitions. Information is provided on when these parties joined, respectively, the EPP and the PES, and what status they have today in these European structures. The main provisions of the resolutions of the governing bodies of the EPN and the PES concerning the situation in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program and the support of their partner parties in these countries are presented. It shows how the foreign policy course of the Eastern Partnership member countries changed after political organizations that closely cooperate with their European counterparts came to power. It is noted that in almost all of these countries there has recently been a steady desire to strengthen political and economic partnership with the European Union and Western countries in general. And only one country. Georgia is still trying to maintain a balance in relations with Western countries and Russia. Key words: European parties, party system, Eastern Partnership program, elections.
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Ross, Alistair. "Young Europeans: A New Political Generation?" Societies 8, no. 3 (August 29, 2018): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc8030070.
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Young people in Europe are often described as apolitical non-participants in the civic culture of their own states and the European Union (EU). Using empirical data based on group discussions (n = 324) in 29 European states (104 locations; 2000 young people aged between 11 and 19), this paper challenges this, and suggests that many young people have distinct political views and are motivated to participate in both political discussions and traditional and non-traditional forms of participation. They are particularly interested in a range of current issues, largely around human rights, migration and (anti-)nationalism, and the article illustrates this with examples from a range of countries. Human rights issues raised concerned their perception of contemporary injustices, which were constructed as European values and formed a significant element in their self-identification as Europeans, and a general unwillingness to be identified with ‘the nation’. This broad pan-European analysis suggests that young people see themselves in many ways as a politically distinct cohort, a generation with different political values than those of their parents and grandparents.
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Kakitelashvili, M. M. "The Phenomenon of the Parliaments of the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union." Russian Journal of Legal Studies 5, no. 3 (September 15, 2018): 73–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls18382.
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The purpose of article is to define an opportunity application of experience of the European Parliament during creation of Parliament of the Eurasian Economic Union (The Euroasian parliament) and also to reveal positive experience of functioning of the European Parliament which can be used during creation of the Euroasian parliament. The object of the research is social relations in the process of formation and functioning of the Parliament of the EEU. The methodology of the research is General scientific methods of cognition (dialectic, analysis, synthesis, modeling, etc.), as well as sociological, historical, comparative-legal, formal-legal, etc.The specificity of integration associations in the modern world poker on a process to integrate posters, featuring noisy, versatility, variety of levels internal and proven. Also the essence of European integration is marked by the formation of the European Communities to transforming them into the European Union and the transition to a new higher type of integration, estimated the use of certain elements of the international legal model of the European Union. Analyzing historical, political, social prerequisites of formation of supranational parliaments in the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union, the author marks out both similar, and their various lines.Stand out general and particular features of legal regulation of activities of political parties in the legislation of the countries of the EEC and European Union. Analyzed the socio-cultural peculiarities of the formation of party systems in the countries of the EEC, the participation of political parties in elections to national parliaments.On the basis of the analysis of functions of the European Parliament offers on investment of the Euroasian parliament with representative and control functions express.The author comes to a conclusion that an optimum way of election of the Euroasian parliament is the proportional electoral system.
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Pevnaya, Maria, Anna Bagirova, Elvina Bahtigareeva, and Zhen Wenyue. "Legal Regulation of Youth Civic Participation in Russia and European Union." DEMIS. Demographic Research 2, no. 3 (October 7, 2022): 8–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/demis.2022.2.3.1.
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Youth in scientific and practical discourse is considered as a promising demographic group that is able to determine the economic and social development of countries and regions. Creating an environment for constructive civic participation of young people, their involvement in solving socially significant issues in many countries of the world is becoming one of the key directions of state policy. In this case, youth policy should be a tool for the formation of consciousness and socially acceptable patterns of behavior of the younger generation, corresponding to the direction of long-term development set by the state. The purpose of the article is to identify national accents regarding civic participation in the context of the formation of a culture of citizenship of the younger generation, mechanisms for achieving goals in this direction that exist in the regulatory discourse of Russia and the European Union countries. We were based on an institutional approach to assessing the regulatory regulation of the activities of the authorities of the Russian Federation and the governments of the EU countries in relation to the civic participation of young people, applied legal analysis and a comparison method. The analysis of regulatory regulation was carried out according to the following parameters: characteristics of regulatory legal acts, a brief description of their structure and content; definition of civil participation and its forms; identification of substantive directions and goals; definition of subjectivity. The sources of information were regulatory and legal acts of the EU and the Russian Federation, conceptually defining the essence of youth policy, as well as unofficial legal information. The study revealed that the place of citizenship culture is clearly defined in the EU normative discourse, the need to expand and improve the qualitative characteristics of civic participation of young Europeans is justified and supported by concrete decisions. The place and significance of civic participation of young people is not clearly defined in the normative field of regulation of youth policy of the Russian Federation. With the priority of social types of youth participation, the subjectivity of youth as a civic participation in managerial and political decision-making is not conceptualized and, accordingly, is not supported in practice. The activation of civic participation of young people today is not among the state priorities of youth policy, more important in the normative and legal discourse of this policy are the problems of professional self-determination, preservation of health, public safety and strengthening of the institution of the family.
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Golovina, Svetlana G., Ekaterina V. Abilova, and Ivan N. Mikolaychik. "Participation of farmers and local communities in the implementation of rural support policies in the countries of the European Union." Economy of agricultural and processing enterprises, no. 4 (2022): 52–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31442/0235-2494-2022-0-4-52-60.
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The purpose of this article is to present for scientific discussion some of the results of the study, which make it possible to formulate a number of practical recommendations regarding the implementation of the European experience of supporting rural areas in domestic political practice. While such opportunities relate to many aspects of the implementation of the Common Agricultural Policy of the European Union (CAP), the article deals with the potential of agricultural producers (farmers), local communities, rural networks in solving rural development problems with the active support of special funds of the European Union, primarily the European Fund for Rural Development. The research findings were obtained through a discursive method of analysis with using (1) legislative documents underlying the policy, (2) statistical information and reporting data related to the results of the CAP realization at various program stages, (3) scientific publications presenting expert assessments by European colleagues.
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Quaranta, Mario, and Giulia M. Dotti Sani. "The Relationship Between the Civic Engagement of Parents and Children." Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 45, no. 6 (July 9, 2016): 1091–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0899764016628677.
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Although previous research has suggested the existence of a positive association between the political activities of parents and children, little is known about other forms of civic engagement. In particular, the literature lacks an international comparative study on the intergenerational transmission of civic involvement. Using Bayesian multilevel models on data from the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) 2006 special module on social participation, this article tests hypotheses on the patterns of civic engagement of parents and children in 18 European countries with different political legacies. Our results show a positive association between the participation in associational activities of parents and children in all the considered countries, above and beyond individual and contextual characteristics. In particular, we do not find an evident East–West gap in the socialization process, suggesting that the Communist past of Eastern and Central European countries has little influence on what can be considered a basic mechanism of civic learning.
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Hoskins, Bryony. "Monitoring Active Citizenship in the European Union: the Process, the Results and initial Explanations." CADMO, no. 1 (June 2009): 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/cad2009-001008.
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- This article is a descriptive account from an insider's perspective of the complex European process of the development of indicators on active citizenship. From this position, the article explains the process behind the development of two composite indicators that have been used to measure progress on active citizenship in Europe; The Active Citizenship Composite Indicator and the Youth Civic Competence Composite Indicator. The article details the results of these indexes for European Union countries and regions inside Europe. In addition, the article examines the differences between the results of the composite indicators, with correlations found between competence and action for Northern and Western European countries but not for Southern and Eastern European Countries. Using these results it discusses possible steps forward in the development of indicators on active citizenship looking towards new data from the IEA International Citizenship and Civic Education study.Keywords active citizenship, civic education, composite indicators, European Union, political participation.
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Guseletov, Boris P. "THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP PROGRAM IN THE POST-COVID PERIOD. KEY FEATURES AND FUTURE PROSPECTS." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian Studies. History. Political Science. International Relations, no. 2 (2021): 28–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2021-2-28-37.
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The article is dedicated to the analysis of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership program in the post-COVID period. It considers the main features of that program in modern conditions and further prospects for its de- velopment, taking into account the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic for the European Union and the countries participating in this program. The author analyzes the EU leadership attitude to the individual participants of the program and identifies priorities in relation to the various countries represen- ted in it. To overcome the social and economic consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic, the European Commission decided to provide financial assistance to the participating countries, but the amount of the assistance for individual countries depended on the state of relations between the European Union and the leadership of those countries. It is proved in the article that the European Union currently has the most favorable relations with three countries parti- cipating in the program: Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, which have openly declared a policy of rapprochement with the European Union in the political and economic fields. The author outlines positions of all the countries and their expectations of participating in the program in the nearest future as well as in the longer term.
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Marks, Gary N. "Communist party membership in five former Soviet bloc countries, 1945–1989." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 37, no. 2 (June 1, 2004): 241–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2004.03.004.
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This study examines the social composition of the communist party in the Soviet Union and four East European countries during the post-war period. Two alternative explanations for joining the communist party are examined: the classical political participation model from Western political science and the party policy model. In Western countries, the people who join political parties tend to be male, older, married, highly educated and in higher status occupations. According to the party policies model, recruitment should reflect the party’s policies, ideologies and intentions to promote particular social groups such as, workers, peasants, young people, women and those with proletarian backgrounds. The data analyzed are from nationally representative surveys from the Social Stratification in Eastern Europe after 1989 study. Stronger support was found for the political participation model. Generally, parental party membership, being male, married, highly educated and working in an administrative position influenced joining, whereas social background, a manual occupation, and political time period had little or no influence. Between-country differences in the process of joining were minor. There was little evidence that recruitment reflected the parties’ ideologies or policies.
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Boichuk, A. Yu, and V. V. Humeniuk. "LEGAL PERSONALITY OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN UKRAINE AND MEMBER STATES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION: COMPARATIVE LEGAL RESEARCH." Соціальний Калейдоскоп 1, no. 3 (June 20, 2020): 16–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.47567/bomivit.1-3.2020.02.
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The article examines the trends that have led to a significant increase in the legal personality of political parties in many European countries over the last decade. The growing role of political parties in the modern conditions of a developed democracy requires a revision of the standards of European legislation on their activities.
Important issues of legal rights and obligations of political parties in accordance with both international standards and the legislation of Ukraine are revealed; defines the concepts of "subject of legal relations" and "legal capacity", as well as the legal side of the legal personality of a political party; formulates precise legal criteria and bases for recognition of a political party as a subject of law. A comparative legal study of the legal personality of political parties in Ukraine and the Member States of the European Union.
The European standards on the legal personality of political parties have already been developed in most European countries and are aimed at achieving the constitutional and legal order is noted. The Law on Political Parties is a common denominator of legislative work, which regulates the organization of political parties and the financing of their participation in election campaigns.
The development and implementation of standards for regulating the activities of political parties is a very important component of protecting the principles of a democratic society is determined. The importance of the role that political parties play in governance at both the national and supranational levels, this issue is currently given great importance in the European Union are given. The introduction of European standards in national legislation enables the state to effectively regulate the activities of political parties.
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Dyhal, Yaroslav. "The issue of the ratio of women and men in central and local government: the European Union and Ukraine." Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica 24, no. 324 (May 15, 2021): 95–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20813333.24.7.
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Gender mainstreaming is an integral part of the process of building a democratic society, including in thepolitical sphere. In order to draw conclusions about gender equality in the political sphere, it is necessaryto constantly investigate the current situation. An indicator of gender equality in the political sphere is therepresentation of women and men in the governmental institutions. Therefore, there is a need to analyse thegender structure of central and local authorities in the European Union.The aim of the paper is to analyse the representation of women and men in elected authorities andgovernments of the European Union and Ukraine. The author explored the participation of men and womenin the European Parliament, national parliaments of European countries, national governmental authorities,regional and local parliaments of the EU and Ukraine.The gender structures of different authorities were compared. The countries with gender equality in thepolitical sphere and the countries with the largest imbalances were identified.The author analysed the factors that contributed to the establishment of equality in countries with indicatorsas close as possible to gender balance (Scandinavian countries). Among such factors the most interesting are:emancipation of women; high level of social development; institutional factors and legislation as incentives.A comparison of the gender structures of the central executive and legislative bodies and local councils ofUkraine and Poland was made.
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Wallace, Caire, Florian Pichler, and Christian Haerpfer. "Changing Patterns of Civil Society in Europe and America 1995-2005." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 26, no. 1 (January 18, 2012): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325411401380.
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This article looks at developments in Eastern European civil society (as measured by the participation in organisations) and how this has changed between 1995 and 2005 using the World Values Survey. There are comparisons with Western Europe on the one hand and the United States on the other, which show that although civic participation of this kind has declined in the United States, it remains stable in Europe, including at a low level in Eastern Europe. Surprisingly, there seemed to be little differences between countries that had joined the European Union and those that had not. The article considers reasons for this continued weakness of civil society in Eastern Europe.
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Sharoichenko, Natalia. "Spain and the European Union: topical issues of interaction." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2017): 70–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-4-70-73.
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This article analyzes various aspects of interaction of Spain and European Union (EU) at the present stage. Due to the fact that the studied period is less than six months (including several events happened in a period less than a month) before presenting the paper, this research is topical and covers issues which were not examined before in academic literature. The aim of the study is to analyze major problems on which Spain has made suggestions for positive changes in the EU recently. The research was conducted with the help of such methods, as event-analysis, comparison and system approach. The article implies consistent and coherent analysis of important recent events, political and economic processes which actors were Spain and the European Union. In order to make the research comprehensive, materials of international media, official statements and papers of researchers from Spanish-speaking countries on associated topics were studied. The main conclusion on Spain’s participation in political and economic processes at the level of the EU is that Spain suggests different ways to strengthen economies of the Eurozone, accelerate integration in the framework of the EU, resolve migration crisis and fight against terrorism in Europe. Thanks to economic growth during this year and relative stabilization of political situation after the party crisis, Spain began to participate more actively in international projects within the EU, and it is engaged in a constructive dialogue on the most urgent European problems.
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Bukowska, Joanna, Piotr Świat, and Anna Sosnowska. "The Participation of the Council of the European Union and the European Commission in the Process of Concluding International Agreements on Climate Protection." International Community Law Review 23, no. 2-3 (June 29, 2021): 261–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341476.
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Abstract For many years the European Union has aspired to be the leader of global climate protection policy. By setting increasingly ambitious challenges in its efforts against global warming, the EU has tried to encourage other countries to compete in this field at international level. In this article, the authors present the roles of the Council of the European Union and the European Commission in the process of concluding international agreements on climate protection. The division of competences between the two institutions is important in the situation when the agreements are concluded within Union’s non-exclusive competence such as the one in the field of environmental protection. In case of such agreements both the Union and its Member States are contracting parties. However, not only the division of competences is at the centre of the EU external action, but also the development of appropriate solutions that will ensure the effective achievement of climate policy objectives.
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Golovina, S., Aleksey Ruchkin, I. Mikolaychik, and L. Smirnova. "Local Communities Participation in Rural Development: the Experience of the European Union." Agrarian Bulletin of the 212, no. 09 (November 9, 2021): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.32417/1997-4868-2021-212-09-80-92.
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Abstract. The use of the experience of implementing the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) in the member states of the European Union (EU) is relevant both for Russia and for other countries of the world interested in the successful development of the agrarian sector of the economy and rural areas. The role of rural areas in achieving national security of countries and regions (food, biological, environmental and other) is increasing significantly due to the current challenges and threats (climate change, COVID-19 pandemic, aggravation of the international situation). The purpose of the study, the results of which are presented in this article, is to scrutinise the special approach implemented under the CAP. This approach is referred to in European law as LEADER/CLLD and refers to a close combination of comprehensive cross-sector interaction with active involvement of local communities in rural development. In the work, analytical and review research methods were used, with the help of which (1) the current (relevant to the research topic) legislation, (2) programs implemented in the EU member states, (3) significant scientific publications were subject to scrupulous study. The result of the work is a review and analysis of the findings and practical recommendations for the future use of the various aspects of LEADER/CLLD in domestic political and economic practice. The application of this approach takes into account the fact that the experience of local residents, combined with the opinions of other stakeholders, can help to better adapt rural development policy to real needs and opportunities, and to form a specific (unique) human capital within the boundaries of rural communities. Human capital includes, in addition to specific skills, (1) the ability to take constructive initiatives, (2) a sense of local identity and ownership, (3) the ability to participate as equals with other partners in defining local development strategies, (4) trust between people, private enterprises, public institutions and sectoral communities interested in successful rural development, formed through constant interaction. Theoretical and practical conclusions regarding the content of LEADER/CLLD initiatives, as well as findings related to the possibilities of introducing tools and mechanisms to support rural areas, implemented directly with the involvement of local communities with financial support from the state, are of scientific novelty.
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Deng, Haoran, Tzuhan Lin, Zihao Ma, and Yixi Wang. "The impact of European Monetary Union on different countries within the EU." Highlights in Business, Economics and Management 2 (November 6, 2022): 255–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/hbem.v2i.2371.
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The decision on the establishment of economic and Monetary Union will be regarded as a major event in the economic history of Europe. A stable European monetary structure will affect the future not only of the Member States of the Community, but also of the whole world. It is likely to serve as a guidepost for the economic policies of future members of the European Community, such as Austria, Sweden and Finland, as well as the emerging market economies of Central and Eastern Europe. These countries are looking forward to closer links with the European Community. Monetary union would also provide a currency for the European Community. The creation of economic and monetary union is a complex undertaking from both a technical and a political point of view. It requires a high degree of consistency between economic policy and performance. At the same time, it would greatly reduce the economic autonomy of participating countries. The traditional differences in the economic and monetary policies of the member states of the European Community also have different effects. Therefore, this paper mainly studies the influence of EMU on different EU countries by studying the EU's political ideology, historical and economic development, economic main body structure and cultures of different EU countries.
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Chetverikov, A. O. "From the European Health Community to the European Health Union: The Project of the Supranational Health and Research Organization of the European Countries and its Historical Destiny." Lex Russica, no. 6 (July 5, 2021): 138–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2021.175.6.138-153.
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The paper examines the little-known pages of the legal regulation of international integration in Europe: the project of the creation in the middle of the 20th century of the European Health Community (EHC) and its relationship to the current project for the establishment of the European Health Union. The introduction examines the reasons for the ineffective response of the modern European Union (EU) to the global coronavirus pandemic, mainly due to the lack of European institutions, in contrast to the economy and a number of other spheres of public life, supranational powers in the field of health.The first section analyzes the main provisions of the draft EHC presented by the French Government in 1952 and became the subject of an international "preparatory conference" with the participation of 16 European countries at the end of the same year. The author gives special attention to the legal consolidation in the EHC draft founding treaty of "sanitary activities" (prevention and counteraction of various types of diseases); "cultural provisions" dedicated to the collection of information, the development of scientific research and education in the field of health; provisions on the creation of a common therapeutic and research infrastructure of the EHC; the political and legal nature of the EHC as a supranational organization with restrictions in its favor of the sovereign rights of the participating states.The second section describes and evaluates the domestic, foreign, and economic factors that prevented the creation of the EHC.The final section examines the impact of the EHC on the law-making and law-enforcement activities of the modern EU, and compares the legal model of the EHC with the model of the European Health Union, which was established in the end of 2020. There are also proposals for using the experience of European integration in the field of healthcare for the development of integration processes in a similar field between Russia and other former Soviet republics, including the creation of common medical and research centers under the auspices of the Union State of Russia and Belarus and (or) the Eurasian Economic Union, equipped with mega-science facilities (synchrotrons, etc.), other advanced infrastructure of scientific theoretical and scientific applied nature.
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Kaveshnikov, N. Y. "DEVELOPMENT OF THE EXTERNAL ENERGY POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(31) (August 28, 2013): 82–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-82-91.
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The article analyses development of external energy policy of the European Union (EU). In spite of the Lisbon treaty didn’t substantially expend EU powers in external energy policy, European Commission (EC) became more active in recent years. Decision on exchange of information about bilateral energy agreements between Member States (MSs) and third countries may deprive producers of opportunity to differentiate terms of infrastructure projects and energy supply in different MSs. European Commission participation in MSs negotiations with third countries as a guardian of energy market provisions will inevitably increase negotiation power of MSs. Nevertheless, only smooth and modest extension of powers of the EC would be possible because of opposition of numerous countries which makes a search of consensus very difficult. Among priority activities of the EU external energy policy one could identify ‘export’ of energy market provisions in neighbor countries; diversification of suppliers and prioritization of politically selected supply routes; dramatic increase of regulatory activity at EU level. All these activities are partially successful, but they all have some shortages. Several EU legislative and regulatory measures risk to run counter to existing obligations of MSs.
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Zaets, Svetlana V., and Filipp Yu Kushnarev. "Poland in the European Union: history and modernity." Socialʹnye i gumanitarnye znania 8, no. 3 (September 24, 2022): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/2412-6519-2022-3-274-287.
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The article shows the dynamics of the development of relations between Poland and the European Union from the early 1990s to the present day. The history of the entry of the Polish state into the European community, the political and socio-economic consequences of this event is analyzed. The facts testifying to the initial polarization of society in relation to EU membership between the conservative-nationalist party «PiS» and the liberal-democratic «Civic Platform» are presented. The topical issue related to the supremacy of European legislation over the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, the attitude of the ruling party and the population of the country to it is considered. The authors of the article conducted a study on the attitude of Poles to membership in the European Union and concluded that most of them highly appreciate the role of their state in the EU, enjoy the benefits of European citizenship and see themselves as Europeans. Attention is drawn to the fact that the developed countries of the West do not perceive Poland as an equal member of the European Community, and it does not feel like such, because in terms of most economic indicators, the country initially lagged behind generally accepted indicators and is forced to receive financial assistance. The authors briefly touched upon the current events in Ukraine and the reaction of the Polish government in the context of the European Union. As a result, at the moment a picture is being created that Poland is in the wake of the EU's anti-Russian policy and sees its role in «saving the world from Russian expansion». Perhaps, by such participation in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, it seeks to compensate for its secondary position in the European Union and increase its authority in the international arena.
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Abdildina, B. S., and B. E. Sailaubaeva. "Инклюзивті білім беруді дамыту саясатындағы еуропалық кәсіподақтардың тәжірибелері." BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University.Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 138, no. 1 (2022): 8–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2022-138-1-8-22.
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The article examines the supportive actions of European educational trade union organizations for the comprehensive implementation of inclusive education. The main types of problems and ways to solve them in educational organizations that are in the focus of the trade union organization are considered. Since the beginning of the XXI century, especially during the crisis, education has been a major political priority at the national and pan-European level. The European sectoral social dialogue in the field of education is very important, because this industry allows bringing together European employers and employees in the field of education to discuss emerging issues. At the same time, social dialogue is considered as an institutional framework that unites social partners in negotiations on labor relations in the implementation of inclusive education. Specific examples reflecting the diversity of society are given in order to determine the need for the formation of a general inclusive education. It is very important to ensure equality and participation in education in various European societies. The need to take diversity into account in education is attracting increasing political attention at the European level. With regard to diversity and inclusivity, the need to change the mentality of Governments and the entire community is determined; the need to achieve a more complete reflection of the diversity of teachers, students and the whole society; the need to develop a unified definition of the concepts of diversity, equality and inclusivity for all countries. The authors fundamentally consider the approaches of the European Committee of Trade Unions of Education (ETUCE) to the development of inclusive education and the main elements and conditions for its support and implementation. The emphasis is on the analysis of the activities of trade unions in solving the problems of inclusive education
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Lagaert, Susan, and Henk Roose. "Gender and highbrow cultural participation in Europe: The effect of societal gender equality and development." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 59, no. 1 (January 19, 2018): 44–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715217753271.
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Existing individual-level research links women’s higher participation in high-status cultural activities to their position in work and family spheres. This article studies how cross-national variation in women’s and men’s cultural participation relates to societal care- and work-related gender equality and development. Multilevel analyses on Eurobarometer data (2013) indicate that male engagement in the feminine domain of care and societal development stimulates frequent participation in highbrow culture, but more for men than for women, thus partly explaining gender gap variation in highbrow cultural participation across European Union countries. We conclude that men play an important but underestimated role in the explanation of the gender gap.
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Bałandynowicz-Panfil, Katarzyna. "Media, informacja a szczepienia przeciw COVID-19." Media Biznes Kultura, no. 2 (11) (December 22, 2021): 201–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25442554.mbk.21.023.15164.
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The fourth wave of the COVID-19 pandemic is another significant confession for European societies. Despite extensive efforts, a safe level of population resilience has not been achieved in most countries. Previous actions and government programs aimed at persuading as many people as possible to accept vaccinations. Full availability of free vaccination has brought different levels of participation in fully vaccinated people across the European Union. This article presents the preliminary results of research on the role of the media in shaping pro-vaccination attitudes in Poland, based on a critical analysis of the literature on the subject, statistical data and an empirical research. The differences in attitudes towards vaccination against the SARS-CoV-2 virus in individual European Union countries have multifaceted conditions. These include factors of a social, political and cultural nature. Information plays an important role, shaping social attitudes in the discussed issue. One of the primary sources of this information is media – both traditional and digital. It is therefore worth defining the strength of media in the fight to build population resilience in the face of a pandemic.
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BUSCH, MARC L., and ERIC REINHARDT. "Industrial Location and Voter Participation in Europe." British Journal of Political Science 35, no. 4 (August 22, 2005): 713–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123405000360.
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Does the geographic concentration of industry ‘matter’ outside the United States? Observers have long speculated that while geographically concentrated industries may be influential in American politics, this is probably not the case in countries where the electorate votes more as a national constituency. Others disagree, urging that clustered industries have an advantage regardless of how the political map is drawn. We sharpen the terms of debate and weigh in with empirical evidence from a cross-sectional analysis of intended voter turnout in eight member-states of the European Union and a multi-year study of voter turnout in the Netherlands. These tests uniformly show that, across different types of electoral systems, including those in which voters vote as a national constituency, thereby removing any effects of electoral geography per se, workers in traded industries that are physically concentrated are, in fact, substantially more likely to vote than employees in traded but geographically dispersed sectors.
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Dürr, Christoph. "Waldpolitisch relevante Gremien in Europa | Important forest policy organisations in Europe." Schweizerische Zeitschrift fur Forstwesen 162, no. 4 (April 1, 2011): 128–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3188/szf.2011.0128.
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International forest policy is mainly shaped by the participation of countries at global level, which is why forest-related organisations in Europe and their political processes have received little attention up to now. Meanwhile, however, global forest policy is being increasingly influenced by regional processes. Efforts are underway in the context of various European processes to put sustainable forest management on a firmer footing and make it better known outside the sector. Hence the safeguarding of national interests in the European context is becoming more important for Switzerland. This contribution presents the main forest policy organisations in Europe from Switzerland's perspective, i.e. Forest Europe, the FAO European Forestry Commission, the UNECE Timber Committee, the European Union and the European Forest Institute, so as to provide a better understanding of where European forest policy originates.
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Brljavac, Bedrudin. "Ethnopolitics and Discrimination Against Minorities in Bosnia-Herzegovina." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 24, no. 1 (2012): 123–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2012241/28.
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Bosnia and Herzegovina has been going through an extensive European Union-related reform process for more than a decade, yet the country still faces a serious democratic deficit. In particidar, the post-Dayton public sphere has been dominated by ethno-nationalist political elites which exclude non-nationalists and members of minority groups from the decision-making process. This is a clear paradox, since one of the main objectives of the integration of European countries into the European Community was to reduce disintegrative influences of nationalists, and establish a peaceful, prosperous, and secure community. This essay explores the process of the post-Dayton ethno-nationalization in BiH resulting in widespread discrimination against so-called Others as defined in the Constitution, In the postwar era, BiH democratic participation has tumed into a competition between the three ethnic communities, Bosniaks, Serbs, and Croats, rather than a contest of equal individuals with an equal right to vote. As a result, Bosnian people still live under a political system which is closer to ethno-democracy or ethnocracy rather than a democratic regime. Under such a discriminatory regime, BiH cannot enter the European Union, which is a model of an open, democratic society.
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Guerrero, Fernando Elorza, and Manuel García Muñoz. "Conditionality and trade union action in the promotion and defence of workers’ rights: the Spanish case." Tempo Social 33, no. 2 (August 16, 2021): 79–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/0103-2070.ts.2021.182990.
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Conditionality, among other aspects, determines that the regulatory development of the countries that make up the European Union can be carried out, as is usual in the social sphere, without the intervention, or at least minimally, of the workers’ representatives and entrepreneurs, and also from other political formations in the legislative field. Logically, this absence of social or political participation can promote response actions against them, either traditional (strikes, demonstrations, withdrawal of parliamentary support in adoption of legislative measures etc.), or new types (spontaneous concentrations in public places, general assemblies of citizens without a defined convener, appearance of social and political formations of less visible typology, or other similar ones). The financial crisis unleashed at the end of 2007 and the one derived from the health emergency situation due to the global spread of Covid-19, at the beginning of 2020, have precisely encouraged the use of conditionality in the European Union space. However, the way in which conditionality has been developed in one and another crisis in the Spanish State can be said that it has not been identical. Neither have been the reactions of social and political subjects, because if in the first crisis these subjects have experienced a reduction in their functions of participation or intervention in legislative action and in the proposal of political actions, in the second the possibilities of action have been much more significant, and also their contribution to efforts to overcome the crisis situation.
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Janmyr, Maja. "Norway’s Readmission Agreements: Spellbound by European Union Policies or Free Spirits on the International Field?" European Journal of Migration and Law 16, no. 2 (May 23, 2014): 181–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718166-12342053.
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Abstract This article offers an analysis of the objective and substance of Norway’s readmission agreements in light of European Union readmission policies. It explores how readmission policy developments on the eu level also impact Norway’s practice, and argues that eu practice influences Norway’s work on readmission in three important ways. First, as part of a preventative strategic policy, Norway seeks to conclude readmission agreements with countries with which eu readmission agreements (eura) exist. Second, eu visa facilitation agreements that are paired with euras form an indirect link between eu and Norwegian readmission agreements. Third, Norway uses the eura-format as a basis for negotiations even with countries where no eura exists. This article also examines Norway’s participation in the eu Global Approach on Migration and Mobility (gamm), and finds that it is limited by the gamm being only tangentially within the Schengen cooperation, and also by national political perceptions about linking readmission and development aid.
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ATANESYAN, ARTHUR. "SOME POLITICAL-ECONOMIC FACTORS OF PERCEPTION OF EUROPE IN ARMENIAN SOCIETY." Main Issues Of Pedagogy And Psychology 12, no. 3 (December 12, 2016): 151–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/miopap.v12i3.148.
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The article discusses the possible impact of such events as economic crisis in the EU, unprecedented immigration to the EU countries from the Middle East and social changes in European societies on perception of the image of «Europe» outside its borders. Armenian society used to perceive «Europe» not only because of the events mentioned, but based on much more essential factors including Armenian national identity and its correlations with «Europe», socioeconomicties with the EU, as well as participation in the alternative projects, such as membership in the Eurasian Economic Union. Besides, being affected by the Russian Media space and having an impact of Russia-made approaches and stereotypes about Europe, Armenia has its specific scope of arguments and factors which make its perception of «Europe» different.
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Hrubinko, Andriy. "British Policy toward the eastern enlargement of the European Union: historical aspects." European Historical Studies, no. 5 (2016): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.05.20-32.
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The article describes historical features of shaping and implementation of British policy toward the Eastern enlargement of the European Union, its impact on the implementation of the Сommon Foreign and Security Policy in the Central and Eastern Europe region. The author denotes that the history of participation of the UK in implementing Eastern enlargement of the EU not been sufficiently investigated. According to the author’s vision, the policy of the enlargement of the EU is seen as an integral part of united foreign and security policy and as a factor of its implementation in countries of the nearest periphery. The 31 enlargement process is a part of the EU enlargement policy as a geopolitical phenomenon. The United Kingdom became one of the biggest supporters of further enlargement as a permanent phenomenon in its history among countries of the Community, forming their own specific conceptual approaches and strategy. The factors of shaping active and positive positions of the British governments in connection with the enlargement of the EU toward the East have been analyzed. The author came to the conclusion that the Eastern enlargement had questionable effect for the development of the effective CFSP. The UK as one of the leading powers in the EU came to a forefront in this process. The enlargement of the EU has become an integral part of the country’s leadership strategy in the political integration. However, the confrontational European policy of the David Cameron’s government in 2010–2016 has resulted in a loss of the previous governments’ achievements in developing the cooperation and support for the countries of Eastern and Central Europe and escalated the decrease of the country’s original positions in the region.
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Krzymowski, Adam. "The Weimar Triangle: France, Germany, Poland in the Middle East. United Arab Emirates Perspective." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 14 (December 29, 2021): 107–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2021.1.7.
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The article’s scientific goal is to investigate the Weimar Triangle countries’ relations with the United Arab Emirates. Therefore, the author asks the research question. Are the Weimar Triangle states’ role and significance increasing in the external dimension of the European Union? Based on the example of the United Arab Emirates, the research adopted a hypothesis. It is the statement that after Brexit, the Weimar Triangle countries have a chance to improve their importance in the EU external activities. Apart from case studies, to revise the hypothesis, the author performed a meticulous comparative analysis. Moreover, the research implemented International Practice Theory as an appropriate tool to investigate the presented issue. This empirical research and its findings resulted from over ten years of the author’s direct observation, analysis, and participation in many initiatives, both in the European Union and in the United Arab Emirates.
The Middle East for the Weimar Triangle countries is more significant than just from a trade potential perspective. The situation in this region is also affecting Europe, as well as global security architecture. For this reason, one should develop a coherent and comprehensive EU foreign and security policy towards the region, and the Weimar Triangle formula should be one of its pillars.
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Tayar, Violetta M. "Latin America and the European Union: Conceptual Approaches and Practice of Economic Cooperation." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 3 (December 15, 2022): 520–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-520-536.
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The article deals with North - South cooperation between the European Union (EU) and Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) with an emphasis on bilateral trade. Over the past decades, cooperation with the EU has been perceived in LAC as a counterweight to the US dominance and one of the priorities of external economic relations. The article presents a retrospective of theoretical approaches of the non-Western Latin American school of UN Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC, CEPAL in Spanish) to the economic cooperation with the EU. A feature of the article is the study of trade interaction between the LCA and the EU countries. When analyzing the dynamics of trade during the first two decades of the 21st century the author of the article comes to the conclusion that the trade exchange between the EU and the LCA is uneven. There are many LAC countries that continue to export low-value-added products to the EU. Thus, the dichotomy between two models of commercial specialization of LAC has exacerbated. On one hand, there is a model of South American countries focused on raw materials (MERCOSUR, Andean Community), and, on the other hand, there is a model that includes the export of manufactured products and participation in industrial production chains (Mexico, Central America). The article concludes that MERCOSUR will probably face a number of trade challenges related to its model of economic globalization, particularly with regard to its export specialization in commodities and food. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that in the context of exacerbation of geopolitical contradictions and a changing world order, it is important to analyze the Latin American approach to economic cooperation with the EU countries, among which, in turn, there is a growing understanding that still free niches in the Latin American market can be occupied by China or other partners not belonging to the collective West.
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Rose-Ackerman, Susan. "From Elections to Democracy in Central Europe: Public Participation and the Role of Civil Society." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 21, no. 1 (February 2007): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325406297132.
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The new European Union member states in Eastern Europe do not have fully consolidated democracies. True, popularly elected legislatures are responsible for lawmaking, and citizens can challenge the case-by-case implementation of the law. But most statutes are not self-implementing. Before they can be put into effect, governments need to issue general regulations and guidelines that add specificity to the statutory scheme. At present, this type of government policy making often is not democratically accountable. Procedures inside government lack transparency and accountability, and organized civil society groups that are engaged in advocacy and oversight are few in number and often weakly institutionalized. The Central European experience has lessons for countries further to the east that are poorer and less democratic. Here, full-fledged public participation in the government rule making may not be feasible, but other aspects of the transition to democracy in Central Europe may provide relevant models—for instance, external pressure, government oversight institutions, and grassroots democracy.
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CHERKASOV, ALEXANDER I. "MULTI–LEVEL GOVERNANCE IN THE EUROPEAN UNION: FEATURES AND PERSPECTIVES." Proceedings of the Institute of State and Law of the RAS 14, no. 5 (December 12, 2019): 196–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.35427/2073-4522-2019-14-5-cherkasov.
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The system of multi-level governance is being established in the countries — members of the European Union, within the framework of which there is considerable redistribution of authority between the main levels of power. These levels — supranational, national and subnational — are becoming increasingly interdependent, and there is the lack of unambiguous domination of a single particular level of power or an institute.The decision-making mechanism within the multi-level governance system is sufficiently fragmented. It is consensus — based and involves participation of not only formal state institutions but also of different non-governmental structures connected with the civil society. Finally, we have a new system of mutual relations between the state and the society with borders becoming more transparent.There are two major dimensions of the multi-level governance being described in the scientific literature — the "vertical", based on the interaction of three power levels mentioned above, and the "horizontal", involving the dynamic interaction of state and non-governmental structures, with the activities of the latter being often of a network origin. Mutual relations of the power levels in the European Union are complex and dialectical. The subnational level begins to play an increasingly important role, and this role is no longer necessarily mediated by governments of the corresponding countries, i.e. by the national level. Subnational authorities are active on the European arena through their representative offices and channels of communication available to them. Meanwhile many European states failed so far to create more or less strong regions able to perform significant powers and to serve as real limiters to the powers of their national governments.With consideration of asymmetry typical for the territorial organization of public power in the European Union and the growing economic and political crisis the perspectives of the multi-level governance seem to be rather vague. The ideologists of the corresponding concept managed only to give a new interpretation of the decision-making process in the European Union, but they failed to describe clearly enough the mechanisms of further development of the European integration.
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Turchak, O. V., and M. S. Nadraga. "Legal principles of international cooperation between Ukraine and the North Atlantic alliance." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 65 (October 25, 2021): 385–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2021.65.69.
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The article analyzes the legal principles of Ukraine’s international cooperation with NATO and the European Union.The Resolution of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of 1993 «Main Directions of Ukraine’s Foreign Policy» was one of the first documents that established the basic principles of Ukraine’s foreign policy towards the Alliance. The defining feature of the foreign policy is the establishment of partnership relations with Western countries, mutually beneficial cooperation, participation in the North Atlantic Cooperation Council and the North Atlantic Assembly.The Partnership for Peace Framework Document stipulates that the signatory state will develop an individual partnership program. Participation in the Program involves cooperation with NATO in the military, military-techni-cal, military-political spheres, in the field of science, ecology, defense economy, etc.On 14 September 1995, the NATO-Ukraine North Atlantic Council approved an Individual Partnership Program, marking the beginning of an “expanded and deepened” relationship.The signing of a Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of Ukraine and NATO on the estab-lishment of a NATO Information and Documentation Center in Ukraine with the aim of disseminating the informa-tion about NATO was of great importance.The decisive factor was the adoption the Charter on a Special Partnership between NATO and Ukraine, a basic political document, on July 9, 1997.The subsequent legal regulations laid the grounds for a stable relationship between Ukraine, NATO and European Union member states. These are, in particular: the NATO-Ukraine Action Plan, the Law of Ukraine “On Fundamentals of National Security of Ukraine”, “Military Doctrine of Ukraine”, Laws of Ukraine “On Amendments to Certain Laws of Ukraine on Ukraine’s Refusal to Implement a Non-Aligned Policy”, “On Amendments to Some Laws of Ukraine on the Foreign Policy of Ukraine” and “On Amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine (on the strategic course of the state to gain full membership of Ukraine in the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization)”.Thus, the political and legal measures to form the foundation for significant rapprochement with NATO and the European Union are implemented.
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Blikhar, Mariia, Tamara Mazur, Iryna Yevkhutych, and Oksana Onyshko. "ECONOMIC AND LEGAL FOUNDATIONS OF ENSURING GENDER EQUALITY IN UKRAINE AND THE COUNTRIES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION." Financial and credit activity problems of theory and practice 4, no. 45 (September 5, 2022): 244–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.55643/fcaptp.4.45.2022.3837.
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The purpose of the article is to study the economic and legal foundations of ensuring gender equality in Ukraine and the countries of the European Union. In the process of the research, it is established that the strengthening of the processes of globalization and reformatting of the world economic order lead to the need to ensure gender equality in the context of international human rights activities. The problem of equalizing the rights and opportunities of men and women for a long time has been the object of legal regulation, as there are processes of strengthening gender asymmetry, manifested in gender violence, significant gender gaps in the labor market, in terms of wages and pensions, gender segregation, a significant level of gender inequality in the economy and critical in politics, as well as in individual inconsistencies in the legal provision of countries with European norms. It is found that highly developed countries have a better potential to ensure high indicators of gender equality, as evidenced by the high values of the Global Gender Gap Index, while countries with a lower level of development are able to ensure a minimal gender gap in access to education and health care, and in relation to women's participation in economic life and politics, there are significant problems and obstacles. It is found that the current legislation of Ukraine needs improvement in terms of strengthening criminal liability for committing gender-based violence, and at the European level, the need to find and justify effective methods of ensuring gender equality regarding women's access to political life is noted. In order to identify common features of ensuring gender equality in the countries of the European Union and distinguish Ukraine's place among them according to the Global Gender Gap Index, it is proposed to conduct a cluster analysis, the results of which indicate the division of the countries of the European Union into three groups depending on the level of gender equality in them: countries with high level, medium level countries and low-level countries. Indicators of gender equality in Ukraine showed that it belongs to the third group, which indicates the deepening of the problems of gender inequality.
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Obradović, Nikolina. "Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Family Policy Challenges in Meeting the European Union’s Standards and Recommendations." Revija za socijalnu politiku 27, no. 3 (December 16, 2021): 347–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3935/rsp.v28i3.1814.
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Family policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s entities (Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republic Srpska) is incoherent, with its different elements being scattered across different ministries and levels of government. The system is found to be inapt to respond to the needs of families, thus enhancing gender inequalities in the labour market and within families. As a country aspiring to join the European Union, Bosnia and Herzegovina, together with other countries of the Western Balkans region, participates in regular policy dialogue with the European Union institutions. The latest European Commission assessment of the country’s Economic Reform Programme identifies low employment of women as one of the key challenges and implicitly calls for the country to develop an employment-oriented family policy. By analysing the system of family policy and its recent policy developments, the article assesses the country’s capacity to respond to the recommendation and create conditions for greater participation of women in the labour market. The question is whether the European Union’s conditionality and recommendations have the potential to transform the current family policy arrangements in the entities. Key words: work-family policy, female employment, gender inequalities, maternity leave, parental leave, early childhood education and care services, Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Yataganas, Xenophon, and George Tsebelis. "The Treaty of Nice, the Convention Draft and the Constitution for Europe Under a Veto Players Analysis." European Constitutional Law Review 1, no. 3 (October 2005): 429–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605004293.
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Triple majority for changing the status quo in Treaty of Nice (2001): qualified majority of weighted votes, majority of countries, qualified majority of the population. Convention proposal (2003): requirements from three to two by dropping the qualified majority of weighted votes and reducing the qualified majority threshold of the population from 62% to 60%. Important consequences for the political institutions of the Union: 1) facilitates political decision-making; 2) reduces relative weight of governments participating in the Council and increases the importance of the European Parliament; 3) reduces the role of the judiciary and bureaucracies in the Union in favor of the political process. Consequences of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe signed in Rome 29 October 2004. Exactly in the middle between Nice and the European Convention.
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Campos Lima, Maria da Paz, and Antonio Martín Artiles. "Social protests, discontent and politics in southern and eastern Europe." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 24, no. 2 (March 25, 2018): 195–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258918762963.
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Taking into consideration the debate on the role of social movements and of trade unions in organising social protests, in the light of contentious and conventional politics, this article examines participation in demonstrations in Europe and the political attitudes of the participants. The article uses data from the European Social Survey to examine the differences and similarities between European countries in respect of mobilisation levels over the past decade, arguing that distrust and dissatisfaction with political institutions might be a necessary condition but not a sufficient one to justify resorting to contentious politics. The article reveals the contrasts between the levels of mobilisation in southern European countries (Portugal and Spain) and Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries (Hungary and Poland) and examines the patterns and (re)configuration of the profile of the protestors in the 2002–2014 period.
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Kalicka-Mikołajczyk, Adriana. "Pogłębiona i kompleksowa strefa wolnego handlu — nowa forma współpracy gospodarczej Unii Europejskiej z krajami partnerskimi Europy Wschodniej i Kaukazu Południowego w ramach Europejskiej Polityki Sąsiedztwa." Ekonomia 22, no. 2 (November 10, 2016): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2084-4093.22.2.2.
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Deepen and congeneric free trade area — a new form of business collaboration of the European Union with its neighbours from Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus within the European Neighbourhood Policy The European Neighbourhood Policy ENP was developed in 2004, with the objective of avoiding of new dividing lines between the enlarged EU and its neighbours and strengthening the prosperity, stability and security of all participants. Within the ENP the European Union offers its neighbours a privileged relationship building upon a mutual commitment to common values, political association and deeper economic integration. The ENP links partner countries with the EU’s internal market and its social and economic model. For partners, this means adopting basic rules on equal opportunities, economic participation and fair competition. The ENP builds upon the legal agreements in place between the EU and the partner countries: Partnership and Cooperation Agreements or Association Agreements. Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova signed Association Agreements with the EU on 27 June 2014. The deep and comprehensive free trade agreement is part of a new generation of Association Agreements with eastern partner countries which provides a long-term foundation for future economic relations with the European Union. It was agreed that Association Agreement should take an ambitious and innovative approach, include a deep and comprehensive free trade area and go qualitatively beyond the current Partnership and Cooperation Agreement wherever possible. It contains binding, rule-based provisions and cooperation developed further than in traditional agreements and it is wide-ranging, covering all areas of interest. The deep and comprehensive free trade area is part of the Association Agreement which offer a new framework for modernising partner countries trade relations and for economic development by the opening of markets via the progressive removal of customs tariffs and quotas, and by an extensive harmonisation of laws, norms and regulations in various trade-related sectors, creating the conditions for aligning key sectors of the eastern partners economy to European Union standards. The deep and comprehensive free trade areas are expected to bring many economic benefits for Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine by offering businesses access to the EU’s single market — the largest in the world.
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Andreev, Andrey L., and Nina M. Malinovskaya. "Technology Assessment Principles and Prospects: European Union Experience." Vestnik MEI 1, no. 1 (2021): 100–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.24160/1993-6982-2021-1-100-107.
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The authors of the article, who were among the participants to the IV European Conference on Technology Assessment held in November 2019 in Bratislava, set a goal not only to inform the readers about its results, but also to draw the attention of our engineers, scientists and educationists to the interdisciplinary problem of technology assessment. Technology assessment principles were considered from the viewpoint of the fundamental documents adopted by world leaders and characterizing the policy of developed countries in the field of science and technology. The Good Governance Principles implied the participation of various stakeholders in decision-making; however, there arises a problem about the competence of these parties. Since 2011, technology assessment institutional and organizational principles are being actively developed in the European Union: financial and educational programs, forums and meetings, publications, and establishment of special research organizations. Conferences on technology assessment have been held since 2013. The forum participants also touched another key issue – how to digitize the indicators characterizing the extent to which the supported development goals have been achieved. Discussion of the consequences of already developed and applied technologies with an unpredictable benefit-to-harm ratio has been recognized to be an outdated form of assessment. Collaboration has become the key word that sets the tone. Nonetheless, the transition to a new model, in which the right to vote will be given to the public members united with incorruptible competent scientists-experts, will not be an easy and conflict-free process. The Russian academic and engineering community is gradually joining the pan-European movement; however, the teaching of social and humanitarian disciplines still remains the only form for technology assessment institutionalization in our country. There are proposals to set up a laboratory for social expertise of technological projects at the MPEI Department of Philosophy, Political Science and Sociology, which could also act as a crowdsourcing platform uniting researchers in the sociology of technology.
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Hasanaj, Shkelzen. "Europeanization through Migration Policies: Legislative Comparison between Civil Law Systems and Common Law Systems." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 7, no. 2 (July 1, 2018): 73–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ajis-2018-0049.
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Abstract Within the European Union there are several states that have implemented laws, often following different paradigms, to cope not only with the increase in migratory flows, but also to foster the integration and participation of the migrants themselves in socio-political and economic life. In recent decades, immigration into Europe has become a matter of primary and strategic importance for the definition of both internal policies and the external relations of the Union. The progressive settlement of substantial national and ethnic groups poses important economic, social and cultural challenges, to which the policies implemented have so far only partially responded. Guiding concepts like integration, assimilation and respect for diversity still struggle to find an adequate realization in the reception policies of the European states. In this regard, a real revolution in this area was the realization of the “common basic principles” of 2004, which made member states become aware of the respect for fundamental rights, non-discrimination and equal opportunities for all (Niessen,. Schibel, 2007), and it later became a mere “Common agenda for Integration”. In this context, we can recall the decision of the Council and of the European Parliament n.1983 / 2006 which proclaimed 2008 as the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue. With this research, we intend to analyze the regulations concerning the migration of European governments and how they have changed over time, paying particular attention to the activation of inclusion strategies in some European Union countries; at the same time, we intend to find a strategy for a possible cooperation in the management of migratory processes. The integration regulations launched in Italy, Germany, France and the United Kingdom will be examined from the 1940s to 2015 and a comparative study will be conducted between the Community policies and the policies of four countries chosen to highlight common features and divergences.
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Lemko, Yu. "European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation as the instrument of cross border cooperation." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 1(49) (June 8, 2021): 60–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2021.1(49).232981.
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The article considers one of the most common and most effective forms of cross-border cooperation between the countries of the European Union, namely the European groupings of territorial cooperation. The role of territorial cooperation in the European Union is constantly growing as it is the basis of political, economic and social cohesion, which is an integral part of Ukrainian society. The development of territorial cooperation is due to the change and development of national, regional or local participants in this process. The Schengen Agreement, the common internal market and the common currency, as well as the emergence of numerous new cross-border projects and the development of cross-border territories, are integral parts of this process. The article examines the EGTC Tisza, which was established in October 2015 in the Transcarpathian region of Ukraine together with the Hungarian region of Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg and the municipality of Kisvárd. It is noted that the union has received broad social and political support from both sides at the regional and local levels. This event was decisive for both Ukraine and the EU, as for the first time such an association was created with the participation of a non-EU country. This was a long-awaited step, as the participating regions have long been cooperating together in various fields, including the implementation of grant projects. Many issues need to be addressed together, including flood protection, the rehabilitation of wastewater treatment plants, transport and the development of economic ties. We can say that today Euroregions are the most developed form of cross-border cooperation in Ukraine, but their activities also show a range of problems that hinder their effective functioning. This includes a large number of participants with different cultural and economic characteristics, disparities in the legislation and administration of the country, the low level of business structures and non-governmental organizations. Issues such as the lack of a systematic approach to the organization of Euroregional cooperation, the low level of regional government and the lack of financial support are also worth mentioning.
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Sidorenko, Alexandre, and Asghar Zaidi. "Active Ageing in CIS Countries: Semantics, Challenges, and Responses." Current Gerontology and Geriatrics Research 2013 (2013): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2013/261819.
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Although the CIS countries are connected together by the legacy of breaking away from the Soviet Union, they have had a distinctive transition course and are rather diverse in terms of the population ageing challenges and policy responses in place. The commonality is that a comprehensive national strategy on ageing is lacking, and many of necessary reforms were put aside owing to political uncertainties, lack of societal consensus, and financial instability. The notion of active ageing is associated with the term “accelerated ageing,” which is understood to be an individual living a life under harsh living conditions or a society experiencing rapid increases in the relative number of older persons, and therefore it carries a negative connotation. Yet, in the same spirit as the European Year for Active Ageing and Solidarity between Generations 2012, the CIS countries have initiated sectoral programmes towards enhancing employment of older workers, social participation of older people in the society in a wider sense and also measures promoting health and independent living of older persons.
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Spruijt, Pita, Paul Bergervoet, Robbin Westerhof, Merel Langelaar, and Marie-Cécile Ploy. "European Union One Health Country Visits as Driver to Combat on Antimicrobial Resistance." Infection Control & Hospital Epidemiology 41, S1 (October 2020): s222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ice.2020.766.
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Background: In 2016, the European Union adopted unanimously Council Conclusions on the next steps to combat antimicrobial resistance under a One Health approach. To implement some of the provisions laid down in the Council Conclusions, a European Joint Action on Antimicrobial Resistance (AMR) and Healthcare-Associated Infections (HCAI) or EU-JAMRAI was set up, gathering 44 partners. Methods: As part of EU-JAMRAI, 13 participating European countries set up a country-to-country peer review system to evaluate each other’s national action plans (NAPs). This review system entailed a self-assessment, strengths–weaknesses–opportunities–threats (SWOT) analysis, and country visits. All steps were executed with representatives from both the human and the veterinary domains (One Health approach). Special attention was given to supervision and the way supervision can enhance the implementation of guidelines on AMR, both at the policy level and within healthcare institutions. Results: Despite differences in the stage of developing and implementing NAPs, all 13 countries are working on NAPs. In this process, country visits function as a moment to exchange best practices and to provide an outsider’s point of view. At the end of 2019, 13 country-to-country visits had taken place, resulting in tailor-made recommendations for each country. These recommendations were shared with the competent authority. An example is a country that used the recommendation to improve infection prevention as an immediate reason to get the topic on the agenda of the Ministry of Health. During the country visits, intersectoral participation was perceived as desirable, but in some cases it was challenging to arrange. For some highly relevant topics, it has been recognized that discussion should take place on a European level. Examples of such topics include supervision, infection prevention guidelines, funding, surveillance, and regular audits of antibiotic prescriptions for physicians including feedback loops. Conclusions: Peer review is a cooperative and friendly working method compared to common audits. The country visits function as an agenda setting tool to get or to keep AMR on the political agenda and presenting the most relevant topic(s) to address for each country.Funding: NoneDisclosures: None
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Maggioni, Mario A., Teodora Erika Uberti, and Mario Nosvelli. "The "Political" Geography of Research Networks." International Regional Science Review 40, no. 4 (December 9, 2015): 337–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160017615614896.
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The production of scientific and technical knowledge is mostly concentrated in specific locations. Knowledge flows very easily within regions; however, scientific and technical knowledge does flow also between different regions. The aim of this article is to analyze knowledge flows between agglomerations of innovative inputs, and their effects on the innovative performance of regions. We estimate a regional knowledge production function and we test, through appropriate spatial econometric estimation techniques, the effect of both geographical and relational autocorrelation (as measured by participation to joint research networks in the European Union [EU] Sixth Framework Programme [FP6]). We adopt two selection criteria in order to define different relational “geographies” (hence spatial weights matrices), and we model the unobservable structure and link value of knowledge flows within these joint research networks. Our results confirm established evidence that knowledge flows within interregional research networks along a top-down nonsymmetrical and hierarchical structure. However, the EU enlargement - and a modified structure of incentive for collaboration activity of European institutions- changed the direction of knowledge flows toward a top-down dynamics of knowledge diffusion from coordinator to participants for “EASTWARD” research networks (whose coordinator is in the west and most participants in the east); while the contrary (a hierarchical bottom-up dynamic of knowledge transfer) is true for WESTWARD networks (whose coordinator is in the east and most participants in the west). FP6 is therefore a platform for knowledge barter exchange for EU15, while works as a mere one-way channel for knowledge diffusion from EU15 toward Central and Eastern European countries.
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Reis, João, David Pascoal Rosado, Diogo Freitas Ribeiro, and Nuno Melão. "Quintuple Helix Innovation Model for the European Union Defense Industry—An Empirical Research." Sustainability 14, no. 24 (December 9, 2022): 16499. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su142416499.
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The European defense industry is undergoing profound upheavals, and traditional innovation models may no longer be adequate. For this reason, further investigation is needed to know if the triple helix (TH) is suitable for one of the most influential industries in the world. If not suitable, it is necessary to identify which type of n-helices are appropriate. This article follows an embedded case study research strategy that uses several sources of data collection such as interviews with active-duty military personnel, scholars, the defense industry, and interagency professionals. Field notes and official documentation were also collected for corroboration and triangulation purposes. The results showed that the defense industry is increasingly globalized, leaving the national sphere and weakening the action and participation of European Union governments. This research resulted in the design of a quintuple helix innovation model for the defense industry, which was based on a TH combined with technology and the natural environment. We concluded that the traditional TH may not be adequate for the entry of new supranational players and that political contributions are subject to a further response by the European states. Scientific research is also needed, especially in Asian and American countries, which have national defense policies different from those of Europe.
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Zolochevskaya, Elena, Mariya Shtepa, and Armine Babayan. "SOCIAL, ECONOMIC, AND POLITICAL ASPECTS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION SYSTEM: THE EXPERIENCE OF RUSSIA AND THE COUNTRIES OF THE BALTIC REGION." CBU International Conference Proceedings 6 (September 26, 2018): 516–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.12955/cbup.v6.1207.
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The growing macroeconomic and political tensions between Russia and the Baltic States since the latter entered into the European Union have emphasized an urgency in establishing reciprocal relationships, based on common ground and mutual interests, to relieve the consequences of sanctions and restrictive policies. The article is aimed at highlighting the distinctions in the public administration framework in Russia and Baltic countries. Thus, the political power from forming a system of public administration can leverage influence on the social and economic relations in conditions of legitimacy and participation of civil society arrangements. The article involves comparative evaluation of Russian and Baltic model of public administration as well as deep comparison of public-private partnership (PPP) and state procurement models in Russia and abroad. Authors highlighted pros and cons of both Russian and foreign frameworks, resulting in “cooperation-prosperity” course.
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Treshchenkov, E. "European and Eurasian Integration Models: the Limits to Their Comparability." World Economy and International Relations, no. 5 (2014): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-5-31-41.
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In discussions on Eurasian integration Russian politicians and experts constantly appeal to the experience of the European Union. The reasons are not only in borrowing the experience of European integration, but also in trying to transfer its positive image to the Eurasian project. This article analyses the coherence of such comparisons, as well as educes the prospects and prerequisites of the Eurasian integration process. For example, of crucial importance is to ensure that the integration process is backed by an appropriate pace of internal reforms in the participating countries. Another important prerequisite is real and in-depth partnership between Russia and the European Union.
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Özdeşer, Hüseyin. "Analysis of the Economic Impacts of the Euro, the Efficiency of the Euro in the Optimum Currency Area, and the Place of the Euro in Global Economics." European Review 28, no. 2 (January 7, 2020): 258–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798719000449.
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The introduction of the euro has led to three dominant currencies in the financial markets, namely the euro, dollar and yen. The use of the euro as the single currency is a key element for economic and political unification in the EU (European Union). While some of the criteria for achieving monetary integration between the European Monetary Union (EMU) member countries in the euro area have been satisfied, some problems still remain. As the euro is not the currency of a single country like the dollar, the dollar still retains its dominant position in the international markets. After the Brexit referendum, apprehension regarding the collapse of the EU has reached a peak. Originally introduced in 12 EU member countries, and since extended to 19, the euro may potentially embrace 27 member countries. In this study, the economic impacts of the euro on the per capita income, inflation rate and foreign direct investment are analysed. The analysis will be performed on three countries participating in the EMU, namely, Germany, France and Italy.