Journal articles: 'Political participation – Europe'

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Castellino, Joshua. "Muslim political participation in Europe." Ethnic and Racial Studies 37, no. 10 (April 14, 2014): 1906–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2014.894204.

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Moosavi, Leon. "Muslim Political Participation in Europe." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 25, no. 1 (September 30, 2013): 124–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596410.2013.840201.

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Pettinicchio, David, and Robert de Vries. "Immigrant Political Participation in Europe." Comparative Sociology 16, no. 4 (August 3, 2017): 523–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341436.

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This paper compares participation in different forms of political action between natives, immigrants and non-citizen immigrants using data from thirteen European countries across six waves of the European Social Survey. The authors highlight problems associated with previous categorizations of political action, and find that when political action is disaggregated and relative participation between groups is examined, that immigrants’ patterns of participation are not substantially different from those of natives. When comparing citizen immigrants to non-citizen immigrants, previous research has suggested that citizenship acts as a “ticket” to non-institutional, unconventional, confrontational forms of political action. The authors’ findings instead suggest a more complicated relationship between immigrant/citizenship status and preferences for political action since citizenship may facilitate participation in both so-called institutional and extra-institutional activities depending on the context of action.

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Gallego, Aina. "Unequal Political Participation in Europe." International Journal of Sociology 37, no. 4 (December 2007): 10–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/ijs0020-7659370401.

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Karp, Jeffrey A., and Caitlin Milazzo. "Democratic Scepticism and Political Participation in Europe." Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties 25, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2014.996157.

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Janova, Mira, and Mariette Sineau. "Women's participation in political power in Europe." Women's Studies International Forum 15, no. 1 (1992): 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-5395(92)90045-w.

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Rožman, Mojca, and Diego Cortés. "Expected political participation and demographic changes in Europe." Šolsko polje XXX, no. 5-6 (December 22, 2019): 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.32320/1581-6044.30(5-6)63-78.

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Davis, Belinda. "What's Left? Popular Political Participation in Postwar Europe." American Historical Review 113, no. 2 (April 2008): 363–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.2.363.

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Schlumbohm, Anna. "Social Capital, Political Participation and Migration in Europe." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 39, no. 7 (August 2013): 1198–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.2013.777262.

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Cowell-Meyers, Kimberly. "Women's Political Parties in Europe." Politics & Gender 12, no. 01 (March 2016): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000586.

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In representative democracies, political parties organize the public will, giving expression to political differences in society (see Katz and Mair 1995; Klingemann, Hofferbert, and Budge 1994; Sartori 1967). Parties can also deepen democracy by broadening the connections between representatives and constituents, helping to hold political institutions accountable and increasing the participation of previously marginalized groups (see Costain 2005; Kitschelt 1993; Shugart 1994; Kittilson and Tate 2005; Young 2000).

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MAEDA, YUKIO. "External Constraints on Female Political Participation." Japanese Journal of Political Science 6, no. 3 (December 2005): 345–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109905001945.

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This article examines the gender gap in political participation in Japan. Although previous studies indicate that women may face several external constraints on political participation, this idea has not been tested systematically. Using the Japanese component of the Asia-Europe Survey, the article demonstrates that work experience and age have very different impacts on participation across the sexes. It argues that men and women encounter very different working conditions and family circumstances at certain stages of their lives, which create a gender gap in political participation.

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Blockmans, Wim. "Civil Rights and Political Participation in Ancien Régime Europe." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 65, no. 3 (2020): 842–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2020.309.

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After the Second World War, a wave of euphoria fostered an international consensus that led to the creation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the European Treaty for Human Rights, and institutions safeguarding their application. In the early 21st century, however, these great ideals and even parliamentary democracy appear to be open to various forms of manipulation tending to the restriction of its own constitutional rights and functions. This paper retraces the long-term genesis of these concepts which emerged in the course of a centuries-long development that is uniquely European. A constant tension can be observed between the difficult formulation of fundamental rights of subjects, originally on a local and regional basis, and the effectiveness of the institutions created to control governments. The growth of cities, which acquired various levels of autonomy and autarchy, was fundamental to make it possible that immunities and particular privileges similar to those of clerics and aristocrats were extended to the new communities. The periods of urban growth, and the density of cities within particular territories, determined which balance of powers was stabilised. The earliest and most intense wave of urbanisation, in North and Central Italy from the 10th to the 13th century, brought civil rights and privileges for local communes, but also domination of the largest cities as they absorbed or eliminated all potentially countervailing powers. In other regions, various balances were attained between the prevailing seigneurial interests and those of urban communities.

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Cickaric, Lilijana. "Women's political participation and representation in post-socialist Europe." Socioloski pregled 43, no. 3 (2009): 343–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socpreg0903343c.

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Sandovici, Maria Elena, and Ola Listhaug. "Ethnic and Linguistic Minorities and Political Participation in Europe." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 51, no. 1-2 (December 2009): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715209347070.

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Just, Aida, and Christopher J. Anderson. "Immigrants, Citizenship and Political Action in Europe." British Journal of Political Science 42, no. 3 (November 8, 2011): 481–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123411000378.

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Little is known about how immigrants participate in politics and whether they transform political engagement in contemporary democracies. This study investigates whether citizenship (as opposed to being foreign-born) affects political and civic engagement beyond the voting booth. It is argued that citizenship should be understood as a resource that enhances participation and helps immigrants overcome socialization experiences that are inauspicious for political engagement. The analysis of the European Social Survey data collected in nineteen European democracies in 2002–03 reveals that citizenship has a positive impact on political participation. Moreover, citizenship is a particularly powerful determinant of un-institutionalized political action among individuals who were socialized in less democratic countries. These findings have important implications for debates over the definition of and access to citizenship in contemporary democracies.

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Quaranta, Mario. "Repertoires of political participation: Macroeconomic conditions, socioeconomic resources, and participation gaps in Europe." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 59, no. 4 (August 2018): 319–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715218800526.

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The European economic crisis has stimulated a great deal of research linking contextual macroeconomic conditions and political outputs, as conventional and unconventional political participation. Nevertheless, such research has often treated forms of political participation as independent from each other, overlooking how citizens can choose from combinations of political actions to influence politics in contexts with varying levels of macroeconomic performance. This article, instead, focuses on two common forms of participation – voting and protesting – and studies whether engagement in “repertoires” of participation – the “disengaged” (abstaining and not protesting), the “duty-based” (voting and not protesting), the “protest” (abstaining and protesting), and the “all-round” (voting and protesting) repertoires – varies according to countries’ macroeconomic conditions in Europe in 30 countries over time. This article also considers that the effect of macroeconomic conditions on repertoires of participation might depend on citizens’ socioeconomic resources – such as education, employment status, and income – with consequences for participation gaps or inequalities. Using multilevel models and data from seven rounds of the European Social Survey, this article shows that in contexts where macroeconomic conditions are worse, the probability of engaging in the “protest” repertoire increases, while the probability of engaging in the other three repertoires does not depend on the economy. In addition, the article finds that participation gaps narrow in the “disengaged” and “duty-based” repertoires in contexts with poorer macroeconomic performance, while the gaps in the “protest” and “all-round” repertoires do not change across contexts with different economic conditions.

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Kaase, Max. "Interpersonal trust, political trust and non‐institutionalised political participation in Western Europe." West European Politics 22, no. 3 (July 1, 1999): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389908425313.

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Belotti, Francesca. "Political participation and commons." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 35, no. 9/10 (September 8, 2015): 649–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-10-2014-0093.

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Purpose – The crisis of confidence in political institutions has become a phenomenon with uniform trends across Europe. Nevertheless, citizens still express interest in politics and are engaged in political and social activities. What are the issues that still motivate them to go to the polls and/or engage in non-institutional forms of political participation? The case study of the Italian referendum in favour of the “Water Common Good” (June 2011) is particularly appropriate to explore these issues and motivations. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach – The paper proposes a multidisciplinary common good’s framework focusing on its social and political challenges. As the referendum succeeded also thanks to the rhetorical effectiveness of the “common good” epithet, a survey on 120 Roman citizens who voted in favour of the “Water Common Good” was conducted. The hypothesis was that the referendum success could be associated with social needs to defend strategic resources (“commons”) by actively participating in the deliberations on them. A quantitative non-probabilistic research was carried out face-to-face, through a standardized and semi-structured questionnaire. Findings – The main findings refer to the leading role that distrust in political institutions, civil society activism and common good rhetorical effectiveness played. Originality/value – The most original contribution of this paper is the explanatory and stipulative definition of common good, which reduces the semantic uncertainty of the concept including common sense meanings. This novel conceptualization has practical implications in policy terms, as it explicates the social need to change the way of conceiving the relationship with strategic resources and decision-making processes concerning them.

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Van’t Riet, Jonathan, and Aart Van Stekelenburg. "The Effects of Political Incivility on Political Trust and Political Participation: A Meta-Analysis of Experimental Research." Human Communication Research 48, no. 2 (December 11, 2021): 203–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hcr/hqab022.

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Abstract A great deal of experimental research has focused on how political incivility affects ordinary citizens. A common finding is that incivility reduces political trust. Effects on political participation have also been investigated, but seem less consistent across studies. The results of a systematic review and meta-analysis, including a total of 24 manuscripts containing 35 studies, revealed that the estimated effect of political incivility on political trust was significant, Hedges’ g = −0.19 [95% CI: −0.30, −0.09]. The effect was small, however, and some indication of publication bias was found. The effect was stronger when the incivility was communicated through video versus other media, and for studies conducted in the United States versus Europe. The estimated effect of political incivility on political participation was almost non-existent, g = −0.02 [−0.11, 0.08], although it was significantly stronger (more negative) for studies conducted in Europe rather than in the United States.

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Rosicki, Remigiusz. "Political topology of Europe." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 71–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2019.24.4.6.

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The objective scope of the analysis performed in the text encompasses selected aspects of policy in its topological dimension. The space of policy is understood as both a theoretical construct (a policy field) and relations between the characteristics of political actors and their special kind of geographical co-existence. The following have been recognised as essential characteristics of policymaking: (1) electoral process and pluralism, (2) functioning of government, (3) political participation, (4) political culture and (5) civil liberties. These features can become an object of analysis in the assessment of democratic and authoritarian tendencies in selected countries. The text uses two statistical methods of multidimensional comparative analysis (Ward’s method and k-means method), apart from which use has been made of basic descriptive statistics and a comparative analysis of the values of the parameters of political characteristics. A selection of 40 European countries (EU-28 and 12 other countries) have been subjected to a statistical analysis according to the 2018 data. The main goal of the analysis is to connect facts and characteristics attributed to policy with a specific geographical area. In order to elaborate the objective scope of the research problem, the following research questions have been presented in the text: (1) Which of the characteristics of policy will determine the division of state entities according to a special type of clusters?, (2) Will political characteristics determine the division of particular state entities according to a special type of geographical division? The addressed research questions have been related to the hypotheses subjected to verification in the text.

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Bee, Cristiano, and Roberta Guerrina. "Framing Civic Engagement, Political Participation and Active Citizenship in Europe." Journal of Civil Society 10, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2014.897021.

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Nadjivan, Silvia, and Stefanie Wöhl. "Women’s Political Participation and Representation in South Eastern Europe – Introduction." Der Donauraum 51, no. 2 (December 2011): 89–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/dnrm.2011.51.2.89.

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van Houwelingen, Pepijn. "Local autonomy, municipal size and local political participation in Europe." Policy Studies 39, no. 2 (March 4, 2018): 188–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01442872.2018.1451500.

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BUSCH, MARC L., and ERIC REINHARDT. "Industrial Location and Voter Participation in Europe." British Journal of Political Science 35, no. 4 (August 22, 2005): 713–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123405000360.

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Does the geographic concentration of industry ‘matter’ outside the United States? Observers have long speculated that while geographically concentrated industries may be influential in American politics, this is probably not the case in countries where the electorate votes more as a national constituency. Others disagree, urging that clustered industries have an advantage regardless of how the political map is drawn. We sharpen the terms of debate and weigh in with empirical evidence from a cross-sectional analysis of intended voter turnout in eight member-states of the European Union and a multi-year study of voter turnout in the Netherlands. These tests uniformly show that, across different types of electoral systems, including those in which voters vote as a national constituency, thereby removing any effects of electoral geography per se, workers in traded industries that are physically concentrated are, in fact, substantially more likely to vote than employees in traded but geographically dispersed sectors.

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Grasso, Maria, and Katherine Smith. "Gender inequalities in political participation and political engagement among young people in Europe: Are young women less politically engaged than young men?" Politics 42, no. 1 (October 18, 2021): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02633957211028813.

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This paper contributes to the literature by examining gender inequalities in political participation and political engagement among young people from a comparative perspective. By analysing data on young people from nine European countries collected in 2018, we examine gender inequalities in participation in various modes of conventional and unconventional activism as well as related attitudes, broader political engagement and key determinants, cross-nationally, in order to provide a detailed picture of the current state of gender inequalities in political activism among young people in Europe. Our results allow us to speak to extant theorising about gender inequalities by showing that the extent of political inequality between young men and women is less marked than one might expect. While the gender gaps in political participation for activities such as confrontational types of protest are small or absent, we find that young women are actually more active in petitioning, boycotting, and volunteering in the community. Young men instead are more active than young women in a majority of the nine countries analysed with respect to more institutional forms of participation linked to organizations and parties, various types of online political participation, and broader political engagement measures, such as internal political efficacy and consumption of political news through various channels. However, young men also appear to be more sceptical at least of certain aspects of democratic practice relative to young women.

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Turnbull-Dugarte, Stuart J., and Joshua Townsley. "Political engagement and turnout among same-sex couples in Western Europe." Research & Politics 7, no. 4 (October 2020): 205316802097695. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168020976952.

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This paper presents and addresses a simple, yet overlooked, research question: is there a sexuality gap in political engagement and participation between sexual minority individuals and the heterosexual majority in Western Europe? To answer this question, we employ a recently applied method of identifying lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) individuals using data on the gender composition of cohabiting partner households from the European Social Survey. Relying on a total sample of more than 110,000 individuals across 12 different countries with an identified sample of 1542 LGB individuals, we test the divergence in political interest and political participation, both electoral and non-electoral, between LGB and non-LGB individuals. The results of our empirical analyses conform with our expectations. Theorising that LGBs, as a marginalised social stratum, are incentivised to participate and ‘vote like their rights depended on it’, we find empirical evidence of a significant and positive ‘sexuality gap’ in levels of political interest, turnout and other forms of political participation in Western Europe over and above what can be determined by socio-economic determinants of political participation.

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Simonaityte, Vitalija, and Ligita Sarkute. "Political participation and perceptions of justice and fairness: evidence from ESS data." International Journal of New Trends in Social Sciences 5, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 46–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/ijntss.v5i2.5398.

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There is a huge gap in research about the connection between political participation and perception of justice and fairness since few authors have analysed this phenomenon. The purpose of this article is to analyse the connection between political participation and people’s perception of fairness and justice, using a representative sample of the European Social Survey (ESS). This article is based on European Social Survey data of the 9th Round. Interviews were carried out with 47,086 respondents aged 15 and over in 27 European countries. The method of statistical data analysis was the correlation analysis of measures of political participation and measures of perceptions and evaluations of justice and fairness (Pearson’s r coefficient). From the results of the study, it was concluded that people participating in all political activities more often agree that society is fair when the political system allows people to have a say in what the government does. Keywords: Distributive justice; Europe; fairness; justice; political participation; procedural justice.

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Irimie, Rada Cristina. "eParticipation Issues in Contemporary Europe." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 1, no. 3 (December 30, 2015): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v1i3.p16-34.

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Today, Information and Communication Technologies have developed to the extent of amplifying political procedures that are central to the contemporary civic society, such as political participation and citizen engagement. eParticipation is a multidisciplinary field of study, which is particularly relevant in several contexts and environments, e.g. digital democracy, public services, open government, popular social media etc. This paper addresses the eParticipation framework in the European context, during the last 10 years.Our research will explore theoretically and empirically how citizen participation is achieved through social media and digital public services. The article explores both the cultural and political environments that favor the development of eParticipation initiatives, with the study of networking interactions based on social and public policy initiatives. We are particularly interested in the public policy formulations that embrace eParticipation and most importantly the recent developments in the field, which include a number of eConsultation, ePolling, eLegislation, eElectioneering, eVoting etc. A review of the good practice examples in eParticipation policy development will help us identify the strengths and weaknesses of the digital framework. Within the context of social value, we want to explore the aspect of eParticipation in the broader political scene, by examining the role of digital participation in political crises. By drawing examples based on case studies of public policy formulation in European countries, the research suggests a correlation between digital innovation and challenging politics. The framework is originally designed to be sustainable for the European societies and it places citizens in the center of its conception. It is, however, argued that the interaction between public policy innovation and citizen engagement needs continuous scholarly attention and study.

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Irimie, Rada Cristina. "eParticipation Issues in Contemporary Europe." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 3, no. 1 (December 30, 2015): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v3i1.p16-34.

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Today, Information and Communication Technologies have developed to the extent of amplifying political procedures that are central to the contemporary civic society, such as political participation and citizen engagement. eParticipation is a multidisciplinary field of study, which is particularly relevant in several contexts and environments, e.g. digital democracy, public services, open government, popular social media etc. This paper addresses the eParticipation framework in the European context, during the last 10 years.Our research will explore theoretically and empirically how citizen participation is achieved through social media and digital public services. The article explores both the cultural and political environments that favor the development of eParticipation initiatives, with the study of networking interactions based on social and public policy initiatives. We are particularly interested in the public policy formulations that embrace eParticipation and most importantly the recent developments in the field, which include a number of eConsultation, ePolling, eLegislation, eElectioneering, eVoting etc. A review of the good practice examples in eParticipation policy development will help us identify the strengths and weaknesses of the digital framework. Within the context of social value, we want to explore the aspect of eParticipation in the broader political scene, by examining the role of digital participation in political crises. By drawing examples based on case studies of public policy formulation in European countries, the research suggests a correlation between digital innovation and challenging politics. The framework is originally designed to be sustainable for the European societies and it places citizens in the center of its conception. It is, however, argued that the interaction between public policy innovation and citizen engagement needs continuous scholarly attention and study.

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Ganuza Fernández, Ernesto, and Francisco José Francés García. "Citizen participation in Europe: A comparative analysis from the sociopolitical contexts." OBETS. Revista de Ciencias Sociales 10, no. 1 (June 15, 2015): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/obets2015.10.1.09.

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Questioning the social spiral deriving from participation has flared up the debate regarding the place it occupies in contemporary democracies. It does not seem possible to deny the evidence that many studies have pointed to regarding the political attitudes associated with institutionalised participation (associations). But we question in this study the fact that the whole participation phenomenon is equated with that type of participation. Our paper compares different ways of participation in a sample of European countries to, first, analyse the activities that can be linked to each form of participation and whether it can be held that they are different from the point of view of the individual. Second, we analyse the attitudes that lead individuals to choose one option over the other. We conclude that for individuals the different forms of participation are different forms of political engagement. Our study shows an evolution in non-institutional forms of participation over time that is difficult to ignore, from being expressions bordering illegality to taking them as normalised tools for citizens. We could now start to consider them from the point of view of the implications they have for democracy as a different way to exercise political influence.

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Stanojevic, Dragan, and Anja Gvozdanovic. "Political participation and life course transitions among young people in Europe." Stanovnistvo 60, no. 2 (2022): 49–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv2202049s.

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The subject of this article is the analysis of the relationship between the life course of young people and political participation in Europe. Results show that young people?s transitions in education, work, and family in European countries are directly associated with institutional and non-institutional forms of political participation. Entering new roles and obtaining or losing resources (financial, social, or time) forms a more or less stimulating context for involvement in the political field. The analysis shows that our first hypothesis proved to be correct. Both institutional and non-institutional forms of participation are positively associated with the study expe?rience, and this indicator is the most consistent predictor of both forms of participation. Young people who go through higher education better understand the socio-political con?text and have more knowledge of how they can influence social processes. The transition to the labour market also shows positive associations with political participation, but only with certain practices, so our hypothesis is only partially correct. Young people who work vote more often, are active within parties, contact political representatives, and are active within NGOs. Work provides more financial and social capital, as well as the acquisition of new skills and competencies that are important for engagement. Employment seems to lead to a rationalisation of time and a better understanding of the effects of engagement. The third hypothesis also proved to be (almost) correct, as half of institutional and all non-institutional forms of participa?tion are negatively associated with parenthood. Entering the parental role leads to a certain repackaging of priorities, and the lack of available time reduces the probability of par?ticipation. The fourth hypothesis was (partially) confirmed. With the growth of democracy within society, young people are more willing to participate in almost all forms of non-in?stitutional practices (except for demonstrations) and to contact politicians and participate in campaigns more often. A high degree of organisation of political infrastructure and a democratic political culture represent a prerequisite for the existence of democratic practices. The hypotheses with which we examined the associations between context, life events, and participation generally did not prove to be justified. Although the highly educated in democratic societies vote more often and join parties (and similar groups), they participate less often in campaigns and are involved in all non-institutional forms of participation at the same level as those in less democratic societies. The explanation for the lack of differences between old and new democracies in the level of non-institutional participation of the highly educated may lie in the same role played by university education. In both developed and less developed democracies, those who establish or preserve these practices are students, who are both the most open to news and the most sensitive to social injustices. The relationship between work and activism was completely the opposite of what was expected. Given that work represents a source of resources (economic and social capital), we expected that in more democratic societies, which are also more economically developed, this connection would be stronger, but it is actually weaker. The explanation for this phenomenon may lie in the dependence of the sphere of work on the political field in ?new democracies?. The latter is dominated by clientelistic relations, where a significant number of young people who enter the labour market do so through political channels and in turn have to be active in political parties, especially during election campaigns. The last hypothesis proved to be correct, as context did not moderate the relationship be?tween parenting and participation. Entering the parental role is equally challenging for young people regardless of their location or social and political context, and on average it certainly leads to a lower level of participation.

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Surnina-Dalekorei, Olha Anatoliivna. "Political participation of women in Central and Eastern Europe: comparative analysis." Politicus 4 (2019): 62–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24195/2414-9616-2019-4-62-68.

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Acik, N. "Reducing the participation gap in civic engagement: Political consumerism in Europe." European Sociological Review 29, no. 6 (June 10, 2013): 1309–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jct016.

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Koopmans, Ruud. "New social movements and changes in political participation in Western Europe." West European Politics 19, no. 1 (January 1996): 28–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389608425119.

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Brunnbauer, Ulf, and Peter Haslinger. "Political mobilization in East Central Europe." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 3 (May 2017): 337–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1270922.

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This article provides an introduction to the special thematic section on political mobilization in East Central Europe. Based on a brief presentation of the main arguments of the individual articles, the authors discuss the recent political volatility in East Central Europe. They highlight the tension between fierce political rhetoric and populist policies on the one hand, and low levels of voter turnout and overall political participation in the region on the other. The authors argue that recent cases of successful as well as unsuccessful political mobilization in East Central Europe point to structural re-alignments in the region's political landscape. In particular, the parties that are successful are those that manage to communicate their visions in new ways and whose messages resonate with nested attitudes and preferences of the electorate. These parties typically rally against the so-called establishment and claim for themselves an anti-hegemonic agenda. The introductory essay also asserts that these developments in East Central Europe deserve attention for their potential Europe-wide repercussions – especially the idea of “illiberal democracy,”which combines populist mobilization and autocratic demobilization and finds adherents also in more established European democracies.

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Zafirovic, Jovana, Branka Matijevic, and Bozidar Filipovic. "Institutional trust, political participation, and corruption: A European comparative perspective." Sociologija 63, no. 2 (2021): 336–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc2102336z.

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Despite the theoretical and political importance of the relationship between institutional trust and different forms of political participation in Europe, theoretical and empirical focus on post-industrial economies leave the literature wanting of explanations of cross-national variation in political participation. In this article, we test whether levels of corruption influence the relationship between institutional trust and participation. We rely on the 9th wave of the European Social Survey results for an in-depth analysis of the relationship between institutional trust, political participation, and perceived corruption in 27 countries. The multilevel regression analysis results show that the effect of institutional trust on institutionalised political participation (including voting) is moderated by corruption. However, corruption does not moderate the relationship between institutional trust and non-institutionalised forms of participation.

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van Bezouw, Maarten Johannes, Jojanneke van der Toorn, Ali Honari, and Arieke J. Rijken. "Antecedents and consequences of system justification among Iranian migrants in Western Europe." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 9, no. 2 (December 7, 2021): 637–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.5445.

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Seeing the sociopolitical system as fair and legitimate is important for people’s participation in civic duties, political action, and the functioning of society in general. However, little is known about when migrants, without life-long socialization in a certain system, justify the sociopolitical system of their host country and how system justification influences their political participation. We examined antecedents of system justification using a survey among Iranian migrants in eight European countries (N = 935). Subsequently, we examined the relationship between system justification and political participation intentions. We found that system justification beliefs are generally high in our sample, mainly stemming from an assessment of opportunity to achieve changes in intergroup relations. Stronger social identity threat, feeling disadvantaged, a longer residence in Europe, and perceived intergroup stability all relate to less system justification. Conversely, stronger efficacy beliefs bolster system justification. Furthermore, we found some support for a curvilinear relationship between system justification and political participation intentions, but the size of this effect is small. The results show that the high levels of system justification of Iranian migrants are at risk when discrimination and disadvantage are perceived to be stable facets of society. Surprisingly, political participation to better Iranian migrants’ societal position is barely affected by system justification. We discuss implications and further research that can increase understanding of system justification among migrants.

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Badanjak, Sanja. "Disentangling Europe." Političke perspektive 9, no. 1 (November 8, 2019): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pp.9.1.01.

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In many ways, the process of Europeanization has been running parallel to other processes, most prominently, that of globalization. While it appears that many of the changes, we see in the political landscapes of the member states can be attributed to the impact of the EU , it may also be the case that these are brought about by increased economic interdependence. The rise in popularity of niche parties and a hollowing out of alternatives with regard to economic policies are two of the most prominent effects that are found to be correlated with an increased participation in European integration. In this paper, I am assessing these claims against the alternative hypothesis, which places the causal power with globalization in general, rather than the integration specific to Europe. By employing matching techniques, I am providing a cleared picture of the dependence of the above mentioned domestic political outcomes on the parallel and often confounding processes of Europeanization and globalization.

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Sobbrio, Francesco, and Pietro Navarra. "Electoral participation and communicative voting in Europe." European Journal of Political Economy 26, no. 2 (June 2010): 185–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2010.01.002.

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Joutsen, Matti. "Victim Participation in Proceedings and Sentencing in Europe." International Review of Victimology 3, no. 1-2 (January 1994): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026975809400300204.

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The article reviews the different ways in which victims can influence the course and outcome of criminal proceedings in different European criminal justice systems. The range is from some jurisdictions (such as Greece, the Netherlands and Portugal) where the victim can appear only in the capacity as witness, to others (such as Finland) where there is a general right to prosecute. Even in the systems providing victims with the greatest opportunity for participation, the victim in practice generally leaves prosecution to the public prosecutor. The article concludes by arguing that no one system is ideal from the point of view of the victim.

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Neuwahl, Nanette. "Citizenship, Democratic Participation, and Legitimate Governance in Europe." Good Society 12, no. 2 (2003): 26–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gso.2004.0010.

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Barlow, Anna. "Participation, Citizenship and Transfrontier Exchanges—2019." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 18, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 88–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117_01801005.

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This article summarizes developments in the protection of minorities in Europe in the areas of participation, citizenship and transfrontier exchanges during 2019. It includes developments at the UN level, in addition to regional developments under the auspices of the Organization for Security and Co- operation in Europe (OSCE), the Council of Europe (CoE) and the EU.

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de Rooij, E. A. "Patterns of Immigrant Political Participation: Explaining Differences in Types of Political Participation between Immigrants and the Majority Population in Western Europe." European Sociological Review 28, no. 4 (February 17, 2011): 455–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcr010.

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Grasso, Maria, and Marco Giugni. "Youth doing politics in times of increasing inequalities." Politics 42, no. 1 (November 2, 2021): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02633957211042738.

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Particularly in the current context of rapid political change, it is crucial to understand the political participation of young people and what underpins their political engagement patterns as well the as the inequalities that may lie beneath them. While there is a rich literature on youth participation, to date we have lacked the data to carry out detailed subgroup analyses to understand differences in the political participation between different groups of youth cross-nationally. The papers in this Special Issue all examine different aspects of youth participation in the current context. They examine key questions for participation including the inequalities, socialising influences, polarisation, online participation, radical political views, tolerance, life engagement and opportunities for social inclusion. This Special Issue thus provides a contemporary analysis of youth participation in Europe in the current historical juncture.

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Vesnic-Alujevic, Lucia. "Political participation and web 2.0 in Europe: A case study of Facebook." Public Relations Review 38, no. 3 (September 2012): 466–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pubrev.2012.01.010.

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Priestley, Mark, Martha Stickings, Ema Loja, Stefanos Grammenos, Anna Lawson, Lisa Waddington, and Bjarney Fridriksdottir. "The political participation of disabled people in Europe: Rights, accessibility and activism." Electoral Studies 42 (June 2016): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2016.01.009.

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Gherghina, Sergiu. "Making voices count: the political participation of Romanian immigrants in Western Europe." East European Politics 32, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 258–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2016.1154461.

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Spina, Nicholas. "Decentralisation and political participation: An empirical analysis in Western and Eastern Europe." International Political Science Review 35, no. 4 (August 12, 2013): 448–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512113496681.

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Hargreaves, Alec G., and Catherine Wihtol de Wenden. "The political participation of ethnic minorities in Europe: A framework for analysis." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 20, no. 1 (October 1993): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.1993.9976402.

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ATANESYAN, ARTHUR. "SOME POLITICAL-ECONOMIC FACTORS OF PERCEPTION OF EUROPE IN ARMENIAN SOCIETY." Main Issues Of Pedagogy And Psychology 12, no. 3 (December 12, 2016): 151–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/miopap.v12i3.148.

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The article discusses the possible impact of such events as economic crisis in the EU, unprecedented immigration to the EU countries from the Middle East and social changes in European societies on perception of the image of «Europe» outside its borders. Armenian society used to perceive «Europe» not only because of the events mentioned, but based on much more essential factors including Armenian national identity and its correlations with «Europe», socioeconomicties with the EU, as well as participation in the alternative projects, such as membership in the Eurasian Economic Union. Besides, being affected by the Russian Media space and having an impact of Russia-made approaches and stereotypes about Europe, Armenia has its specific scope of arguments and factors which make its perception of «Europe» different.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Political participation – Europe'

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