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1
Kaase, Max. "Interpersonal trust, political trust and non‐institutionalised political participation in Western Europe." West European Politics 22, no. 3 (July 1, 1999): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389908425313.
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Turnbull-Dugarte, Stuart J., and Joshua Townsley. "Political engagement and turnout among same-sex couples in Western Europe." Research & Politics 7, no. 4 (October 2020): 205316802097695. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168020976952.
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This paper presents and addresses a simple, yet overlooked, research question: is there a sexuality gap in political engagement and participation between sexual minority individuals and the heterosexual majority in Western Europe? To answer this question, we employ a recently applied method of identifying lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) individuals using data on the gender composition of cohabiting partner households from the European Social Survey. Relying on a total sample of more than 110,000 individuals across 12 different countries with an identified sample of 1542 LGB individuals, we test the divergence in political interest and political participation, both electoral and non-electoral, between LGB and non-LGB individuals. The results of our empirical analyses conform with our expectations. Theorising that LGBs, as a marginalised social stratum, are incentivised to participate and ‘vote like their rights depended on it’, we find empirical evidence of a significant and positive ‘sexuality gap’ in levels of political interest, turnout and other forms of political participation in Western Europe over and above what can be determined by socio-economic determinants of political participation.
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Koopmans, Ruud. "New social movements and changes in political participation in Western Europe." West European Politics 19, no. 1 (January 1996): 28–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389608425119.
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van Bezouw, Maarten Johannes, Jojanneke van der Toorn, Ali Honari, and Arieke J. Rijken. "Antecedents and consequences of system justification among Iranian migrants in Western Europe." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 9, no. 2 (December 7, 2021): 637–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.5445.
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Seeing the sociopolitical system as fair and legitimate is important for people’s participation in civic duties, political action, and the functioning of society in general. However, little is known about when migrants, without life-long socialization in a certain system, justify the sociopolitical system of their host country and how system justification influences their political participation. We examined antecedents of system justification using a survey among Iranian migrants in eight European countries (N = 935). Subsequently, we examined the relationship between system justification and political participation intentions. We found that system justification beliefs are generally high in our sample, mainly stemming from an assessment of opportunity to achieve changes in intergroup relations. Stronger social identity threat, feeling disadvantaged, a longer residence in Europe, and perceived intergroup stability all relate to less system justification. Conversely, stronger efficacy beliefs bolster system justification. Furthermore, we found some support for a curvilinear relationship between system justification and political participation intentions, but the size of this effect is small. The results show that the high levels of system justification of Iranian migrants are at risk when discrimination and disadvantage are perceived to be stable facets of society. Surprisingly, political participation to better Iranian migrants’ societal position is barely affected by system justification. We discuss implications and further research that can increase understanding of system justification among migrants.
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Gherghina, Sergiu. "Making voices count: the political participation of Romanian immigrants in Western Europe." East European Politics 32, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 258–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2016.1154461.
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Spina, Nicholas. "Decentralisation and political participation: An empirical analysis in Western and Eastern Europe." International Political Science Review 35, no. 4 (August 12, 2013): 448–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512113496681.
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Huber, Peter, and Josef Montag. "Homeownership, Political Participation, and Social Capital in Post‐Communist Countries and Western Europe." Kyklos 73, no. 1 (January 5, 2020): 96–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/kykl.12218.
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Yurdakul, Gökçe. "Book Review: Migration Policies and Political Participation: Inclusion or Intrusion in Western Europe." International Migration Review 41, no. 1 (March 2007): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2007.00067.x.
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de Rooij, E. A. "Patterns of Immigrant Political Participation: Explaining Differences in Types of Political Participation between Immigrants and the Majority Population in Western Europe." European Sociological Review 28, no. 4 (February 17, 2011): 455–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcr010.
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Wallace, Caire, Florian Pichler, and Christian Haerpfer. "Changing Patterns of Civil Society in Europe and America 1995-2005." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 26, no. 1 (January 18, 2012): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325411401380.
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This article looks at developments in Eastern European civil society (as measured by the participation in organisations) and how this has changed between 1995 and 2005 using the World Values Survey. There are comparisons with Western Europe on the one hand and the United States on the other, which show that although civic participation of this kind has declined in the United States, it remains stable in Europe, including at a low level in Eastern Europe. Surprisingly, there seemed to be little differences between countries that had joined the European Union and those that had not. The article considers reasons for this continued weakness of civil society in Eastern Europe.
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Grasso, Maria T. "Age, period and cohort analysis in a comparative context: Political generations and political participation repertoires in Western Europe." Electoral Studies 33 (March 2014): 63–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2013.06.003.
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Sidorov, Viktor V. "ETHNIC PARTIES AS AGENTS OF ETHNO-POLITICAL MOBILIZATION IN THE STATES OF WESTERN EUROPE." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 3 (2022): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2022-3-93-101.
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The article is concerned with the study of the ethnic parties influ The article is concerned with the study of the ethnic parties infl uence on the political mobilization processes in the states of Western Europe. Ethnic parties are often viewed as institutions that increase ethnic tensions and conflicts, but still such parties function in many European countries. In political science, there is a discussion about how and under what conditions ethnic parties really pose a danger to the political stability. Ethno-political conflicts presuppose the presence of mobilization of ethnic groups. The article proves that ethnic parties drastically increase ethno-political mobilization. Ethnic parties are interested in such mobilization and form the mobilization infrastructure. A comparative analysis of ethno-political parties of Belgium, Great Britain and Spain showed that ethno-political mobilization in them differs significantly. If in Spain the protests in Catalonia threatened not only national political stability, but also the security of citizens, then in Belgium and the UK, ethnic parties limited themselves to mobilizing citizens for electoral political participation.
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Desposato, Scott, and Barbara Norrander. "The Gender Gap in Latin America: Contextual and Individual Influences on Gender and Political Participation." British Journal of Political Science 39, no. 1 (January 2009): 141–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123408000458.
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While a substantial literature explores gender differences in participation in the United States, Commonwealth countries and Western Europe, little attention has been given to gender’s impact on participation in the developing world. These countries have diverse experiences with gender politics: some have been leaders in suffrage reforms and equal rights, while, in others, divorce has only recently been legalized. This article examines the relationship between gender and participation in seventeen Latin American countries. Many core results from research in the developed world hold in Latin America as well. Surprisingly, however, there is no evidence that economic development provides an impetus for more equal levels of participation. Instead, the most important contextual factors are civil liberties and women’s presence among the visible political elite.
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Meardi, Guglielmo. "Restructuring in an enlarged Europe: challenges and experiences." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 13, no. 2 (May 2007): 253–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890701300208.
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This article presents historical and aggregate data on restructuring in central and eastern Europe, and some examples from multinationals in Poland and Hungary. It shows how the violent structural readjustment process of the 1990s has left important social, political and psychological legacies which affect current approaches to restructuring. The new EU Member States, faced with relocations both to the west (in capital-intensive industries) and further east (in low-skill labour-intensive industries), therefore need employee participation mechanisms, cross-border information and western solidarity to ensure the social acceptability of change.
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Damurski, Lukasz. "E-Participation in Urban Planning." International Journal of E-Planning Research 1, no. 3 (July 2012): 40–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijepr.2012070103.
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Simple observation of planning practices in Eastern and Western Europe reveal a substantial gap in citizen participation between the post-socialist societies and the highly developed countries. This gap was created recently during the continent’s history and is reflected in an uneven distribution of social capital and democratic attitudes. During the last 30 years Western societies developed their civic consciousness and improved their democratic procedures; while citizen activities in the East was constrained by socialist regimes, then dissipated by the system transformation and only now is slowly reviving. How can social and political distance? Development of ICT (Information and Communication Technology) tools seems to stimulate social cohesion of European countries. The Internet creates new forms of social life, giving new opportunities for citizen involvement and strongly influences public decision-making systems. Examples of e-participation in planning from both sides of the continent suggest that this gap is not necessarily as big as it appears to be. This article compares online participation tools offered in Poland and Germany. Analyzing three complimentary aspects of e-participation in planning: “transparency,” “spatiality,” and “interactivity.” The results are expressed further in the article.
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Rovinskaya, T. "Greens in Europe: Incremental Growth." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 12 (2015): 58–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-12-58-71.
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The article deals with the environmental ideology evolution and the Green Movement political development – from groups of activists and ecological non-governmental organizations to influential political parties, at both national and international level (mainly in the Western Europe). The overlook covers the period from early 1970s to present. The mass political Green Movement arose in early 1970s in the Western Europe, USA and Australia in response to vivid ecological threats and the inability of national and international authorities to offer effective solutions. From the very beginning, the Greens declared their commitment to the principles of environmental responsibility, global sustainable development, inclusive democracy, consideration for diversity, personal freedom, gender equality and non-violence. In the political field, the Greens meet two main challenges: formation of political agenda with regard to environmental issues; promotion of effective political decisions and economic mechanisms to protect the environment from an anthropogenic impact. Ecological NGOs, especially large international organizations (like Greenpeace) perform public protest actions against the transnational and state corporations’ economic activities violating the environment (f.e. Arctic oil extraction, radioactive waste storage, gene engineering in agriculture etc.). But beyond the active political lobbying and drawing of wide public support to acute environmental issues, NGOs are not able to involve into political process directly. Within 1970s–1980s (and also later on) ecological political parties were formed in most Western European countries, with a target to participate in official parliamentary elections at local, regional, national and supra-national level. Many of them succeeded and became influencing in their countries. Political methods used by the Greens are thoroughly analyzed in the paper. Special attention is paid to political strategy and tactics of the German ecological party Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, as well as to participation of the European Union Green parties in work of the European Parliament. German Greens count for the most successful ecological party not only in Europe, but also worldwide. Using flexible tactics of parliamentary coalitions, they managed to facilitate a general turn of the German policy toward ecologization (renunciation of the atomic energy development in Germany, conservation of energy and renewable energy sources programs, ecological taxes implementation, prohibition on gene engineering in agriculture etc.). Being a part of the governing coalition, the “Bündnis 90/Die Grünen” were also involved in many other sociopolitical and international issues. Since 1984, many European ecological parties are present in the European Parliament. In 2004, the European Green Party was created to consolidate electoral efforts of the Greens at the European level. Almost all EU ecological parties are also members of the international Global Greens organization. Owing to activities of the Green Movement as a whole, state authorities of many countries (primarily in the Western Europe) adopted environment friendly legislation and state programs. Despite short periods of reverse, the general development of Greens is progressive and prospective.
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Petričević, Vanja, and Daniel Stockemer. "Why Do Citizens Not Turn Out? The Effect of Election-Specific Knowledge on Turnout in European Elections in Eastern Europe." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 34, no. 3 (October 14, 2019): 591–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325419870228.
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Throughout the European Parliament’s nearly forty years of existence, electoral turnout in European parliamentary elections has consistently been lower than electoral turnout in the national elections of the member states. This is particularly the case for the majority of states in Eastern Europe where turnout in European elections has resulted in low electoral participation of eligible voters. Focusing on the 2014 election to the European Parliament, we highlight that low election-specific knowledge contributes to these low participation rates. In more detail, we rely on name recognition of the main candidates of the three main party groups, and show that knowledge of these candidates is more than twice as high in Western Europe as in Eastern Europe. Second, we illustrate that these low knowledge levels in the East also help explain the larger turnout gap between national and European elections in the East.
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Marks, Gary N. "Communist party membership in five former Soviet bloc countries, 1945–1989." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 37, no. 2 (June 1, 2004): 241–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2004.03.004.
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This study examines the social composition of the communist party in the Soviet Union and four East European countries during the post-war period. Two alternative explanations for joining the communist party are examined: the classical political participation model from Western political science and the party policy model. In Western countries, the people who join political parties tend to be male, older, married, highly educated and in higher status occupations. According to the party policies model, recruitment should reflect the party’s policies, ideologies and intentions to promote particular social groups such as, workers, peasants, young people, women and those with proletarian backgrounds. The data analyzed are from nationally representative surveys from the Social Stratification in Eastern Europe after 1989 study. Stronger support was found for the political participation model. Generally, parental party membership, being male, married, highly educated and working in an administrative position influenced joining, whereas social background, a manual occupation, and political time period had little or no influence. Between-country differences in the process of joining were minor. There was little evidence that recruitment reflected the parties’ ideologies or policies.
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Poguntke, Thomas. "Unconventional Participation in Party Politics: The Experience of the German Greens." Political Studies 40, no. 2 (June 1992): 239–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1992.tb01382.x.
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The German Green Party, which is one of the most successful Green parties in Western Europe, has not only been efficient in changing the political agenda of the Federal Republic. It has also challenged the conventional way of organizing party politics by institutionalizing a series of organizational principles that are inspired by the ideals of grass-roots democracy. However, despite the ideological appeal of grass-roots democracy to Green sympathizers, the party has failed to attract sufficiently large numbers of active party members. The Greens are caught in a dilemma, because they appeal to those segments of West German society where ‘non-partisans' are most numerous. This undermines the functioning, and hence the credibility, of Green grass-roots democracy.
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Loukili, Sakina. "Fighting Fire with Fire? “Muslim” Political Parties in the Netherlands Countering Right-Wing Populism in the City of Rotterdam." Journal of Muslims in Europe 9, no. 1 (December 19, 2019): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22117954-12341409.
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Abstract This article explores the emergence of Muslim-majority political party DENK in Dutch politics by focusing on two encounters before the 2018 local elections in Rotterdam. It explains the circumstances of DENK’s rise and success and argues that social media plays a central role. By analysing social media data, the author demonstrates that the party counters right-wing populist discourse by making use of the local context and particular on- and offline strategies. In addition, the article shows that a novel development is taking place concerning Muslim political participation in the Netherlands, which is part of a broader trend in Western Europe.
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Sjöstedt, Gunnar. "Nordic and World Economic-Political Cooperation: Competition, Adaptation or Participation?" Cooperation and Conflict 22, no. 4 (September 1987): 209–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001083678702200402.
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The world economic-political system seems to be in a process of structural change. To some observers these developments are producing an increasing need for an expanded Nordic cooperation in the area of trade and international economic affairs. One manifestation of this has been the calls for the establishment of a true home market for Scandinavian exporting firms. The desirable, or predicted, future changes in forms and contents of Nordic cooperation should, however, not be considered in isolation. They have to be systematically inter-related to the modifications which are expected to occur in the systems for economic-political cooperation in Western Europe, as well as at the global level, in which Scandinavian countries participate: the EC, EFTA, OECD, GATT, etc. This comprehensive perspective is all the more important because institutionalized economic-political cooperation seems to have entered into a process of structural reform with possible far-reaching consequences. In order to pave the way for a strategic and comprehensive cost/benefit evaluation of Nordic cooperation in the future, a tentative model has been developed for the definition and assessment of the various types of relationships that may exist between Nordic cooperation and other forms of inter-related systems for economic-political collaboration. This "linkage analysis" is undertaken within two contexts: First, a number of theoretical propositions concerning the "anatomy" of institutionalized economic-political cooperation. Secondly, for the sake of empirical illustration, a concrete case: the demand for international cooperation pertaining to the formulation and conduct of Swedish trade policy.
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O’Nions, Helen. "Roma Expulsions and Discrimination: The Elephant in Brussels." European Journal of Migration and Law 13, no. 4 (2011): 361–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181611x605864.
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Abstract This article will critically examine the treatment of migrant Roma in Western Europe, particularly Italy and France, in the light of the obligations under the EU Citizenship Directive 2004/38. The role of the political institutions will be considered, especially the European Commission, who have yet to take a decisive position on the Roma expulsions and on the wider issue of Roma discrimination in Europe. It is argued that the focus on non-discrimination cannot address the entrenched inequality which characterises the Roma’s situation in Europe. Furthermore, that the comparative disadvantage experienced by Europe’s Roma communities constitutes a major human rights crisis which has so far been sidelined by Brussels. A European strategy is urgently required, which demands leadership from the Commission and the full participation of Roma representatives.
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Kobets, Yuliia. "Christian democracy as a modern political doctrine." Good Parson: scientific bulletin of Ivano-Frankivsk Academy of John Chrysostom. Theology. Philosophy. History, no. 14 (January 29, 2020): 119–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.52761/2522-1558.2019.14.11.
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Christian Democracy is one of the youngest political doctrines of our time, a product of the twentieth century. But it influenced the formation of the post-war order of Europe, of the world, and the formation of new political parties and whole party systems, and a new type of political culture. The reaction of Christianity to manifestations of anti-clericalism and socialism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. became Christian democracy. Christian democracy is a fairly broad concept. In its content, it includes the direction of socio-political thought, political movement as well as a network of public organizations and associations. The article discusses the essence of the concept "Christian democracy", its contentfulness in the twentieth century. The key stages of the development of modern political doctrine of Christianity and the main principles are analyzed. The article traces the institutional development of Christian-democratic organizations. Particular attention is devoted to the Christian Democratic parties of the countries of Western Europe, which are the most powerful in the world. Characteristics of the development of Christian Democratic parties in Ukraine are given, and tendencies of their further development are revealed. The question of the ideological and social significance of Christian democracy in the context of the formation of Western political culture is explored. The basic tasks and directions of development of Christian Democratic Movement as Important Parameters of Christian Politics, and the Importance of Political Participation of Christian Parties in the World and in Ukraine are formed. The main principles of Christian democracy are outlined: solidarity, subsidiarity, personalism, responsibility, decentralizationю These principles laid the specific understanding of the concept of "person-society-state". The concept of the doctrine of Christian democracy as the basis for the formation of a pluralistic society and a deligatory state is highlighted.
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Barber, Carolyn, and Jessica Ross. "Profiles of adolescents’ civic attitudes in sixteen countries: Examining cross-cohort changes from 1999 to 2009." Research in Comparative and International Education 15, no. 2 (March 13, 2020): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1745499920910583.
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The purpose of this study is to examine profiles of students’ attitudes toward citizenship norms and inclusiveness in the political process, focusing on changes in the frequency of particular profiles and in the strength of predictors across a decade. Using data from 16 countries participating in the 1999 and 2009 International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement civic education studies, we identified five attitudinal profiles. Profiles defined by negative attitudes toward diverse social groups decreased over time, whereas profiles defined by very positive attitudes toward diverse groups increased, particularly in western Europe. Although some post-Communist countries demonstrated trends toward more positive attitudinal profiles, others trended toward profiles defined by weaker citizenship norms. Across countries and cohorts, more positive profiles were associated with stronger school climates and expectations of civic participation.
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Barinov, I. "Trajectories of Nation-Building in Eastern Europe." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 12 (2015): 90–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-12-90-98.
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The article investigates nation-building trajectories and civic identity formation in Eastern Europe. The indicated processes in Eastern European states are notably different from those in the Western part of Europe. They are hindered by the specific historical development of these countries and by a set of local characteristics in particular. Quite often, there are such obstacles as unresolved ethnic conflicts and non-involvement of minorities in the building of common political and public practices within the state. The paper aims at assessing the current situation, evaluating international and interethnic regulation practices in the region and their efficiency, working out criteria of a civic nation formation in Eastern European countries. This is, first of all, a question of sociocultural and political consolidation. Social activism and civic participation are also significant factors. Finally, the very nature of nationalism and the use of the “alien image” in relation to other ethnic groups within the state are important. On this basis, the article proposes a typology of the countries according to the stage of a civic identity formation, and assesses possible future developments. Acknowledgements. This article was prepared with financial support of the Russian Science Foundation [grant № 15-18-00021 “Regulating interethnic relations and managing ethnic and social conflicts in the contemporary world: the resource potential of civic identity (a comparative political analysis)”]. The research was conducted at the Primakov Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Sciences (IMEMO).
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Bursać, Dejan. "Być zielonym na Wschodzie: sukces i wpływ partii Zielonych w krajach postsocjalistycznych." Przegląd Europejski, no. 2-2022 (August 30, 2022): 151–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.2.22.9.
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This article examines the presence and activities of Green parties in governments of Central and Eastern Europe. In recent years, many ecologist parties and movements gained considerable electoral and general political success, especially in developed democracies of Western Europe. However, their ideological counterparts in new democracies tend to remain out of power and often out of parliament, albeit with a few notable exceptions. In this study, success of the Greens in CEE is operationalised through their impact on public spending and direct investments allocated to environmental protection. The hypothesis regarding the Greens’ impact on spending is tested within the regression models, along with other potential predictors of government expenditure. The research results demonstrate a low significance of Greens in government participation and also their impact on budgetary allocation, contributing to the debate about the Green politics’ position in the context of social and political cleavages in post-socialist societies.
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Whelan, Bernadette. "Ireland, the Marshall Plan, and U.S. Cold War Concerns." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 1 (January 2006): 68–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039706775212076.
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The implementation of the Marshall Plan in Europe from 1947 to 1951 has been increasingly well documented as archival materials have become available. Although U.S. motivations and the extent of the U.S. contribution to rehabilitating and uniting Europe, thwarting Communism, and consolidating democracy are still debated by historians, there is little disagreement about the impressive size and logistics of the program. However, not all of the assistance delivered was in the form of food, finance, and technical advice. Ideological and psychological weapons were also used. This article examines all of these aspects of the Marshall Plan and how the campaigns actually worked in a country that has often been left out of analyses of the postwar reconstruction Ireland. Because Ireland had been neutral during the war and wanted to remain neutral afterward, the question of participating in a U.S. sponsored program that did not include the Communist European states (because the Soviet Union vetoed their participation) raised sensitive questions within Ireland about the desirability of being so conspicuously aligned with a Western bloc.
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Slavov, Atanas. "Democratic Consolidation in Southeast Europe – A Step Forward?" Southeastern Europe 39, no. 3 (December 16, 2015): 347–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03903004.
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Strengthening the rule of law and consolidating democracy is still a challenge facing countries in Southeastern Europe (see). Despite the prospective for eu accession for the Western Balkan states and full eu membership for others, issues regarding the quality of democratic institutions and the efficiency of legal procedures are still at stake. There are multiple factors that contribute to the weakened state of constitutional democracy in see countries while also blocking their political and social development. This article offers a sober view on the democratic consolidation process, emphasizing that a decline from democratic politics may happen at any moment. For one, defective democracies in Southeastern Europe are exposed to nationalism and populism, suffering from weak institutional performance and a burdensome communist legacy. Furthermore, negative stereotypes and practices of exercising political power in see countries hamper the development of the rule of law, efficient democratic systems, and accountable governments. Corruption and clientelism likewise seem embedded in the social structures. Thus, in the absence or inefficiency of the rule of law, the political situation in see countries is often described in terms of a ‘state capture’, not democratic consolidation. However, according to a mid-term perspective, positive change is still possible, but it requires active civil society participation as well as eu institutional commitment to the rule of law and democracy building in the region. In some cases, moreover, coordinated endeavors between active civil society groups and eu institutions could exercise effective pressure on the national political elites to introduce necessary institutional reforms.
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Brenkman, John. "Contours of Dread." American Literary History 35, no. 1 (February 1, 2023): 452–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajac245.
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Abstract Hannah Arendt’s and Isaiah Berlin’s incomprehension of one another resulted in one of the great missed dialogues in political theory. Arendt’s civic-democratic values find freedom in participation on a par with others in the political realm. Berlin’s liberal-democratic commitments define freedom as the space where individuals are unconstrained by the state or others. Modern democracy introduces the social-democratic commitment to the state’s ability to reduce inequality and provide for the public good. The strife, varyingly creative or destructive, among the liberal-, civic-, and social-democratic dimensions animates modern democracies. Kai Hiruta provides a comprehensive account of the Arendt–Berlin relation. Adriana Cavarero draws on Arendt’s conception of political participation to illuminate contemporary protests against injustice and racism in Western countries. Dilip Gaonkar examines, with emphasis on India’s democracy, the role of direct action, including riots, as forms of political participation by the demos. Charles Taylor and Craig Calhoun, in their account of democratic “degeneration” in the US and Europe in light of globalization and populist and autocratic trends, postulate the social-democratic as the telos of democracy itself, diminishing the liberal- and civic-democratic and overlooking democracy’s ineluctable strife. By contrast, there is no telos in Arendt’s thought, which values beginnings and innovations.
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Smithey, Martha, and Amber Thompson. "A Cross-National Examination of Global Gender Inequality and Femicide by Intimate Partners and Family Members." Violence and Victims 37, no. 3 (June 1, 2022): 305–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/vv-d-20-00088.
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Using cross-national data, we analyze the effects of economic participation and opportunity, educational attainment, political empowerment, legislating reserved seats for female political candidates, and prevalence of domestic violence victimization on lethal violence against women across 39 nations. These significant factors have been studied individually with little work on their comparative, unique effects on femicide. Our paper makes such a comparison. The dependent variable, femicide by intimate partners and family members, is constructed using data from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and the World Bank Group. All data are for the year 2011, a year that also corresponds to available data in the sources for our independent variables. These sources are the 2011 World Economic Forum Global Gender Gap Report, the United Nations Statistics Division, International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. Our resulting sample size is 39 countries from five regions of the world: Northern and Eastern Europe (n = 7), Southern and Western Europe (n = 11), Asia and Oceania (n = 7) Africa (n = 2), and the Americas (n = 12). The unit of analysis is nation and the total number of cases of femicide by intimate partners and family members from the nations is 2,067,450,894. Our study supports backlash theory and finds in nations where educational attainment and percent women reporting domestic violence are higher, and in nations having legislated quotas for female political participation, the incidents of femicide by intimate partner and family members increase. Counter to most previous research, we find no relationship between economic participation and opportunity or political empowerment and femicide by intimate partners and family members.
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Pasetti, Francesco. "Configurations of Immigrant Integration Policies in Europe: An Exploratory Appraisal." World Affairs 182, no. 1 (February 21, 2019): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820019825935.
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Today, in all European countries, it is possible to identify a framework of policies addressing immigrants’ integration. By considering the various areas of policies concerned with such a phenomenon, the present study identifies the existence of shared patterns of responses across countries. I do so by introducing the concept of configuration of integration policies (CIP) and relying on a hierarchical cluster analysis. The analysis identifies two main shared-configurations for dealing with immigrant integration cutting across the East/West cleavage, with the Eastern configuration more restrictive than the Western one, especially in the areas of labor, education, political participation, and citizenship; they are, instead, closer to each other as they pertain to family, residence, and antidiscrimination; namely, in policy areas concerned with salient human rights issues and targeted by European directives. This evidence speaks to the broad debate in the field of immigrant integration policies, paving the way for further research and theoretical speculation.
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Khorolskaya, Maria V. "GERMAN PARTICIPATION IN THE THREE SEAS INITIATIVE: OPPORTUNITIES FOR RUSSIA." Baltic Region 14, no. 2 (2022): 98–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2022-2-6.
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The Three Seas Initiative was launched in 2016 by the Polish and Croatian leaders to bridge the gap between Southeast, Central and Eastern Europe, on the one hand, and Western Europe, on the other. This article aims to show how German policy on the Three Seas Initiative has changed and what risks and opportunities it represents for Russia. The official data on the Three Seas Initiative was used to explore the specifics of the concept and the impact of its most promising projects on the Southeast, Central and Eastern European markets. The analysis of materials from German think tanks and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was used to demonstrate the changes in Germany's attitude towards the Initiative. Although the participating countries have not received sufficient funding to fulfil all the ambitious goals of the Three Seas Initiative, some of its most promising projects could diminish Russia’s role in the EU energy market. Since 2018, the Federal Republic of Germany has increased its participation in the Initiative, yet Berlin’s growing focus on the concept should not be perceived critically since German participation could mitigate the anti-Russian sentiment underlying the Three Seas Initiative. Moreover, the ideas voiced by Germany’s Free Democratic Party, namely those concerning a joint hydrogen project with Russia to be run as part of the Three Seas Initiative, deserve special attention.
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Helseth, Hannah. "When the Personal Is Always Political: Norwegian Muslims’ Arguments for Women’s Rights." Social Inclusion 6, no. 4 (November 22, 2018): 59–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v6i4.1518.
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For almost two decades, the public debate about Islam in Western Europe has been dominated by concerns about the lack of gender equality in the racialized Muslim population. There has been a tendency to victimize “the Muslim woman” rather than to encourage Muslim women’s participation in the public debate about their lives. This contribution to the study of discourses on Muslim women is an analysis of arguments written by Muslims about women’s rights. The data consists of 239 texts written by self-defined Muslims in major Norwegian newspapers about women’s rights. I will discuss two findings from the study. The first is an appeal to be personal when discussing issues of domestic violence and racism is combined with an implicit and explicit demand to represent all Muslims in order to get published in newspapers—which creates an ethno-religious threshold for participation in the public debate. The second finding is that, across different positions and different religious affiliations, from conservative to nearly secular, and across the timeline, from 2000 to 2012, there is a dominant understanding of women’s rights as individual autonomy. These findings will be discussed from different theoretical perspectives to explore how arguments for individual autonomy can both challenge and amplify neoliberal agendas.
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Ivanytska, Bozhena. "SOCIO-POLITICAL PRECONDITIONS FOR THE EMERGENCE OF PUBLIC ASSOCIATIONS IN WESTERN UKRAINE." Bulletin of Lviv Polytechnic National University: journalism 1, no. 2 (2021): 11–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/sjs2021.02.011.
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In the second half of the XIX century Western Ukrainian lands suitable for agricultural development could not provide their inhabitants with adequate well-being. Moreover, famine often prevailed in the region, and poverty raged. Ukrainians, who made up the majority of the rural population of the region, were particularly affected: almost 80% [7, p. 4]. Government statistics at the time tried to prove that all conditions were created for Western Ukrainian peasants to ensure their well-being. At the same time, for example, the following figures were used: peasants owned 62.2% of the land area, while large landowners, mostly Austrians, Poles, Germans, Jews and other peoples, only 37.8% of agricultural land. It would seem that Ukrainian peasant farms, which had the majority of arable land in their use, could prosper. However, the other side of this statistic was not mentioned: first of all, it was hidden that the best lands belonged to the owners of large farms. In addition, there were 3,734 communities in the areas used by the majority of peasants. Therefore, if we compare the size of the area of a large landowner and the average peasant economy, the peasant economy was 320 times smaller than the agricultural land of a large landowner. At the end of the 40s of the XIX century in almost all European countries the economic crisis deepened, mass strikes began. Governments became increasingly helpless, unable to control the situation. Political demands began to be put forward more and more often to the economic demands of the workers and peasants. The spirit of revolution hovered in the air. And soon it began. The revolutionary events that swept Europe in the spring of 1948 brought the peoples of Europe hope for a better future. The consequence of this revolutionary upsurge was the abolition of serfdom in the Austrian Empire, which also ruled Western Ukraine. First of all, the Ukrainian intelligentsia, which was based on priests, teachers, and lawyers, began active social and political work. However, the majority of the population still stayed away from politics: neither its general education nor their financial situation contributed to participation in the national movement. That is, the «Spring of Nations» still did not contribute to the «mass, widespread awakening of the national consciousness of the Ukrainian people of Galicia, Bukovina, Transcarpathia» [17, p. 15]. This required a lot of effort, first of all to inform the nation competently and politically about what educated people had to do [22].
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SHMELEV, D. V. "Left-wing populism in Western countries. The Phenomenon of J.-L. Mélenchon." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 3 (August 17, 2018): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-3-69-84.
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The article studies the phenomenon of left populism in Western Europe. On the example of France, the author examines the specifics and historical origins of left populism, its ideas and slogans, electoral technologies, factors of presence on the political scene. The author focuses on the political activities of Jean-Luc Mélenchon, his election campaign for the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2017 in France. The article considers the key stages of Mélenchon’s political career, the features of his political discourse and program, the creation of the Left front, the conditions for the rise and the specifics of left populism in France. Among the specific features of French left populism, anti-elitism, antisystem, egalitarianism and the demand for social justice, pacifism and criticism of the neoliberal version of globalization are highlighted. The author believes that the rise of left populism in France has led to significant changes in the balance of political forces during the presidential and parliamentary campaigns of spring and summer of 2017, putting it to the forefront of political struggle. In the light of the evolution of the political situation in France, the article analyzes Mélenchon’s subsequent activities related to his position around the debate on the reform of labor legislation, social protests in autumn 2017 and spring 2018, relations with other left-wing parties and movements, structural changes within the “La France insoumise”. The article emphasizes the undeniable leadership of the Mélenchon movement among the far left organizations; it is noted that the preservation of the horizontal structures of “La France insoumise” (social networks, Autonomous initiatives, activism), media strategy, the specifics of political discourse and appeal to different layers of the electorate, participation in social protests allow us to talk about the French left populism and Mélenchon as the main political rival of President Macron.
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Parízek, Michal, and Ekaterina Ananyeva. "Central and Eastern Europe and the Decline of Russia in the United Nations Administrative Bodies: 1996-2015." Czech Journal of International Relations 54, no. 2 (May 31, 2019): 24–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv.1615.
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In international organizations, states seek representation not only in decision-making and political fora but also in the administrative bodies, or secretariats. This article maps the representation of Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries in the secretariats of 36 bodies of the United Nations (UN) system in the years 1996-2015. The CEE region is interesting due to the deep political divide between Russia and the Western-oriented new EU member states. Using new empirical evidence regarding the participation of CEE countries’ citizens on the professional staff of the UN bodies, we show that Russia has dramatically lost much of its representation in the UN administration over the last twenty years. In contrast, a number of other CEE countries have considerably improved their position in it. In spite of that, the countries of the entire CEE region belong to those with an overall weak representation in the administrative bodies of the UN.
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Dumała, Hanna. "Zgromadzenie Regionów Europejskich jako grupa interesów regionalnych jednostek terytorialnych." Przegląd Europejski, Tom 1 (March 30, 2020): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31971/1641-2478pe.1.20.5.
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The aim of the article is to analyse activities of the Assembly of European Regions (AER) as an international interest group of sub-national territorial units at the regional level in Europe. The article presents the genesis of the Assembly, the evolution of its membership, as well as the tools and the channels of lobbying used. The text positively verifies the hypothesis that expansion of the Assembly on administrative regions from Central and Eastern Europe caused that strong political regions from Western Europe lost theirs interests in participating in AER’s works which, in turn, weakened the AER’s influence in Europe.
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Glenn, John K. "Contentious Politics and Democratization: Comparing the Impact of Social Movements on the Fall of Communism in Eastern Europe." Political Studies 51, no. 1 (March 2003): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00415.
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In this paper, I identify and analyze the interaction between two processes – mobilization and bargaining – by which democratic challengers can transform political institutions, bringing together insights from the literatures on social movements, which tends to analyze movement emergence, and democratization, which tends to analyze the design of democratic institutions. I compare the impact of social movements in the fall of communism in Eastern Europe, cases that offer a valuable opportunity to extend the literature on contentious politics beyond its origins in the study of Western parliamentary democracies. The analysis directs attention to an under examined arena of political contestation, agenda setting, or the process by which the demands of social movements are translated into issues for governments. The paper argues that the traditional dichotomy between institutional and non-institutionalized contention has obscured the ways that democratic challengers not only pressure states from the outside but transform them through new forms of political participation. Finally, it considers alternative explanations and suggests new directions for comparative research across different settings and times.
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Astier, Cristina, and Ander Errasti. "The European Crisis of Politics: Ethnoreligious Pluralism and the Rise of Radical Populism and Far-Right in Europe." Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto, no. 59 (October 31, 2018): 19–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/ced-59-2018pp19-25.
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It is not highly contentious to claim that the 2008 global economic crisis may be also understood as a failure of the welfare state in European countries. The rise of economic inequalities in Europe, as a major sequel of the 2008 economic crisis and the increase of migrant flows, has fostered and become a breeding ground for racial, religious, or ideological hatred in the western world. However, compared to previous periods in recent history when tensions arose, citizens can now channel their feelings, thoughts, and political ideals through the institutions of the state’s basic structure. Thus, citizens are having a say by channelling their claims through democratic means and different forms of political participation. One relevant articulation has been new expressions of radical populism, nativism, and far-right ideologies which have burst into the public sphere, at the local, regional, and European levels. This combination has turned the economic and refugee crisis into what is mainly a crisis of European politics.Published online: 31 October 2018
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Elias, Anwen, and Filippo Tronconi. "From protest to power: Autonomist parties in government." Party Politics 17, no. 4 (June 27, 2011): 505–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068811400528.
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In many Western European states, an increasing number of autonomist parties are taking part in government at state and regional levels. To date, however, scholars have paid little attention to the repercussions of government incumbency for these actors. This article aims to take a first step towards redressing this oversight. Based on an extensive literature examining political parties in government, we formulate hypotheses about how autonomist parties will approach, behave within and be affected by government office. We test these hypotheses by examining the participation of autonomist parties in regional and state governments in Western Europe since 1945. The findings demonstrate that the difficult decisions autonomist parties must make when entering government, the subsequent dilemmas and challenges that must be resolved once the threshold of government has been crossed, and the consequences of government incumbency, are similar to those faced by any political party in government. However, the fact that autonomist parties operate within a multi-level political context can render these challenges more complex than is the case for political parties operating (mainly or exclusively) at a single territorial level, usually that of the state. The article concludes by identifying key factors that affect the success of autonomist parties in government.
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Rowell, Jay. "Knowledge and Power in State Socialism: Statistical Conventions and Housing Policy in the GDR." Journal of Policy History 19, no. 3 (July 2007): 345–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2007.0016.
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Since the late 1970s, the historiography of State socialist regimes in Central Europe has been largely structured by an opposition between a “top-down” political history and a more “bottom-up” social history, leaving the analysis of public policy in a sort of no-man's land between politics and society. Without competitive elections, freedom of expression, or interest-group mobilization or participation, most determinants of policy routinely studied in Western democracies are inoperative. Furthermore, given that State socialist regimes and centralized economic planning appear to be historical dead ends, what can be learned today from the study of this political experiment? In this article on housing policy in the GDR, I will argue that the question of knowledge, its construction, its circulation, and its uses are at least as essential to the intelligibility of these regimes as the study of ideology and repression.
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Hoskins, Bryony. "Monitoring Active Citizenship in the European Union: the Process, the Results and initial Explanations." CADMO, no. 1 (June 2009): 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/cad2009-001008.
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- This article is a descriptive account from an insider's perspective of the complex European process of the development of indicators on active citizenship. From this position, the article explains the process behind the development of two composite indicators that have been used to measure progress on active citizenship in Europe; The Active Citizenship Composite Indicator and the Youth Civic Competence Composite Indicator. The article details the results of these indexes for European Union countries and regions inside Europe. In addition, the article examines the differences between the results of the composite indicators, with correlations found between competence and action for Northern and Western European countries but not for Southern and Eastern European Countries. Using these results it discusses possible steps forward in the development of indicators on active citizenship looking towards new data from the IEA International Citizenship and Civic Education study.Keywords active citizenship, civic education, composite indicators, European Union, political participation.
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Liu, James H., Petar Milojev, Homero Gil de Zúñiga, and Robert Jiqi Zhang. "The Global Trust Inventory as a “Proxy Measure” for Social Capital: Measurement and Impact in 11 Democratic Societies." Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 49, no. 5 (April 13, 2018): 789–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022022118766619.
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The Global Trust Inventory (GTI), conceptually assessing trust in others ranging from close interpersonal relationships to relationships with government and financial institutions as a whole, was administered to representative online samples in 11 democratic states ( N = 11,917 from Europe, the Americas, and New Zealand). A seven-factor solution had configural, metric, and reasonable scalar invariance in multi-group confirmatory factor analysis. Using latent profile analysis, individual-level measures of trust were derived that complement existing measures of social capital in their impact and implications. Western societies had proportionately more people with high propensity to trust, Catholic/European intermediate, and Latin American societies the least. A High Trust Profile had virtues associated with social capital: greater participation in political discussion, greater elaboration of political thinking, more community engagement, less prejudice, and greater participation in elections. A Low Trust Profile exhibited opposite tendencies. Demographically, high trust was associated with higher self-reported social status, home ownership, older age, and political conservatism. A more complex set of relationships differentiated two intermediate profiles, dubbed Moderate and Low Institutional Trust. Conceptually, the GTI operationalizes a holistic view of trust as a “synthetic force” that holds various aspects of society together, ranging from interpersonal to institutionalized relationships.
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Morgan, Kimberly J. "The Politics of Mothers' Employment: France in Comparative Perspective." World Politics 55, no. 2 (January 2003): 259–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2003.0013.
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Contemporary theories and typologies of welfare states in Western Europe assume that social democratic parties are the engine behind progressive policies on gender roles and on the participation of women in the labor force. The French case challenges these assumptions—this conservative welfare state, surprisingly, provides an extensive system of public day care along with other forms of support that facilitate mothers' employment. This article explains the existence of the French system through a comparative historical analysis of child care policy in France and other European welfare states. The mainfindingsconcern the role of organized religion in shaping contemporary public day care policies. In contrast to most conservative welfare regimes, the French welfare state has been shaped not by clericalism and Christian democracy but by secularism and republican nationalism—forces that influenced some of the earliest public policies for the education of young children in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and that later affected the founding of the contemporary day care system in the 1970s. In that latter period of propitious economic circumstances, pragmatic policy elites eschewed moralizing critiques of mothers' employment and established a system of financing that has enabled the long-term expansion of public day care. These findings have implications for our understanding of gender politics and welfare regimes in Western Europe. The secularization of political life—not social democratic power—best explains why public policies in France and in many Scandinavian countries have promoted the demise of the traditional family model.
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Borovsky, Y. V. "UKRAINE’S ENERGY POLICY IN THE POST-SOVIET ERA." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(49) (August 28, 2016): 165–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-4-49-165-175.
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Following the collapse of the USSR, Ukraine has found itself in a heavy, almost insurmountable dependence on imported oil and gas resources. However, owing to the inherited soviet infrastructure and strategic location, it has become a key transit state, capable of controlling the main flows of hydrocarbons from Russia to Europe. Due to these circumstances, a deep, politically motivated and often irreconcilable competition in the triangle Ukraine-Russia and the West has emerged. In the post-Soviet era the Ukrainian authorities, irrespective of their political affiliations, have tried to diversify the Russian oil and gas supplies either by securing deliveries from other sources or by enhancing production within the country. Opposing any Russian initiative aimed at diminishing the transit status of Ukraine (for example, Nord Stream-1,2, South Stream, etc.), Kiev has struggled to keep Ukraine's gas transportation system under the national control. In addition to this, many western energy companies have got invitation from Ukraine to start exploration and production operations in the country. Such a behavior of the Ukrainian leadership, incompatible to a large extent with the Russia interests, was unanimously supported by Washington and Brussels in the 1990s and afterwards. Ukraine, initially involved in the multilateral energy cooperation with the Russian participation, decided to change its camp and join the pro-Western international energy institutions: GUAM, the Energy Charter Treaty and the Energy community. With the backing of Washington and Brussels, Kiev initiated two projects (the Eurasian Oil Transport Corridor, White Stream) designed to secure oil and gas supplies from the Caspian region to Europe bypassing Russia.
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Sperfeld, Franziska, and Melanie Mbah. "Specific cultural and political challenges in cross-border public participation." Safety of Nuclear Waste Disposal 1 (November 10, 2021): 227–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/sand-1-227-2021.
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Abstract. The Site Selection Act (StandAG) regulates the individual procedural steps for a scientifically sound, participatory and transparent search and selection of a site for the safe final disposal of high-level radioactive waste. The result should be supported by a broad social consensus; those affected should be able to tolerate the outcome. For Germany, as the European country with the most neighbouring states, it is likely that some of the sub-areas, siting regions and possible sites defined in the selection procedure will be located on or in the immediate vicinity of one or more national borders; however, in the construction of a repository for high-level radioactive waste, “affectedness” does not stop at national borders, so that the public (citizens and other stakeholders) from neighbouring countries must be involved in the participation processes at an early stage and on an ongoing basis. The focus of this presentation lies on the challenges of cross-border participation based on previous experience in other subject areas and specific cultural and political framework conditions in neighbouring countries. We therefore address the following questions: What risks and obstacles must be taken into account in cross-border public participation and how can these be overcome? What specific cultural and political framework conditions exist in neighbouring countries and to what extent can these have an effect? The literature on cross-border cooperation describes that regions that cooperate across borders face particular challenges because they are each integrated into different national, institutional and legal systems in which responsibilities and competences may be assigned differently (cf. Beck, 2018; Scherer and Zumbusch, 2011; UNECE, 2009). Identifying and implementing success factors is a major challenge and can at the same time be an important prerequisite for successful transboundary participation in the search for a repository. Indications in this respect can be derived from other cross-border procedures between Germany and neighbouring states (cf. Abromeit, 2007; Nijsten and Paulussen, 2004; Saxenhofer et al., 2017). Participation and its manifestation within a state, a region or a specific place is strongly dependent on the respective cultural and political framework conditions. Nation states have different characteristics in their political systems as well as political cultures (Rogoff, 2015; Enserink et al., 2007). In Western Europe they differ primarily in terms of their democratic model, i.e. whether, for example, they are more parliamentary-representative or direct-democratic and whether there are more centralised or decentralised responsibilities and decision-making powers. The political culture is primarily determined by the way state and non-state actors interact and cooperate with each other, which is also reflected in the way public participation in decision-making is handled. Historical factors play an important role here. In certain thematic fields or issues, there can be a long tradition of cooperative processing and solving of problems. The research project HErüber (Sperfeld et al., 2021), which is commissioned by the Federal Office for the Safety of Nuclear Waste Management (BASE), analyses specific risks and obstacles, as well as cultural and political framework conditions. Based on a literature review, first results are presented.
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Khrapunov, Nikita I. "The Crimea Question in “Western” Projects, Political Treatises, and Correspondence from the mid-sixteenth century to 1783." Golden Horde Review 9, no. 4 (December 29, 2021): 857–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/2313-6197.2021-9-4.857-877.
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Research objective: This paper aims at the revealing and analysing various documents, created in different countries of Europe prior to 1783, which suggested the change of the Crimea’s status and its accession to Russia, and the determination of interactions of these sources and general trends and principles behind discussions of the “Crimea question” in Russian and foreign public opinion. Research materials: This research addresses a large body of sources, created in Russia and the West from the sixteenth to eighteenth century, discussing the future of the Crimea – political treatises, memoranda, historical works, and correspondence. Research novelty and results: For the first time in the scholarship, the whole array of available sources on the planned accession of the Crimea to Russia has been analysed. It has been discovered that there were periods when the “Crimea question” was disputed in the West far more widely than in Russia. This “discussion” continued with the participation of very different authors, including the leading minds of the public discourse such as Voltaire or Francesco Algarotti. The attempts of the western intellectuals to influence the Russian government’s decisions have been demonstrated. Therefore, the accession of the Crimea is a product of not only “Russian imperialism”, as it is often suggested, but to a certain extent also of the Western Europe’s public mindset. Obviously, such a development was considered quite admissible in the West, and many authors viewed it positively both for international relations and for the internal perspectives of the region. The given article has exposed the dynamics in these arguments, with initial counter-Muslim rhetoric underlining the existential opposition of Christianity and Islam and the need for “returning” lands which had formerly belonged to Europe. When the Enlightenment era started, the further reason of Europe’s civilizing mission appeared. This mission was thought to be impeded in the Black Sea by the “backward” Islamic society. In Russia, the discussion of the future of the Crimea became topical in the second and third quarter of the eighteenth century, probably when the elite realized that the conquest of the peninsula had now become a reality.
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Busbridge, Rachel. "A multicultural success story? Australian integration in comparative focus." Journal of Sociology 56, no. 2 (August 15, 2019): 263–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783319869525.
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Australia is often held up as an exemplary multicultural society in cross-national comparisons, particularly in relation to the integration of immigrants. Yet, this ‘grand narrative’ of Australia’s multicultural success risks an over-simplified picture of the dynamics of integration in Australia, obscuring dimensions on which Australia’s performance is comparatively poor. Juliet Pietsch’s Race, Ethnicity and the Participation Gap makes a valuable contribution to a more nuanced discussion, asking why the political participation of non-European ethnic and immigrant minorities in Australia is so low compared to Canada and the United States. This review article brings Pietsch into critical conversation with two recent books on comparative integration in North America and Western Europe: Richard Alba and Nancy Foner’s S trangers No More and Gulay Ugur Goksel’s Integration of Immigrants and the Theory of Recognition. Read alongside each other, these texts encourage deeper reflection on where Australia sits on a variety of indicators of immigrant integration as well as how integration is conceptualised in Australia. This article thus contributes to existing literature on the contemporary state of Australian multiculturalism, while also pointing towards directions for future research.
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Dris-Aït-Hamadouche, Louisa, and Yahia Zoubir. "The Maghreb: Social, Political, and Economic Developments." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 6, no. 1-3 (2007): 261–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914907x207757.
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AbstractDue to its geographical position, events in the Middle East, the Sahel, and Europe have consequential effects on the Maghreb (Algeria, Libya, Morocco, and Tunisia). Hence, recent economic, political, and cultural changes are more or less inspired or encouraged by those developments taking place in the surrounding environment. Together with Mauritania, the four countries founded in 1989 the Arab Maghreb Union (UMA), which aimed at regional integration. Unfortunately, the UMA remains a distant wish; the conflict over Western Sahara and the political differences between Algeria and Morocco have prevented the UMA's advance.Each Maghrebi country witnessed particular events and reacted differently to identical stimuli. Undoubtedly, the countries' distinctive historical experiences provide a valuable understanding of the internal logic of the processes they have undergone and the way they sought to tackle them. This article will review the salient developments that occurred within each of the four Maghrebi countries and analyze the ways through which the regimes seek to resolve the challenges they are faced with. The main contention in the article is that the regimes in place have yet to open up the political space and allow genuine democratization to take place, for despite some genuine transformations in a few areas, the old rulers are still reluctant to loosen their grip over power. While they succeed in reestablishing order, the roots that generate cyclical uprisings remain intact. Civil society has yet to fulfill its full potential and enjoy genuine citizen participation.
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Topalova, Delgir Yu. "Периодические издания калмыцкой эмиграции (на примере журнала «Мана зäнгә» 1946–1947 годов)." Oriental Studies 13, no. 3 (December 24, 2020): 804–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2020-49-3-804-821.
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The paper examines Mana Zänge (Kalm. Мана зäнгe, 1946–1947) journal and analyzes publishing activities of émigré Kalmyks. Goals. The work provides a general analysis of Kalmyk émigré publishing efforts in the late 1940s. Materials and Methods. The study focuses on journal articles and literary compositions published by Mana Zänge, describes the latter in detail, analyzes materials available, and draws conclusions. Special attention is paid to minor Kalmyk-language texts, which was due to that the periodical was primarily engaged in political journalism and related latest European news and events. In this context, news reviews of Russian arts and literary works by Russian Cossack writers would hold a special place in the journal’s narrative. Conclusions. Mana Zänge proved efficient enough in supporting social activities of émigré Kalmyks in Western Europe, developing democratic ideas and ethnic social thought. Moreover, the publication served as a meeting point for the whole of Kalmyk expatriate community vastly scattered across different European countries. So, émigré Kalmyks stayed aware of all political and cultural events that were taking place not only in Europe but also in Kalmykia and Russia at large. Though it must be said superficially invisible ties to Motherland and indirect participation in all meaningful events had been part of their lives virtually since the earliest days abroad.