Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political participation – Europe, Western'
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Grasso, Maria T. "Political participation in Western Europe." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.543680.
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Sierens, Vivien Denis. "From Decline to Revival? An Analysis of Party Membership Fluctuations in Western Europe (1990-2014)." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/288620.
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Since the early 1990s, increasing academic attention has been devoted to party membership. Numerous studies have evidenced a long-term declining trend affecting almost all traditional parties in Western Europe (Mair and Van Biezen, 2001; Van Biezen et al. 2012b). Yet, in recent years, there have been some signs of a revival of party membership (Whiteley et al. 2019). What are the main factors accounting for fluctuations in party membership levels across Western Europe from the 1990s until 2014? This is the main question this dissertation seeks to answer. The main objective of this dissertation is to identify the factors that significantly affect the ability of political parties to recruit members in Western Europe. So far, the academic literature has mainly focused on micro- and macro-level determinants of membership fluctuations and have involved long-term explanations of shifts in party membership. Their general focus has been to ask why citizens join political and not so much why and in which conditions political parties are able to recruit members. The impact of meso-level and short-term factors on party membership variations has been largely underexplored. To shed new light on these issues, this study proposes to apply theoretical perspectives and empirical tools developed by sociological and economical organization studies. Four main theoretical perspectives have been developed by organizational theories to explain variations in organizations’ size and structure: the evolutionary system perspective (ES), the sociological neo-institutionalism (SI), transaction cost theory (TCT) and the resource-based view (RBV). Explanatory insights from each of these perspectives were identified and explored in each of the four empirical chapters of this dissertation. Overall, this dissertation evidences several transformations in party membership. By diversifying temporal perspectives, units of analysis and levels of observation, it shows that the decline of party membership levels is not as universal and as linear as it is often assumed. Membership levels are affected by electoral and organizational lifecycles. Not all parties have been affected by the general decrease in membership levels and some new parties have managed to attract an increasing number of members. Besides, parties that have given their members a greater say in their internal decision making have generally managed to attract new members. By looking at infra-national dynamics of party membership, this dissertation also shows the importance of regional and local context and the heterogeneity of membership trajectories within the same party. It underlines the importance of electoral mobilization at the local level and the importance of individual recruiters for the composition of the membership. By reflecting on the causes of party membership fluctuations, this dissertation sheds light on some important challenges for the future of our representative democracies.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Nickens, Bradley Harrison. "Postmaterialism and Democracy: What Does the Postmaterialist Value Shift Mean for Democracy?" Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/9913.
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This thesis explores the possible impact of a postmaterialist value shift on the future of democracy in advanced industrial democratic countries.
Research over the past few decades has questioned the responsiveness of representative democratic institutions in advanced industrial democracies to individual and communal needs in society. Radical democratic theorists have called for direct action, structural reform, and other social and political changes to make democracy "stronger." Increased education levels brought on by continued economic and physical security in advanced industrial societies has led to a change in the ability of citizens to access the political process. How the relationship between the citizen and the state is altered as a result of continued prosperity is a primary motivation for this research.
Working with World Values Survey data, I examine individual and societal level relationships between postmaterial values and direct political participation and acceptance of participatory values. Empirical evidence supports the hypotheses that postmaterial values are positively associated with direct political participation and as the level of Postmaterialists increases in a given society the level of participatory behavior and acceptance of participatory values will also increase. Substantive analysis suggests that increase in the level of postmaterialism in a country will lead to increases in alternative political activity and other forms of direct participation.Master of Arts
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Goerres, Achim. "Political participation of older people in Europe." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1960/.
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This thesis answers two questions: to what extent do older people in Europe differ from younger people in terms of their participation in politics, and why. It tests an age-centred model of political participation that is theoretically supported by prior knowledge about political-psychological thinking processes and the social behaviour of older people. The empirical innovation lies in a combination of quantitative survey analysis and the qualitative analysis of interviews with older people. The evidence comes from 21 European countries that were in the European Social Survey 2002/3, from British and West German national surveys of the post-war era and from interviews with older English protesters. The thesis focuses on voting participation, party choice and non-institutionalised political participation outside of organisations. Older people participate differently from younger people in politics because they have a different endowment of resources and motivation as well as of opportunities and exposure to mobilisation. This fact is due to a mixture of cohort effects, which are linked to the specific generation that the individuals are members of, and life cycle effects, which are grounded on varying social circumstances across the life cycle. Furthermore, older people benefit from a larger pool of political experience and possess a greater commitment to comply with social norms of political behaviour. Their political preferences are primarily shaped by their generational membership, whereas life cycle variations in political preferences are minor. There is also exploratory evidence that older people suffer from social stereotypes about their role in participatory politics. They internalise societal images about older people, one of which is that they should be passive in some forms of participation, such as protest activities. Thus, their participation level is lower than that of younger people even when all other age-related effects are held constant.
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Mesta, Espinosa Mara Eugenia. "Mexico's relations with Western Europe, 1945-1997." Thesis, University of London, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271362.
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Morales, Diez de Ulzurrun Laura. "Institutions, mobilisation, and political participation political membership in western countries /." Madrid : Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias Sociales, Instituto Juan March de Estudios e Investigaciones, 2004. http://books.google.com/books?id=NNOGAAAAMAAJ.
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de, Rooij Eline A. "Specialisation of political participation in Europe : a comparative analysis." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d85dce69-2abe-44fa-ae1b-5a5c3f292c68.
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This thesis answers the question how and why do individuals specialise in different types of political participation? By examining the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation, or spread them out across many. This thesis complements previous research on rates of political participation; and adapts and extends existing theories of political participation to explain differences in the degree of specialisation between different groups in society and between countries. Using data from the European Social Survey, covering as many as 21 European countries, and applying a range of different statistical methods, I distinguish four types of political participation: voting, conventional and unconventional political participation and consumer politics. I show that in countries with higher levels of socio-economic development, more democratic experience, and an increased presence of mobilising agents, the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation is higher, regardless of the accessibility and responsiveness of their political institutions. This is partly due to the fact that these countries have a higher educated population and that higher educated individuals specialise more. Specialisation also varies along the lines of other socio-demographic divisions, such as those based on gender. Moreover, I show that in contexts in which political issues are salient, such as during an election year, individuals are more likely to engage in non-electoral types of political participation if they also vote. This implies that specialisation is reduced during times of country-wide political mobilisation. The final finding of my thesis is that non-Western immigrants tend to concentrate their political activities less within one type of political participation than the majority population in Western Europe. Western immigrants specialise quite differently, suggesting differences in the way in which they are mobilised. As well as providing an important contribution to the study of political participation, these findings are relevant to discussions regarding citizen engagement and representation.
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Wendt, Christopher (Christopher Kenneth). "Migration, nativism, and party system change in Western Europe." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/53081.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2009.Includes bibliographical references (p. 326-352).
This project explains the growth of the West European Radical Right in the late-1980s and early-1990s, using that explanation to model the growth of small, programmatically-focused ("niche") parties in previously stable party systems. I find that a key mechanism of niche party growth is the re-weighting of issue priorities or social identities generated by unanticipated, high impact events, such as a severe economic downturn, terror attack or ethnic riot. These "shocks" represent a perceived threat to the economic security, physical safety or group position of some individuals, increasing the attention (salience) they pay to a related issue or identity dimension, such as the economy, domestic security, or one's feelings of national or religious belonging. Niche parties grow when 1) the salience of the dimension they emphasizes increases and 2) the distribution of voter preferences gives them a comparative advantage if the relevant dimension is salient (the niche party is an "issue owner" on the relevant dimension). My analysis focuses on the growth of West European anti-immigrant ("nativist") parties, the major subset of the Radical Right, in the late-1980s and early- 1990s. Many countries in Western Europe were faced with unprecedented, unsolicited migration during this period, and immigration in these countries became a highly salient political issue. Nativist parties, with a popular stance on immigration, leveraged increased salience into significant electoral gains.
(cont.) The continued support for nativist parties, despite declines in immigration, represents a durable (though limited) political realignment along a new, ethnic dimension of political contestation, with nativist parties championing the demands of the "native" ethnic group. To generate my hypotheses and causal mechanisms, I conducted two years of research in Germany and Austria, including an analysis of past public opinion research, a content analysis of four regional newspapers (1960-2005), 185 elite interviews (50 with nativist elites), and an analysis of nativist party literature. To test competing hypotheses I constructed a cross-national dataset of nativist support in Western Europe (1973-2006), as well as state- and local-level datasets in Germany and Austria.
by Christopher Wendt.
Ph.D.
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Ewan, Pauline. "Neorealism, neoliberalism and military aerospace collaboration in western Europe." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289885.
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Zwiener-Collins, Nadine. "Women's work and political participation : the links between employment, labour markets, and women's institutional political participation in Europe." Thesis, City, University of London, 2018. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/21779/.
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This study explores the links between women's work, gendered labour markets, and women's institutional political participation in 25 European countries. Although employment is a standard predictor of (women's) political participation, previous research has treated women's work mostly as a characteristic of individual women, disregarding the broader structural inequalities that are behind women's work patterns. Using data from the fifth round of the European Social Survey, in combination with detailed information on work-family policies and labour market structures of the countries included, this study aims to contribute to a more contextual understanding of the effects of employment. My research explores whether the effects of employment status, working hours, and job level are shaped by the context, in which they are embedded. Although labour markets and political systems vary considerably across countries and existing research has provided inconsistent findings, the context-dependency of employment effects has not yet been systematically assessed. Moreover, little research has focussed on direct effects of the labour market; therefore, this study explores the effects of two labour market characteristics that have a particularly gendered meaning: work-family policies and gendered structures in the labour market. The findings indicate that the effects of employment are more complex than often assumed in the literature. Employment can not only affect, for example, mothers and non-mothers differently, but there is also an indication that some employment effects are shaped by the labour market context. Contextual characteristics also affect women's political participation directly by redistributing resources and shaping women's experiences in the work-place. Overall, the findings show that the political effects of work should be understood within the wider context.
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DULLAGHAN, Neil. "Getting into bed with the enemy : exploring trends and effects of coalition congruence in Western Europe 1945-2015." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/70875.
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Defence date: 09 April 2021Examining Board: Professor Dr. Stefano Bartolini (European University Institute); Professor Dr. Elias Dinas (European University Institute); Professor Dr. Kris Deschouwer (Vrije Universiteit Brussel); Professor Dr. Heike Klüver (Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin)
Over the last seventy years Europe has seen government authority decentralised to subnational bodies, offering up new arenas for political contestation. At the same time, the typical cleavages in society that provided solid bases of support for political parties have crumbled, leaving parties in search of new alliances to obtain governing power. Political parties find themselves caught between the desire to get into office in as many government authorities as possible and the desire to present a coherent brand to the public, as signalled by their coalition partner choices. This research project stands at this tense intersection of interests and provides new clarity to the historical record and some exploratory lines of inquiry into the effects of this dynamic. The existing work on measuring the extent to which regional and national governments mirror each other is investigated and critiqued in order to develop a new operationalisation of coalition congruence that is amenable to large-N research. On the basis of this new measure, the historical record from 1945 to 2015 of coalition congruence in nine Western European countries (Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland) is mapped out in order to identify broad trends running alongside the wider trend of dealignment from party politics. Following this, a number of hypotheses about the institutional determinants of congruence and effects of congruence on party perceptions are explored. The number of regional governments that cut across the government-opposition divide has been on the increase in Europe, especially so in some countries, and these cross-cutting governments appear to play a role in party attachment, but not through the causal mechanism of shifting left-right perceptions of party brands as expected by the literature. This project adds a new operationalisation of a concept, a new empirical dataset, extends the branding model of partisanship to the subnational level, and contributes to moving forward the fourth wave of coalition studies.
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Fletcher, Jody D. (Jody Daniel). "The Pull to the Right in Western Europe: an Analysis of Electoral Support for the Extreme-Right." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278202/.
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This study develops a model explaining support for contemporary extreme-right parties. The history and political setting of relevant countries are examined. The research explores necessary state-level conditions, which are postindustrialism, convergence to the center by major parties, and proportional representation. Individual support is probed using survey data with bivariate and probit analyses. Being male and younger proved to be significant variables, while socio-economic status did not. Concerning issues, personal disaffection for immigrants, favoring nationalistic hiring practices, and free-market tendencies were significant variables. Opposition to feminism and pride to be from one's nation were insignificant explanations for extreme-right support. Implications of the analysis are discussed as are issues concerning future research.
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Dimitraki, Ourania. "The growth impact of political regimes and instability : empirical evidences from Western Europe." Thesis, Brunel University, 2011. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/8764.
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The main objective of this thesis is to investigate the reciprocal direct relationship between political regimes, political instability and economic growth. However, there is a lack of fit between the political and economic science especially when it comes to political determinants of economic growth. Thus, this thesis sheds further light on the question: To what extent do political regimes and their stability affects economic performance with reference to 20 Western European countries. A panel regression analysis is employed, by adopting multiple measures of government performance. The findings suggest that political regimes have an effect on economic growth and this effect is not directly dependent upon the broader governmental structure and political environment. This thesis further examines the puzzle of the nature between political instability and economic growth in Western Europe, by using both a more comprehensive measure of political instability than has previously been developed, and Greek growth cycles form 1919 to 2008 as a case to explore the nature of the researched issue. The findings propose that the relationship between political instability (PI) and economic growth is parabolic and fragile. Furthermore, this thesis supports the intuition that political instability can slow economic growth through increasing uncertainty in economic policies. The results illustrate that economic growth and political instability are jointly determined and that governmental changes plays no significant role on economic growth (with exceptions in the case study), especially after extended spells of political stability. It appears that what matters is the longevity of the polity itself and the specific forms of political instability. Moreover, by using Greece as a case, this thesis shows that there is a strong negative link between political instability and the volatility of the economic outcomes.
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Keith, Daniel James. "Party organisation and party adaptation : Western European communist and successor parties." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/6897/.
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This study examines the development of Western European Communist parties (WECPs) and their post-Communist successor parties. These parties had always adapted in surprising ways as they struggled in political systems that they sought to overthrow. Following the collapse of Communism in 1989 in central and Eastern Europe (CEE) they continued to amaze. Some reformed themselves dramatically, sacrificing or transforming their policies in search of office and votes. A number of them moved into mainstream politics and became more influential as other parties brought them into governing coalitions or they expanded at elections. Several WECPs disappeared but others resisted compromising their orthodox Marxism- Leninism. These hard-line Stalinist parties managed to remain significant players in their party systems. This in-depth study analyses the reasons behind the divergent trajectories of five WECPs and their post-Communist successor parties in the Netherlands, Sweden, Ireland and Portugal. It does this by importing and refining an analytical framework developed to explain the diverse adaptation of Communist parties in CEE. Extensive primary research based on elite interviews and the analysis of party programmes is used to evaluate the framework's usefulness and its implications for studying the trajectories of Communist parties in Western Europe (and beyond). There are two main empirical findings from this research. First, it was elites with experience in working with groups and institutions outside their parties that led efforts to reform WECPs, just as in CEE successor parties. Second, mid-level elites in WECPs were not necessarily hardliners bent on resisting reform. Their leaders could be extremely effective in advocating reforms and convincing members into supporting them, meaning that organisational democratisation could be compatible with reform. This meant that organisational centralisation was not as necessary as it was in the successor parties in CEE. Moreover, reformist party leaders had not, like their counterparts in CEE, learnt to be centralisers through past struggles over reform. When party leaders did pursue elitist strategies to promote programmatic transformation this usually took place through shifting power to the party in public office rather than central office.
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Hanell, Arvid, and Patrick Henningsson. "INDIVIDUELLT E-DELTAGANDEOCH RESURSTEORIN -En kvantitativ prövning i europeisk kontext." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-85647.
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This paper empirically explores how well the established resource theory can explainwhy individuals in European countries participate or not participate through e-participation.Focusing on key resources, the essay also examines the difference in degree of explanationbetween resources on an individual level and country contextual resources. Through logisticregression analysis using variables and nearly 40 000 cases from ESS and the UN E-governmentSurvey, the study finds the resource theory explaining a majority of the results, while at the sametime it fails to contribute satisfying explanations in some areas. Furthermore, our analysisconclude that individual resources has greater impact on individual participation than countrycontextual resources. The best model for understanding individual e-participation from aresource theory perspective still needs to include country contextual resources.
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Milani, Tommaso. "Les belles années du plan? : Hendrik de Man and the reinvention of Western European socialism, 1914-36 ca." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3635/.
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The thesis discusses the trajectory of the Belgian socialist thinker and activist Hendrik de Man (1885-1953) between 1914 and 1936 ca, with particular attention to his endeavours to renew Western European social democracy after the Great War. The first half of the thesis deals with de Man’s theoretical evolution. Having become convinced of the inadequacy of orthodox Marxism as a conceptual framework for the Left while serving as soldier and diplomat during WWI, de Man sought to overcome the split between reformism and revolutionary socialism by developing an ethical conception of socialism outlined in the book Zur Psychologie des Sozialismus (1926) and, subsequently, by elaborating planism, a democratic socialist ideology supposedly more in tune with the socio-economic conditions of the 1930s. The second half of the thesis focuses on efforts to put de Man’s ideas into practice. Due to his mounting desire to have impact on the social democratic movement, de Man became increasingly involved in politics and, in late 1933, launched the Belgian Labour Plan with the aim of bolstering the Belgian Labour Party and containing the spread of fascism. Planism won support from many young socialists all across Europe but was also met with suspicion and outright hostility by wide segments of the social democratic establishment, including prominent leaders such as Emile Vandervelde and Léon Blum. Eventually, de Man accepted to compromise on the full implementation of the Labour Plan and sought to accomplish the same goals by serving as Minister, without success. By examining his failure as well as the difficulties experienced by his followers in France and Britain, the thesis highlights the limits that Western European social democratic parties set to their own ideological renewal during the interwar period.
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Easat-Daas, Amina. "Muslim women's political participation in francophone Europe : a comparative study of France and Belgium." Thesis, Aston University, 2015. http://publications.aston.ac.uk/33396/.
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Muslim women constitute almost half of all European Muslim parliamentarians, yet they are typically framed as oppressed or as a threat to European values. Simultaneously, although France and francophone Belgium are seen as similar, there are significant disparities in the levels of Muslim political representation in each case. The introduction outlines the rationale behind studying the principal motivations, opportunities and barriers to Muslim women’s political participation in France and francophone Belgium, and also the basis of studying the role of ‘European Islam’, political opportunity structures, secularism and Muslim women’s dress. The second chapter details the research design and methodological approaches applied in the study. Via the in-depth comparative analysis of each context and its norms, along with data derived from semi-structured qualitative interviews with Muslim women who participate in politics, the subsequent chapters present findings related to the nature of Muslim women’s political participation in France and francophone Belgium. Chapter Three details the expressed motivations derived from experiences, Islamic and European values, discusses their desires to participate in political projects that will benefit the wider society and groups with whom they socially identify, and how this leads to the Muslim women pursuing diverse political engagement. Chapter Four explores the role of contextual norms and political opportunity structures in shaping and contributing to the distinct disparities in the nature of reported opportunities for political participation encountered by Muslim women in the two cases. Chapter Five details the obstacles to participation posed by Muslim women’s dress in France and the emergence of such patterns in Wallonia. It also outlines the barriers to Muslim women’s political participation linked to Islamophobia, racism and gender. The concluding chapter brings together the principal conclusions of the study, namely the similar faith related motivations to pursue political engagement expressed by the Muslim women who participated in this study, the increasingly similar barriers to political participation faced by Muslim women presented by norms surrounding Muslim women’s dress in the two cases. The study also details the different effects of the political opportunities on the nature of political roles occupied by Muslim women in France and Belgium. Finally, the thesis highlights the remarkable resilience and consistent determination of Muslim women in the two cases.
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Martocchia, Diodati Nicola. "A biased model of elections : spatial voting and party competition in Western Europe (1995-2015)." Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86216.
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Tambe, Elvis Bisong. "Electoral participation in new democracies : applying existing models of turnout to new democracies in Africa, East Asia and Post-Communist Europe." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2018. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/73256/.
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Usta, Utku. "The Political Discourse Of Extreme Right In Western Europe In The Light Of "." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609223/index.pdf.
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The prime objective of this thesis is to grasp the terms of continuity and discontinuity between classical fascism and the contemporary extreme right in Western Europe. With respect to a hypothetical ideal type of fascism, the study will exclusively focus on French Front National case and try to unveil its historical and ideological linkages to the fascist rules in Italy and Germany during the inter-war years. While doing this, the transformation (if any) which certain elements of the extreme right rhetoric went through, will also be examined.
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Scott-Smith, Giles. "The politics of apolitical culture : the United States, Western Europe and the post-War 'Culture of Hegemony'." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286995.
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Marino, Bruno. "Why do parties open their leader selection rules? Evidence from Western Europe between party change and personalisation of politics (1985-2015)." Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86217.
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Barakat, Rabih. "La participation politique des minorités nationales musulmanes en Europe." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012STRAA017.
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La participation politique d’une minorité protège son identité culturelle et renforce la paix et l’intégration dans l’Etat. La jouissance des nouveaux groupes minoritaires musulmans européens de leurs droits à la participation politique suppose qu’ils soient reconnus juridiquement comme des minorités ce qui nécessite l’écartement des éléments de reconnaissance de citoyenneté et d’ancienneté. Les institutions internationales tendent de plus en plus à considérer que les minorités n’ont plus besoin de ces deux critères pour bénéficier des droits des minorités. Par contre, cette tendance est peu suivie par les Etats. La participation politique est une notion vaste qui comprend toute activité politique institutionnalisée ou informelle.La participation effective de minorités nécessite la jouissance des droits fondamentaux à la liberté d'expression, de réunion et d'association, ainsi que du droit de voter, d’être élu et d’accéder à la fonction publique pour les ayants droit (citoyens). Une égalité réelle et une participation effective des minorités nécessitent l’adoption des mesures d’action positive. Elles peuvent concerner le droit de vote (représentation) ou le droit de prendre part au processus décisionnel (participation) par le biais des mécanismes comme l’autonomie territoriale, culturelle ou fonctionnelle. Une variété des dispositions juridiques internationales (déclaratoires ou de soft law), ainsi que des législations étatiques favorisant la participation offrent une sorte de catalogue très utile pour traiter la question. Les Etats peuvent y puiser pour générer un système de participation des minorités le plus approprié à chaque contexte étatique et minoritaireThe political participation of a minority protects her cultural identity and reinforces peace and integration in the state. In order to be able to enjoy full rights to political participation, the new European Muslim minorities have to be legally recognized as minorities and this must be done without requiring citizenship and long term residence. International institutions tend to consider that minorities no longer need these two criteria to qualify for minority rights. However, this trend is not followed by states. Political participation is a broad concept that includes all political institutionalized or informal activities. The effective participation of minorities requires their enjoyment of fundamental rights to freedom of expression, assembly and association and the right to vote, to be elected and access to the public service ( for citizens ). Real equality and effective participation of minorities require the adoption of affirmative action measures, which may concern the right to vote (representation) or the right to participate in decision-making (participation) through mechanisms such as territorial, cultural and functional autonomy. A wide range of international legal provisions (mostly declaratory or soft law) and state legislations promoting participation offer useful means to solve the problem. States can use them to generate the most appropriate system of minority participation in any state or minority context
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Rubio, Diego. "The ethics of deception : secrecy, transparency and deceit in the origins of modern political thought." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3e92fabc-9e47-41a5-a739-00a0f67d6dcf.
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The purpose of this thesis is to reflect on the importance that deception has had on the efficient functioning of societies and the development of individuals. I attempt to do so by adopting an historical perspective, analysing the development of the notion of lawful deception during the Middle Ages and, mainly, the Early Modern Age through theological and political discourses. The scope of my investigation is pan-European. I examine sources from the major Western territories, but I pay special attention to those produced in the Spanish-Habsburg Empire, which was a major political and cultural entity during this period. My claim is that between the thirteenth and seventeenth centuries, the West witnessed the formation of what I call an "Ethics of Deception:" a trend of thought that, without challenging the Augustinian prohibition of lying, recognised deception as intrinsic to nature and mankind, thereby justifying its use from moral and political perspectives. I explain how this intellectual process was conducted, fostered by new social realities, and helped by the flourishing of casuistry, tacitism and neostoicism. Furthermore, I argue that the acceptance of deception contributed to the creation of a new view of the world, language and human interaction. A view that is in the very basis of some of the most characteristic features of Baroque art and that opened the door to some of the most transcendental cultural changes of the period, such as the creation of politics governed by reason rather than faith, the secularisation of social behaviour, and the emergence of the notions of individualism, privacy and freedom of thought. For these reasons, I claim that deception played an important role in the shaping of Modernity.
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Power, Sam. "Party funding regimes and corruption in Western Europe : a comparative study of Great Britain and Denmark." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2018. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/74539/.
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Beckfield, Jason. "The consequences of regional political and economic integration for inequality and the welfare state in Western Europe." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3183488.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Sociology, 2005.Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-08, Section: A, page: 3111. Adviser: Arthur S. Alderson. Title from dissertation home page (viewed Oct. 5, 2006).
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Gettel, Jason K. 1979. "Cordoning, Competing, and Co-opting: Examining the Political Effects of Radical Right Parties in Western Europe through an Analysis of Political Space." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/10669.
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xi, 128 p. : ill. (some col.) A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.Many have written about the rise of radical right political parties in Europe, but less is known about their impact. This is an investigation of these effects viewed spatially through the movement of political parties. The factor that most influences mainstream parties is the ideology of each particular radical right party. When confronted with an electorally relevant radical right party, mainstream right parties are more likely to cordon and differentiate if the xenophobic party is authoritarian, and more likely to engage with and co-opt the space of a neo-liberal xenophobic party. In other words, more-extreme radical right parties tend to produce a movement away from the radical right while less-extreme radical right parties tend to produce a movement toward the radical right. I establish this relationship through several cross-case expert judgment surveys, and then contextualize this data with qualitative evidence connecting more closely with actions of the parties themselves.
Committee in Charge: Dr. Craig Parsons, Chair; Dr. Cas Mudde; Dr. Dan Tichenor
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Martins, Nathalia. "Anti-Immigrant Rhetoric in Western Europe: The Role of Integration Policies in Extreme Right Populism." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/5425.
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The recent rise of Western Europe's extreme populist Right (EPR) parties has been attributed to the EPR's mobilization of grievances over the issue of immigration (Ignazi 1991; Taggart 1996; Fennema 1997; Schain, 1998; Mudde 1999; Brubaker 2001; Ivarsflaten 2007). This study contributes to the literature on EPR's anti-immigrant rhetoric by examining whether different integration policies play a role in conditioning anti-immigrant rhetoric, and if so, what their role is in the formulation of such rhetoric. This thesis is comprised of two case studies: the French assimilation approach to immigrant integration and the rhetoric of Front National's leaders Jean-Marie and Marine Le Pen; and the Dutch multicultural approach to integration and the rhetoric of Dutch Party for Freedom's leader Geert Wilders. The main hypothesis is that each leader's anti-immigrant rhetoric incorporates the shortcomings of the integration approach adopted by their respective governments. Elements of the rejection of both assimilationism and multiculturalism are detected in the FN's and PVV's rhetoric, respectively, through a careful review of secondary and primary sources of language usage in Jean-Marie and Marine Le Pen's and Wilders' speeches, interviews, and media appearances.ID: 031001405; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Adviser: Barbara Kinsey.; Title from PDF title page (viewed June 10, 2013).; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2012.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 145-160).
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; International Studies
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Massetti, Emanuele. "Political strategy and ideological adaptation in regionalist parties in Western Europe : a comparative study of the Northern League, Plaid Cymru, the South Tyrolese People's Party and the Scottish National Party." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2010. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/2373/.
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The aim of the thesis is contribute to the growing comparative literature on regionalist parties in Western Europe, focusing on strategy and ideology. The research questions correspond to the three ideological dimensions/domains which are taken into consideration (centre-periphery, leftright and European integration), as well as to the links amongst such dimensions/domains: why are some regionalist parties more moderate (i.e. autonomists) while other are more radical (i.e. secessionists)?; why do some regionalist parties position themselves to the left, while others position themselves to the right?; why are some regionalist parties pro-integration, while others are against?; are there relationships between regionalist parties‟ positions across the diverse ideological dimensions? The analytical framework brings together sociological theories of political alignments with theories of party competition and theories of party change. The empirical section is made up of a comparison of four case studies (LN, PC, SVP and SNP), which are analysed in depth, plus a final chapter that includes the most important regionalist parties in Western Europe. Data are gathered through interviews with prominent party members, party documents (primarily manifestos), election studies and secondary sources. In brief, in the conclusions it is argued that: regions that have been independent states in the past and regions with concentrated ethno-linguistic minorities tend to produce more radical parties on the centre-periphery dimension. Competition between regionalist parties acting in the same region also increases radicalism; 'working class' regions tend to produce leftist regionalist parties, while 'bourgeois' regions tend to produce rightist regionalist parties; positioning on European integration depends mainly on the compatibility of the selfgovernment project with the process of European integration and on parties‟ satisfaction with the policy output of the state vis a vis that of the EU; only weak relationships can be discerned between centre-periphery and left-right positioning, and between centre-periphery and European integration. A stronger relationship is apparent between left-right and European integration positioning.
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Herbert, Stephen. "The Europeanisation of local government in Western Scotland, 1975-1997." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2000. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3111/.
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This thesis considers the impact of Europeanisation upon local government in the West of Scotland through analysing firstly, the response of Strathclyde Regional Council to Europeanising influences and the policies which SRC subsequently pursued to respond to these developments. The impact of European policies as a form of multi-level governance is also evaluated through research into the role of local government within two institutions established in Strathclyde to deal with aspects of European policy :- Strathclyde European Partnership and the Ouverture programme. Lastly, the impact of local government reorganisation upon SRC's successor unitary authorities to engage with European policy is considered. The research findings illustrate that the process of Europeanisation has developed through a number of cyclical stages which has resulted in the development of changing and varying response from SNAs to European policy developments. The initial engagement of SRC with European Institutions occurred at an early stage as the Council attempted to discover new sources of finance. The pro-active stance of the Council resulted in financial benefits for Strathclyde but also an increasing engagement within SRC with European policy as the Council responded to the emerging Single European Market. This engagement also led SRC to attempt to utilise a variety of means to influence European policy. The research suggests that while local government was able to influence the European policy process this tended to occur where European Commission and / or member-state(s) interests overlapped with those of local government. While multi-level governance exists in Western Scotland, the key partners remain the European Commission and the member state.
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Acik-Toprak, Necla. "Civic engagement in Europe : a multilevel study of the effect of individual and national determinants on political participation, political consumerism and associational involvement." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2009. http://www.manchester.ac.uk/escholar/uk-ac-man-scw:94093.
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Active and engaged citizens are the backbone of a strong democracy and a vibrant civil society. Yet recent trends of low electoral turnout in Europe and decreasing levels of civic engagement have called into question the legitimacy of governments and the stability of democracy in the long term, particularly in Europe. Against the background of such developments this research sets out to provide a comparative study of civic engagement and analyse the variations in civic engagement between countries. The study is mainly based on the analysis of the European Social Survey 2002, covering 35,000 individuals from 19 European countries and applies advanced statistical modelling techniques including Multiple Correspondence Analysis MCA) and Multi-level modelling. Although there is a good deal of research examining civic engagement using individual level data or aggregate level data, very few studies have combined both approaches. This study addresses this gap and applies multi-level modelling to examine the relative importance of an individual’s socio-demographic characteristics and his/her country in determining levels and types of civic engagement. Thus, it has the advantage of identifying whether civic engagement is significantly affected by country characteristics or the converse, whether a person’s characteristics (age, education, social class etc.) are all that is needed in order to account for the variations in civic engagement. The innovative application of MCA to explore indicators of civic engagement has led to the identification of three dimensions of civic engagement; political activities, political consumerism and associational involvement. Moreover, by projecting all activities on a two-dimensional map it become evident that citizens who tend to carry out ‘individual’ types of political consumerism such as ‘buycotting’, boycotting and signing petitions are also more likely to be involved in New Social Movement organisations. These significant results shed new light on activities usually regarded as ‘individualistic’ type of activities and suggest viewing them in the context of a wider array of collective actions. Furthermore, in addition to the standard contextual measures such as economic development, welfare regime, income inequality, and levels of democracy, this study introduced two innovative policy measures. To consider the impact of government policies on levels of civic engagement measures of governments’ support of the voluntary sector and civic education at school (comparing the education policies of 19 European countries from 1945-2002) were developed. The results confirmed the importance of both individual level characteristics as well as country level characteristics in explaining civic engagement in Europe. However, differences between countries were reduced to a greater degree when contextual factors were introduced. Particularly the welfare state, showed the greatest effect. This implies that socio-economic conditions and in particular social policy and the degree to which it reproduces egalitarian structures determine to a great extent citizen involvement. In other words the results of this study suggest that the national context matters and that governments can and do shape the nature and levels of civic engagement.
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MacGinty, Roger. "The transition to international modernity and the decline of neutrality : the experiences of the small neutral states of Western Europe 1949-89." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297336.
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Van, Hamme Gilles. "Classes sociales et géographie des comportements politiques en Europe occidentale." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210270.
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La question de la cristallisation des classes sociales objectives (en soi) en classes sociales subjectives (pour soi) est au cœur de cette étude. Plus précisément, l’objectif est de mettre en évidence les médiations spatiales d’un tel processus de cristallisation. En effet, les individus qui constituent les classes sociales vivent dans des territoires spécifiques chargés d’héritages, et la prise en contexte de ces contextes permet d’éclairer les comportements politiques des groupes sociaux. Ces questions seront abordés à différentes échelles dans les contextes de la Belgique et de l'Europe occidentale en utilisant des sources diverses, en particulier les scores électoraux et les enquêtes individuelles.
La prise en compte des contextes locaux ou régionaux et l'élargissement du champ des études électorales aux attitudes politiques ont permis de mettre en évidence l'importance encore décisive des classes sociales dans l'explication des comportements politiques.
Doctorat en Sciences
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Howlett, D. "An analysis of a regional nuclear safeguards organisation : The European Atomic Energy Community (EURATOM) and the development of nuclear safeguards in Western Europe." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.235227.
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Avlijaš, Sonja. "Explaining variation in female labour force participation across Eastern Europe : the political economy of industrial upgrading and service transition." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3341/.
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This thesis proposes a theoretical model to explain the variation in female labour force participation (FLFP) across post-socialist Eastern Europe. The model is then tested empirically on 13 post-socialist Eastern European countries during the period 1997- 2008 using a combination of quantitative and qualitative data analysis. Embedded in insights from economics and comparative political economy literature, my theoretical model moves beyond linear causal relationships and suggests how different components of post-socialist economic restructuring in Eastern Europe have affected one another and have translated into specific FLFP outcomes. The model specifies the following three components: industrial upgrading, educational expansion and growth of knowledge intensive services and theorises their relationship to each other and to FLFP as the dependent variable. The model suggests that those countries that embarked on the trajectory of economic development driven by re-industrialisation and industrial upgrading created a vicious cycle for FLFP. This took place because industrial upgrading that was driven by foreign direct investment led to the defeminisation of manufacturing. Such a trajectory of economic restructuring also shaped these countries’ education policies and impeded the development of knowledge intensive services, which would have been more conducive to female employment. The virtuous cycle of FLFP, on the other hand, occurred in those Eastern European countries that turned to reforming their educational sector towards general skills and expansion of tertiary education, with the aim of transforming themselves into knowledge economies. Such a transformation required an active social investment state and growth of knowledge-intensive public and private sector employment, which provided greater employment opportunities for women. This development path created a positive causal loop for FLFP.
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BLIZNAKOVSKI, JOVAN. "VOTE SELLING, PARTY SERVING AND CLIENTELIST BENEFIT-SEEKING: CITIZEN ENGAGEMENT IN POLITICAL CLIENTELISM IN THE WESTERN BALKANS." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/701845.
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This doctoral thesis focuses on a less explored aspect of the political clientelist exchange: the role of citizens in political clientelism. It offers an original theoretical argument on the divergent clientelist engagement of citizens and probes the derived assumptions while using empirical data from the Western Balkan region (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia). The thesis argues that one may distinguish between different types of clients when focusing on the services that they provide in return for the benefits which they obtain. As a result, the study distinguishes between clients who offer only electoral services to political parties in return for petty clientelist benefits (electoral clientelism) and clients who offer extended political services relevant for the building of party organizations in return for grand clientelist benefits (patronage). Party services provided in the past are thus best seen as a form of non-material resource that may be utilized in clientelist bargaining by citizens-clients and which is converted to material benefits through clientelist transactions. The author thus proposes that the variations of citizen engagement are prompted by the individual clients’ divergent resource bases, with the resource base being consisted of both non-material and material resources relevant for political clientelism. Clients who are after grand benefits engage in political clientelism while providing extended party services (and thus accumulate political resources) in comparison to clients who extract petty clientelist benefits; and clients who are better-off in material terms engage in clientelism in order to obtain benefits of higher material value in comparison to poor clients. These assumptions are tested against survey data from the Western Balkan region while examining the differences between clients involved in exchanges of votes for benefits and in citizen-initiated clientelist transactions (multivariate logistic regression analysis). Qualitative data consisted of semi-structured interviews with citizens is used in order to describe the main differences between the two sets of clients. The thesis also relies on original fieldwork conducted in the region consisted of expert information collection. The thesis also aims to contribute to conceptual advancement in understanding the varieties of political clientelism. Beside developing a distinction between different types of benefits and services exchanged through clientelism (i.e. petty and grand benefits/services), the thesis offers a typology of clientelist exchanges and corresponding patron and client strategies of engagement. Following the typology, citizens engage in political clientelism through vote selling, turnout selling, abstention selling, party serving and clientelist benefit-seeking. The first three types are characteristic for the one-off electoral exchanges while the latter two for the iterated exchanges of patronage.
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Gomulia, Carolin Ratna Sari. "State-Society networks and social capital: a case of political participation in the Western Cape Province (South Africa)." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_3955_1181558083.
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Social capital is a concept discussed in recent years in many debates, particularly in the development context. The objective of the study is to investigate empirically whether social capital as part of networks could promote political participation of interest groups in the policy formulation process. This thesis includes a theoretical perspective which is based on an assessment and selection of theoretical material as well as fieldwork.
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Tsagkroni, Vasiliki. "Political communication in perspective : identifying the message of radical right parties in Europe during the first decade of the 21st century : a comparative case study." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2014. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/9026.
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The thesis aims primarily to analyse the communication strategies of radical right parties. More specifically, the research examines three cases of radical right parties in Western Europe during the first decade of the twenty-first century with particular emphasis on the political communication along with marketing and branding techniques used to engage with the electorate to gain and maintain electoral support. These case studies comprise the Greek Popular Orthodox Rally (LA.O.S.), the Swiss People’s Party (SVP) and the Italian National Alliance (AN). Different forms of content analysis are used in order to pinpoint the characteristics that identify the parties as members of the radical right family. Through this approach the thesis provides evidence that the parties, in their effort to become more appealing to their audiences, avoid direct engagement with issues, which reflect traditional ideological tenets of the radical right issues such as fascism, racism or xenophobia. Rather, they attempt to present a more mainstream and competitive profile in the political arena. From a market-oriented perspective, the thesis addresses questions on marketing and related explanations which focus both on how the parties choose to communicate with the electorate, what is their message and, through comparative analysis, whether there are similarities in communication techniques among the three parties and whether it can be argued that parties in the radical right family project a common profile in terms of their communication strategies. Furthermore, the application of such an approach to the use of political communication techniques of the selected radical right parties can contribute to a wider understanding of how the concept of ‘consumption’ has come to be applied increasingly in activities undertaken in the political arena.
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Du, Randt Marlise. "The representation and participation of provinces in international relations in South Africa, case study : Western Cape Province." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6707.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: With globalization the world has become a much smaller place and there has been an increase in the types of actors that take part in international relations. Even though foreign policy is normally the domain of the national government, sub-national governments have also started to make their mark in the international arena. The study of the role that sub-national governments play in the international arena, as well as how they are represented nationally has been narrowed down to South Africa and one of its nine provinces, namely the Western Cape Province. The thesis looks at how the provinces in South Africa are able to play a role internationally and what powers they are given by the Constitution. In South Africa provinces are allowed to sign Twinning agreements; although these agreements are not legally binding in terms of International Law. For this thesis I use a ‘case study’ design to focus the study, the case study for this thesis is the Western Cape Province. In terms of the research methodology for data collection, I conducted interviews with Minister Ivan Meyer who is the Minister responsible for international relation in this province. I also interviewed Mr. Roderick Thyssen who is part of the Directorate of International Relations which forms part of the Office of the Premier. Further primary data used in this study includes government documents, speeches, documentation on the agreements signed by the Western Cape Province, and the Constitution of South Africa. Secondary sources include books, journal articles and internet sources. The study uses the theory of micro-diplomacy to show the “awareness of universal interdependence.” Micro-diplomacy is not, however, a new concept but since interdependence across different levels of government has become increasingly more prevalent it has developed into an important phenomenon, requiring study. The concept implies that international relations are no longer the sole domain of national government, but that international relations and agreements are entered into on the provincial level as well, where provincial governments have taken responsibility for the “well-being of their respective territorial communities and for their own political survival in them” (Duchacek, 1984:15). The thesis found that even though the constitution of South Africa does not specifically give provinces the right to enter into international relations it also has not been clearly defined, which means there is room for interpretation. The Western Cape Province is a very active province in the international arena and market themselves in order to get more investments in the province for more funding to make it possible to deliver services more effectively. Provinces however are encountering obstacles such as, not being financially empowered, as well as lacking some important resources. Opportunities are however given in the form of support by institutions, such as the National Council of Provinces (NCOP), Consultative Forum of International Relations (CFIR), Ministers and Members of the Executive Council (MinMecs) and the President’s Coordinating Council (PCC), created to represent the provinces where they can express their specific needs and where they can also coordinate with the national sphere of government. There has been a realisation by the national government that they are no more the only actors internationally and they have started encouraging provinces to promote themselves.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Met globalisering het die wêreld baie kleiner geword en was daar 'n toename in die tipes akteurs wat deelneem aan internasionale betrekkinge. Alhoewel buitelandse beleid normaalweg binne die domein van die nasionale regering val, het sub-nasionale regerings ook begin deel neem in die internasionale arena. Die bestudering van sub-nasionale regerings se rol in internasionale betrekkinge, as ook hoe hulle op nasionale vlak verteenwoordig word, is vereenvoudig na die voorbeeld van Suid-Afrika en een van die land se nege provinsies, naamlik die Wes-Kaap Provinsie. Die studie kyk na hoe die provinsies in Suid-Afrika 'n rol speel op internasionale vlak en watter magte aan die provinsies gegee word deur die Grondwet. In Suid-Afrika word provinsies toegelaat om “Twinning” ooreenkomste te onderteken. Hierdie ooreenkomste is egter nie wettiglik bindend in terme van Internasionale Wetgewing nie. Vir hierdie tesis gebruik ek 'n gevalle studie om die studie te fokus. Die gevalle studie vir hierdie tesis gebruik die Wes-Kaap Provinsie as die fokus. In terme van die navorsingsmetodologie vir die insameling van data, het ek onderhoude gevoer met Minister Ivan Meyer. Minister Meyer is verantwoordelik vir die hantering van internasionale verhoudings in die provinsie. Ek het ook 'n onderhoud gevoer met Mnr. Roderick Thyssen, wat deel is van die Direktoraat van Internasionale Verhoudings wat deel uit maak van die Kantoor van die Premier. Verdere primêre data wat gebruik word vir die studie, sluit regeringsdokumente, toesprake, dokumentasie oor die ooreenkomste wat geteken is deur die Wes-Kaap Provinsie en die Grondwet van Suid- Afrika in. Sekondêre bronne sluit boeke, joernaal artikels en internet bronne in. Mikro-diplomasie teorie word gebruik om te wys dat daar 'n bewustheid is van universele interafhanklikheid. Die konsep van Mikro-diplomasie is nie nuut nie, maar aangesien die interafhanklikheid tussen die verskillende regeringsvlakke besig is om toe te neem vereis dit verdere studie. Die konsep dui daarop dat die internasionale verhoudings nie net hanteer word deur die nasionale regering nie, maar dat internasionale betrekkinge en ooreenkomste ook op provinsiale vlak geteken word deur provinsiale regerings wat verantwoordelikheid geneem het vir die welstand van hulle gemeenskappe en politieke oorlewing (Duchacek,1984:15). Die tesis het gevind dat alhoewel die Grondwet van Suid-Afrika nie spesifieke regte gee aan provinsies wat internasionale verhoudings betref nie, is dit ook nie duidelik uitgelê en gestipuleer in die Grondwet nie, wat dit oop los vir interpretasie. Die Wes-Kaap Provinsie is baie aktief in die internasionale arena en bemark die provinsie op 'n internasionale vlak met die oog om buitelandse belegging te lok na die provinsie om dienslewering te verbeter. Provinsies ondervind struikelblokke soos geen finansiële bemagtiging en die ontbreking van belangrike hulpbronne. Daar is egter bystand geleenthede wat deur instellings soos die Nasionale Raad van Provinsies, Konsulterende Forum vir Internasionale Verhoudings, Ministers en Lede van die Uitvoerende Raad en die President se Koördinerende Raad gegee word, dit is die doel van die instellings om provinsies te verteenwoordig en waar provinsies hulle behoeftes kan voorlê en skakel met die nasionale sfere van regering. Daar is 'n duidelike besef by die nasionale vlakke van regering, dat hulle nie meer alleen deel neem op die internasionale verhoog nie en dus moedig hulle provinsies aan hom hulself te bemark.
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Saal, Querida Shahida. "The forgotten ones: A case study of the obstacles that prevent meaningful participation in democratic governance of farm women in the greater Stellenbosch Area, Ceres & Rawsonville." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4189.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research examines the extent of participatory democracy, as outlined in government policy, with particular relevance to the experiences of women living on farms in the Greater Stellenbosch Area, Ceres and Rawsonville. The study is based on the notion that effective and meaningful political participation in South Africa has happened at the exclusion of many of its poor and marginalised citizens, in particular poor women living on farms. The research hypothesis holds that various factors relating to the socioeconomic conditions and political orientations of farm women contribute to their low levels of participation in democratic governance. The research question therefore is: what are the obstacles that prevent women living on farms in the Greater Stellenbosch Area, Ceres and Rawsonville from effective and meaningful participation in participatory democracy? In answering the research question, mixed methods of data gathering were employed. Qualitative methods were used, with data-gathering techniques that included modified participant observation, non-scheduled structured interviews, and a focus group discussion. As relatively little is known of the experiences of farm women, these techniques were all geared towards better informing the researcher about relevant questions for the quantitative component of the research in the form of a survey. From the findings, the hypothesis that farm women do not participate in a meaningful process of participation was confirmed. The main findings in terms of the obstacles that prevent meaningful participation can be discussed in three categories. Firstly, the research indicates that farm women feel that since their opinions are not considered by politicians there is no reason for them to participate in governance. Secondly, because of a lack of capacity and resources critical for optimal participation, the women are also disempowered to not participate in politics. Finally, farm women are tired of empty promises and the abuse of power by corrupt officials. Hence they have become very cynical of processes that are supposed to be participatory, but in effect are not authentic at all. In conclusion, although participation is advanced on the basis of the principle of enhancing democracy, the lived realities of farm women cannot be ignored. Therefore, it is vital that participation in politics be seen from a holistic perspective, relying on both democratic principles and the socioeconomic development of farm women. Through political iii participation, farm women must be empowered to become not only democratic citizens, as envisioned by theorists of participatory democracy, but also capacitated people who live a dignified life.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingsprojek bestudeer die omvang van deelnemende demokrasie, soos uiteengesit in regeringsbeleid, spesifiek met betrekking tot die ervaringe van vroue wat op plase in die Groter Stellenbosch Area, Ceres en Rawsonville woon. Die studie is gebaseer op die argument dat effektiewe en betekenisvolle politieke deelname in Suid Afrika die meerderheid arm en gemarginaliseerde burgers, en spesifiek arm vroue op plase, uitsluit. Die navorsingshipotese is dat verskeie faktore wat verband hou met die sosioekonomiese omstandighede en politieke oriëntasies van plaasvroue bydra tot hulle lae vlakke van politieke deelname. Vervolgens is die navorsingsvraag: Wat is die faktore wat vroue op plase in die Groter Stellenbosch Area, Ceres en Rawsonville daarvan weerhou om effektief en betekenisvol deel te neem aan die politiek? Gemengde metodes van data-insameling is gebruik om die navorsingsvraag te beantwoord. Kwalitatiewe data-insamelingstegnieke sluit in aangepaste deelnemende observasie, niegeskeduleerde gestruktureerde onderhoude en ʼn fokusgroepbespreking. Aangesien relatief min inligting oor plaasvroue bestaan, is die doel met die tegnieke om die navorser beter in te lig om vrae vir die kwantitatiewe komponent, ʼn opname, te skep. Deur die bevindinge is die hipotese dat plaasvroue nie gereeld aan effektiewe en betekenisvolle deelnemende prosesse deelneem nie bevestig. Wat die faktore wat deelname beïnvloed betref, is daar drie verskillende temas. Eerstens dui die navorsing daarop dat plaasvroue voel dat aangesien hulle opinies nie deur politici in ag geneem word nie, daar geen rede vir hulle is om aan die politiek deel te neem nie. Tweedens is plaasvroue as gevolg van ‘n gebrek aan die kapasiteit en hulpbronne noodsaaklik vir optimale deelname ook geneig om minder aan die politiek deel te neem. Laastens is die vroue moeg van leë beloftes en die misbruik van mag deur korrupte amptenare. Gevolglik is hul nou meer sinies, spesifiek oor prosesse wat veronderstel is om deelnemend te wees maar in werklikheid glad nie is nie. Ten slotte, alhoewel deelname aan die politiek bevorder word op grond van die beginsel dat dit demokrasie verbeter, kan die lewensomstandighede van plaasvroue nie geïgnoreer word nie. Hiervolgens is dit noodsaaklik dat deelname in die politiek vanuit ‘n holistiese oogpunt beskou word, gegrond op beide demokratiese beginsels en die sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling van plaasvroue. Deur politieke deelname moet plaasvroue bemagtig word om nie net demokratiese burgers te word nie, maar ook gekapasiteerde mense wat n waardige lewe lei.
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Fayrweather, Ryan J. "Political impact of strategic basing decisions." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FFayrweather.pdf.
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Tsekoura, Maria. "Joining the adventure? : exploring young people's experience within spaces for youth participation in the United Kingdom and Greece." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3783/.
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Youth participation has gained increased prominence within recent policies and is expected to serve a number of agendas and aims including the empowerment of young people, the creation of future active citizens, the prevention of anti-social behaviour and the integration of youth into society. When young people’s involvement in participatory activities is discussed, it is often done on the basis of its expected outcomes, and more rarely in terms of how young people themselves make sense of and use existing opportunities. This study addresses this issue by focusing on how young people conceptualise participation, how they represent their experience within particular projects and how such experience relates to participatory policies. Drawing from different contexts - Greece and the UK - this thesis presents examples of how engagement with similar processes of participation is mediated through the environments within which young people shape their everyday lives. The particular values and strategies that the participants associated with their involvement allowed for commonalities to emerge across contexts. Such approaches to participation are summarised in three profiles, namely the professionals, visionaries and adventurers. In this study, young people’s perceptions of themselves as participants are often in stark contrast with policy frameworks which construct young participants as active citizens in the making in both countries. Processes within the explored spaces for participation were dominated by policy priorities, while minimal space was allowed for a type of deliberation which enables young people to affect the contexts within which their lives unfold. While young people were expected by policies to populate spaces for participation, there were examples of the participants making efforts to reinterpret/contextualise the meaning of participation according to their lived experience, to maintain a critical distance from funding bodies and to enlarge their repertoires.
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Herzog, Lisa Maria. "Inventing the market. Smith, Hegel and political theory." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:39eb8122-b2a3-4070-8fc2-12ed6e5568cc.
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This thesis analyses the constructions of the market in the thought of Adam Smith and Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel and their relevance for contemporary political philosophy. Combining the history of ideas with systematic analysis, it contrasts Smith’s view of the market as a benevolently designed ‘contrivance of nature’ with Hegel’s view of the market as a ‘relic of the state of nature.’ In two interpretative chapters these two constructions of the market are discussed within the contexts of Smith’s and Hegel’s thought. In three systematic chapters, the relevance of these different constructions for the problems of identity and community, social justice, and different notions and dimensions of freedom is discussed. The first of these chapters argues that the conceptualization of the labour market as a market place for human capital or as a locus for the development of a professional ethos has a deep impact on how one thinks about the relation between individual and community, cutting across the debate between liberals and communitarians. The second systematic chapter shows that the market can be seen either as an instrument for addressing issues of social justice or as an institution against which social justice needs to be realized: for Smith, who thinks that free markets reward virtue and equalize income, it is the former, whereas for Hegel, who holds that free markets lead to unpredictable results and exacerbate social differences, it is the latter. The third systematic chapter addresses the relation between different aspects of liberty and the market. It shows that the market offers both chances and risks for liberty in the sense of individual autonomy, and analyses the relations of the market to positive liberty in a political sense. The concluding chapter draws some broader methodological lessons, arguing for a closer integration of economic and political theory at a ‘less-ideal’ level.
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Gastaldi, Lisa. "Convergent or Unresponsive? : The effect of austerity and mainstream party positioning on the electoral success of left-wing populist parties in Western Europe." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-339592.
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While several populist parties with ties to the left side of the ideological scale have become more prominent in the electoral arenas across Western Europe, the literature on populism still has a disproportionate focus on the right. To enhance the existing research on explanatory factors to the electoral fortunes of left-wing populist parties, this study tests two competing theories using multivariate regression analysis. The first theory concerns the effect of mainstream party convergence, and the second, the increased tension between governing parties’ responsive role towards the electorate and their responsible role as national leaders, here operationalized as the implementation of fiscal consolidation. The results show that austerity is conducive to left-wing populist success, and correspondingly supports the theory of the tension between governing parties’ responsibility and responsiveness. However, the effect is weaker when controlling for economic factors, which might be an indication of a partly spurious relationship or the included variables being endogenous. Despite a flexible operationalization, the convergence theory receives marginal to no support and the direction is opposite to what is expected in two of the models, rendering the results even more ambiguous and difficult to analyze. Whereas a lack of variation in the data denotes that the findings should be interpreted with caution, there is hence an indication that existing theories concerning the success of the populist left should not be taken for granted as long as empirical research is limited.
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Mpinda, Siyavuya. "Grassroots participation in policy processes and service delivery: A case study of the Western Cape provincial department of social services." University of the Western Cape, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7864.
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Masters in Public Administration - MPAGrassroots participation in the domain of public policy is assuming global significance particularly in the fields of welfare and development. Revived by the United Nations' resolution in the 1970s, many governments both in developed and underdeveloped countries have endorsed the grassroots participation ideals as contained in the United Nations' policy statements and resolutions. Accordingly, many governments have declared their support for grassroots participation and in number of cases, grassroots participation has featured conspicuously in their national development plans. _. A late arrival on the grassroots participation discourse, grassroots participation and civil society's involvement have also featured predominantly in the national development plans of the new South African government. The new democratically elected government pronounced in various policy documents and on public platforms, a commitment towards grassroots participation. Although many governments have employed the rhetoric of grassroots participation in their national·. development plans, there is however an accumulative literature which points to the fact that grassroots participation endeavors have· often been undertaken in a top-down fashion, with marginalized groups of communities often excluded. The central objective of this study has therefore been a critical evaluation of the manner in which the Western Cape Provincial Department of Social Services has implemented its grassroots approach in the context of policy. formulation and implementation and service delivery. An evaluation of the Department's grassroots approach has been attempted by assessing the grassroots structures, which the Department has established as vehicles for grassroots participation in its policy processes and service delivery. To this end, of Fourteen District Committees established by the Department throughout the Western Cape province, four have been evaluated. Through reviewing literature Oh grassroots participation, the project's findings highlighted a discrepancy between the Department's prevailing rhetoric of grassroots participation and the reality of the grassroots participation as operationalized through these committees. The findings indicated that the grassroots participation through these committees is far from the ideal of authentic grassroots participation as discussed in Chapter Two, as it is replete with elements of unrepresentativeness of the marginalized groups, co-option, political manipulation, centralized and top-down decision-making styles. The study also attempted to provide recommendations tailored to bring the Department's grassroots participatory process closer to the ideals of authentic
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Hill, Mark J. "Founding and re-founding : a problem in Rousseau's political thought and action." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b41e1417-05c9-4c46-bcad-f0f0bdc83dde.
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protein chemistry, unnatural amino acids, chemical biology, proteomicsThe foundation of political societies is a central theme in Rousseau's work. This is no surprise coming from a man who was born into a people who had their own celebrated founder and foundations, and immersed himself in the writings of classical republicans and the quasi-mythical histories of ancient city-states where the heroic lawgiver played an important and legitimate role in political foundations. However, Rousseau's propositional political writings (those written for Geneva, Corsica, and Poland) have been accused of being unsystematic and running the spectrum from conservative and prudent to radical and utopian. It is this seeming incongruence which is the subject of this thesis. In particular, it is argued that this confusion is born out the failure to recognize a systematic distinction between "founding" and "re-founding" political societies in both the history of political thought, and Rousseau's own work (a distinction in Rousseau which has rarely been noted, let alone treated to a study of its own). By recognizing this distinction one can identify two Rousseaus; the conservative and prudent thinker who is wary of making changes to established political systems and constitutional foundations (the re-founder), and the radical democrat fighting for equality, and claiming that no state is legitimate without popular sovereignty (the founder). In demonstrating this distinction, this thesis examines the ancient concept of the lawgiver, the growth and expansion of the idea leading up to the eighteenth century, Rousseau's own philosophic writings on the topic, and the differing political proposals he wrote for Geneva, Corsica, and Poland. The thesis argues that although there is a clear separation between these two types of political proposals, they remain systematically Rousseauvian.
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Breindl, Yana. "Hacking the law: an analysis of internet-based campaigning on digital rights in the European Union." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209836.
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Digital rights activism constitutes an exemplary case of how internet affordances can be mobilised to engender political change. The values and principles stemming from the hacker imaginaire, and free and open source software practices, underpin digital rights activism, which uses the internet as a tool, object and platform for the protection of rights in the digital realm. The analysis focuses on how digital rights activists use and adapt the political affordances of the internet to intervene in European Union policy-making. Two original case studies of internet-based campaigning at the European level (the “No Software Patents” and the “Telecoms package” campaigns) provide in-depth insight into the campaigning processes and their impact upon parliamentary politics. The cases highlight the complementarity of online and offline collective action, by examining processes of open collaboration, information disclosure and internet-assisted lobbying. The success of the “Telecoms package” campaign is then assessed, along with the perspective of the targets: members and staff of the European Parliament.The belief in values of freedom, decentralisation, openness, creativity and progress inspires a particular type of activism, which promotes autonomy, participation and efficiency. The empirical evidence suggests that this set of principles can, at times, conflict with practices observed in the field. This has to do with the particular opportunity structure of the European Union and the characteristics of the movement. The EU favours functional integration of civil society actors who are expected to contribute technical and/or legal expertise. This configuration challenges internet-based protest networks that rely on highly independent and fluctuating engagement, and suffer from a lack of diversity and cohesion. The internet does not solve all obstacles to collective action. It provides, however, a networked infrastructure and tools for organising, coordinating and campaigning. Online and offline actions are not only supportive of each other. Internet-based campaigning can be successful once it reaches out beyond the internet, and penetrates the corridors of political institutions.
Doctorat en Information et communication
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Jardin, Antoine. "Voter dans les quartiers populaires : dynamiques électorales comparées des agglomérations de Paris, Madrid et Birmingham." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0041/document.
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Cette thèse porte sur l’évolution de la participation électorale des habitants des quartiers populaires depuis 1999. En France, après les émeutes de 2005, ces quartiers ont été marqués par une forte hausse de l’inscription et de la participation lors de l’élection présidentielle de 2007. Pourtant ils cumulent les caractéristiques susceptibles d’éloigner leurs habitants du vote. C’est ce paradoxe que la thèse cherche à expliquer. Pour y parvenir, elle croise plusieurs champs théoriques (sociologie urbaine, sociologie/géographie électorale, action publique) dans une perspective comparative, analysant ces évolutions électorales dans les périphéries marginalisées de Paris, Madrid et Birmingham. L’hypothèse centrale est celle d’une inclusion politique croissante des habitants des quartiers populaires français. La méthodologie est mixte, croisant analyse de données agrégées resituant le contexte, données de sondage, entretiens avec des habitants des quartiers marginalisés, observations de bureaux de vote en région parisienne et analyse des politiques d’incitation au vote. Les résultats montrent qu’il n’y a pas de fatalité à la non-participation des périphéries urbaines marginalisées. Enfin dans les trois pays les dispositifs d’incitation au vote influencent de façon très inégale l’évolution des comportements politiques. Les politiques publiques généralistes inspirées par la tradition républicaine se révèlent être plus mobilisatrices que les actions ciblées menées au Royaume Uni à destination de groupes sociaux ou de quartiers particuliersThis research studies the evolution of voting turnout in in Paris, Madrid and Birmingham’s deprived neighborhoods since 1999. In France, after the 2005 riots, both registration and turnout increased sharply during the 2007 presidential election in those places. Yet their inhabitants face numerous social and physical barriers, reducing the likelihood that they would vote. We try to explain this paradox using combined theoretical frameworks from urban sociology, electoral sociology, electoral geography and public policies in a comparative research design. The core hypothesis is that those social groups are increasingly involved in politics and in voting. This study uses several methodological tools involving aggregate data analysis, survey data analysis, polling station observation and field interviews. The results show that public policies designed to influence turnout are sharply divided. Universalistic approaches appear more likely to get voters to participate
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Smith, Antoinette Rachélle. "Democratic transition in South Africa : a case study of the public participation in development planning on local authority level in the West Coast Region." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51672.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The theme of this study is the practice of participatory democracy and its link to local development. The context is the current policy trend to consider the local authority as the core development agent. Governance is seen as a partnership between civil society and local state authority. The mechanism for linking democracy and development is the concept of integrated development planning. This study investigates the integrity of the process of public participation as reflected within integrated development planning. The democratic transition in South Africa forms the backdrop of the study. South Africa, a relatively newly formed democracy, has put legislation, political and social structures in place to support the transformation it intended. The question that remains and that is being researched in this study, is whether the lOP is a sincere attempt on the side of the government to install authentic participation on the part of the local community or is this another scheme for political expediency? The study reflects the transition to democracy on social and political level and on all levels of governance. In the case of local government, it describes the transformation of the role of local government to that of development agent in its jurisdiction of governance. A case study approach is used. The democratic transition in the field of local government and its application in a specific rural development region are selected as case material. The West Coast Development Region, a demarcated development region of the Western Cape, has been chosen as a testing ground for a number of reasons, but most importantly, because this region has taken the lead to implement the newly passed policy of integrated development planning in South Africa. The region also offered the most favorable circumstances for the study as it has been subjected to systematic and sustained development and capacity building inputs from the state since the elections in 1994. These include capacity building of ROP forums and Spatial Development Initiative. An empirical study of the process of public participation within the integrated development planning in this region was done after the first round of the process in 1997/1998. A group administered questiormaire is used to measure the knowledge and attitudes of participants who attended the workshops that were held by the local authority as medium of participation. Two measurements, one at the start of the workshop and one at the end, provided comparable data on changes in attitudes and levels of knowledge. The results indicated definite change in knowledge levels, but did not impact significantly on the attitudes of participants. The findings are presented here and form the basis of a wider study in local democracy and development to be proposed.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tema van hierdie studie is die praktyk van deelnemende demokrasie en die verband met plaaslike ontwikkeling. Die konteks is die huidige beleidsrigting wat die plaaslike owerheid as die sentrale ontwikkelingsagent beskou. Regering word gesien as 'n vennootskap tussen die burgerlike gemeenskap en die plaaslike staatsowerheid. Die meganisme om demokrasie en ontwikkeling met mekaar te verbind, is die konsep van geintegreerde ontwikkelingsbeplanning. Hierdie studie ondersoek die integriteit van publieke deelname soos dit manifesteer in geintegreerde ontwikkelingsbeplanning. Die demokratiese transformasie van Suid Afrika vorm die agtergrond van die studie. Suid Afrika, 'n relatief nuutgevormde demokrasie, het wetgewing daar gestel om die voorgenome demokratiese oorgang te ondersteun. Die vraag wat gevra en ondersoek word in hierdie studie, is of die geintegreerde ontwikkelingsbeplanning 'n opregte poging is om ware deelname aan die kant van die gemeenskap te bewerkstellig of is hierdie nog 'n skema vir politieke gewin. Die studie reflekteer die oorgang na 'n demokrasie op sosiale en politieke vlak sowel as in alle vlakke van regering. In die geval van plaaslike regering, word transformasie in die rol van die plaaslike owerheid na die van ontwikkelingsagent in sy regsgebied beskryf. 'n Gevallestudie benadering word gebruik. Die demokratiese oorgang op die gebied van plaaslike regering en die toepassing daarvan in 'n spesifieke ontwikkelingstreek word gebruik as gevallestudiemateriaal. Die Weskus Ontwikkelingstreek, 'n afgebakende ontwikkelingstreek van die Wes-Kaap Provinsie is gekies as toetsingsgebied om verskeie redes. Die belangrikste hiervan is omdat hierdie streek die leiding geneem het om die nuutgeproklameerde wetgewing van geintegreerde ontwikkelingsbeplanning in Suid Afrika te implimenteer. Die streek het ook die mees gunstige omstandighede gebied vir die studie, aangesien dit sedert die 1994 verkiesing onderwerp is aan volgehoue en sistematiese ontwikkelings- en bemagtigende insette deur die staat. Dit sluit onder andere in kapasiteitsbouprogramme vir HOP forums en 'n ruimtelike ontwikkelingsinisiatief. 'n Empiriese studie is gedoen oor die proses van publieke deelname in die ge'integreerde ontwikkelingsbepanning in die streek kort na die voltooiing van die eerste rondte daarvan in 1997/1998. 'n Groepgeadministreerde vraelys is gebruik om die kennis en houdings van deelnemers wat werkswinkels bygewoon het, te toets. Hierdie werkswinkels is deur die plaaslike owerheid gehou as medium van deelname. Twee metings, een aan die begin en een aan die einde van elke werkswinkel is geneem. Dit het vergelykbare data om veranderings in kennis vlakke en houdings aan te dui, gebied. Die resultate het aangedui dat daar defnitiewe veranderings in kennis plaasgevind het, maar dit het nie beduidende verskil gemaak aan houdings van deelnemers nie. Die bevindinge word hier aangebied en vorm die basis van 'n wyer studie in demokrasie en ontwikkeling wat aanbeveel word.
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Verde, i. Llorente Joaquim. "Participació i representació polítiques a la Catalunya dels inicis del segle XVIII: Universitats locals, Cort general i Diputació del General." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/672756.
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La present tesi doctoral té com a objecte d’estudi les participació i representació polítiques a la Catalunya dels inicis del segle XVIII. Al marc local, en vint universitats o comunitats de ciutats i viles: setze reials (grans, mitjanes i petites) i quatre senyorials. I al marc general, en el General o Generalitat del Principat, la comunitat dels catalans: tant la representació plenària, la Cort general, com l’ordinària, la Diputació del General. Hem pogut concloure que hi havia una notable participació política de l’home comú a la Catalunya de l’època en el context europeu. En els regiments locals amb una intervenció de tots els estaments, inclosos els menestrals. Tot i el major tancament de la Diputació, tots ells participaren en la construcció de l’Estat des de baix a través del mandat imperatiu de les universitats locals amb els seus síndics a Cort general. A més a més, l’increment d’aquestes entre 1701-1702 i 1705-1706 provocà un augment de la participació pagesa en el braç reial.The purpose of this doctoral thesis is to study political participation and representation in early eighteenth-century Catalonia, starting at the local level, in the shape of twenty cities and towns, sixteen of them royal (large, medium-sized and small), and four seigneurial. Taking the Catalan community as a whole (the General or Generalitat), it examines both plenary representation, through the Cort general (Corts), and ordinary representation, through the Diputació del General. It concludes that male Catalans possessed a notable degree of political participation when they are placed in a European context. All the social ranks, including artisans, played a part in municipal governments. Although the composition of the Diputació was heavily restricted, Catalans participated from below in the work of State-building by way of imperative mandates issued by the municipalities to their syndics in the Corts. Moreover the increase of these local communities in the Corts between 1701-1702 and 1705-1706 led to an increase in the extent of peasant participation in the third Estate.