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Journal articles on the topic 'Political participation Australia History'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Vietrynskyi, I. "Specifics of the International Political Position of the Commonwealth of Australia in the first half of the ХХ-th century." Problems of World History, no. 13 (March 18, 2021): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-13-6.

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The paper focuses on the initial stage of the formation of the Commonwealth of Australia, and the process of its establishing as an independent State. The international political context for the development of the country, from the period of creation of the Federation to the beginning of the Second World War, is primarily viewed. The Commonwealth’s international position, its place and role in the regional and global geopolitical processes of the early XX century, in particular in the context of its relations with Great Britain, are analyzed. The features of the transformation of British colonial policies on the eve of the First World War are examined. The specifics of the UK system of relations with Australia, as well as other dominions, are being examined. The features of status of the dominions in the British Empire system are shown. The role of the dominions and, in particular, the Commonwealth of Australia in the preparatory process for the First World War, as well as the peculiarities of its participation in hostilities, is analyzed. The significance of the actions of the First World War on the domestic political situation in Australia, as well as its impact on dominions relations with the British Empire, is revealed. The history of the foundation of the Australian-New Zealand Army Corps (ANZAC) and its participation in imperial forces on the frontline of the First World War is analyzed. The success and failure of its fighters, as well as the role of ANZAC, in the process of formation an Australian political nation are analyzed. The economic, humanitarian and international political consequences of the First World War for the Commonwealth of Australia are examined, as well as the influence of these consequences on the structure of relations between the dominions and the British Empire. The socio-economic situation of the Commonwealth of Australia on the eve of World War II, in particular the impact of the Great depression on the development of the country as a whole and its internal political situation in particular, is analyzed. The ideological, military-strategic and international political prerequisites for Australia’s entry into the Second World War are being considered.

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2

Bonnell, Andrew G. "Transnational Socialists? German Social Democrats in Australia before 1914." Itinerario 37, no. 1 (April 2013): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000284.

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Emigration from the German states was a mass phenomenon in the “long” nineteenth century. Much of this migration was of course labour migration, and German workers were very much on the move during the nineteenth century: in addition to the traditional Wanderschaft (travels) of journeymen, the century saw increasing internal migration within and between German-speaking lands, migration from rural areas to cities, and the participation of working people in emigration to destinations outside Europe. Over five million Germans left the German states from 1820 to 1914, with a large majority choosing the United States as their destination, especially in the earliest waves of migration. By comparison with the mass migration to North America, the flow of German migrants to the British colonies in Australia (which federated to form a single Commonwealth in 1901) was a relative trickle, but the numbers were still significant in the Australian context, with Germans counted as the second-largest national group among European settlers after the “British-born” (which included the Irish) in the nineteenth century, albeit a long way behind the British. After the influx of Old Lutheran religious dissidents from Prussia to South Australia in the late 1830s, there was a wave of German emigrants in the 1840s and 1850s, driven by the “push” factor of agrarian and economic crisis in the German states in the 1840s followed by the attraction of the Australian gold rushes and other opportunities, such as land-ownership incentives. While the majority of German settlers were economic migrants, this latter period also saw the arrival in the Australian colonies of a few “Forty-Eighters,” radicals and liberals who had been active in the political upheavals of 1848–9, some of whom became active in politics and the press in Australia. The 1891 census counted over 45,000 German-born residents in the Australian colonies.

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Zvulun, Jacky Yaakov. "Postal Voting and Voter Turnout in Local Elections: Lessons from New Zealand and Australia." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 8, no. 2 (April 26, 2010): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/8.2.115-131(2010).

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The relationship between postal voting and voter turnout in local elections needs to be investigated in the context of whether postal voting helps increase voter turnout in twenty-first century local elections. This assists to uplift the discourse about New Zealand and Australia local elections and its voter turnout. This article explores the method of postal voting history by looking at these two countries and analysing the method of political participation at the local level. It argues that postal voting no longer increases or decreases voter turnout in these countries. KEYWORDS: • postal voting • voter turnout • local elections • participation • New Zealand

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4

Nikola Balnave and Raymond Markey. "Employee Participation and Industrial Welfarism in Australia, 1890–1965." Labour History, no. 112 (2017): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.5263/labourhistory.112.0137.

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5

Edwards, Ferne, and Dave Mercer. "Food Waste in Australia: The Freegan Response." Sociological Review 60, no. 2_suppl (December 2012): 174–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-954x.12044.

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A common problem in all affluent societies, particularly in the retail sector, is the burgeoning issue of food waste. In this, Australia is no exception. However, to a large extent, the main focus of research in Australia to date has been on food waste at the household level. This paper focuses on the previous stage in the food life-cycle and examines the freegan practice of collecting and redistributing food discarded as ‘worthless’ by supermarket chains, in particular. For freegans, this is an act of choice, not need, to protest against issues of overconsumption and waste. The practice of freeganism has had multiple manifestations throughout history. It represents an alternative ethics of consumption and has multiple forms, embracing such issues as pesticide contamination, excessive labour exploitation, packaging and more. This paper reports on ongoing ethnographic research into two freegan subcultures in Australia: dumpster-divers and participation in the activities associated with ‘Food Not Bombs’. It complements freegan research conducted across the world while its analysis, applying theories of alternative food networks, food justice, diverse economies and concepts of autonomy, provides insights into contemporary forms of activism and social change around issues of food waste in Australia.

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Wyatt, Danielle, Scott Mcquire, and Danny Butt. "Libraries as redistributive technology: From capacity to culture in Queensland’s public library network." New Media & Society 20, no. 8 (November 16, 2017): 2934–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444817738235.

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Australia is currently rolling out one of the most expensive and ambitious infrastructure projects in the nation’s history. The National Broadband Network is promoted as a catalyst for far-reaching changes in Australia’s economy, governmental service provision, society and culture. However, it is evident that desired dividends, such as greater social engagement, enhanced cultural awareness and increased civic and political participation, do not flow automatically from mere technical connection to the network. This article argues that public institutions play a vital role in redistributing technological capacity to enable emerging forms of social and cultural participation. In particular, we examine public libraries as significant but often overlooked sites in the evolving dynamic between digital technology, new cultural practices and social relations. Drawing on interviews and fieldwork across the public library network of the state of Queensland, we attend to the strategies and approaches libraries are adopting in response to a digital culture.

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7

Zappalà, Gianni. "The phases of the political participation of ethnic minorities in Australian politics." Journal of Intercultural Studies 20, no. 1 (April 1999): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07256868.1999.9963471.

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8

Anae, Nicole. "“Among the Boer Children”." History of Education Review 45, no. 1 (June 6, 2016): 28–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-12-2014-0049.

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Purpose – There exists no detailed account of the 40 Australian women teachers employed within the “concentration camps” established by British forces in the Orange River and Transvaal colonies during the Boer War. The purpose of this paper is to critically respond to this dearth in historiography. Design/methodology/approach – A large corpus of newspaper accounts represents the richest, most accessible and relatively idiosyncratic source of data concerning this contingent of women. The research paper therefore interprets concomitant print-based media reports of the period as a resource for educational and historiographical data. Findings – Towards the end of the Boer War in South Africa (1899-1902) a total of 40 Australian female teachers – four from Queensland, six from South Australia, 14 from Victoria and 16 from New South Wales – successfully answered the imperial call conscripting educators for schools within “concentration camps” established by British forces in the Orange River and Transvaal colonies. Women’s exclusive participation in this initiative, while ostensibly to teach the Boer children detained within these camps, also exerted an influential effect on the popular consciousness in reimagining cultural ideals about female teachers’ professionalism in ideological terms. Research limitations/implications – One limitation of the study relates to the dearth in official records about Australian women teachers in concentration camps given that; not only are Boer War-related records generally difficult to source; but also that even the existent data is incomplete with many chapters missing completely from record. Therefore, while the data about these women is far from complete, the account in terms of newspaper reports relies on the existent accounts of them typically in cases where their school and community observe their contributions to this military campaign and thus credit them with media publicity. Originality/value – The paper’s originality lies in recovering the involvement of a previously underrepresented contingent of Australian women teachers while simultaneously offering a primary reading of the ideological work this involvement played in influencing the political narrative of Australia’s educational involvement in the Boer War.

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Hill, John, Helen Hill, and Sue Gray. "Community Recovery Following the Ash Wednesday Bushfires." Children Australia 12, no. 3 (1987): 11–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s031289700001417x.

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The fires of Ash Wednesday, 1983 have been a significant turning-point in the history of disaster management concepts and practices in Australia. Disaster recovery management has been identified as an important area of management in its own right, containing complex and prolonged programs and activities and requiring the participation of the affected community and involvement from the wide community.Recovery from disaster is no longer seen merely in terms of response and relief activities, or as a physical process of reconstruction. It is an enabling and supportive process, which allows individuals, families and communities to attain a proper level of functioning through the provision of information, resources and specialist services.

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BLOCH, RUTH H. "THE ORIGINS OF FEMINISM AND THE LIMITS OF ENLIGHTENMENT." Modern Intellectual History 3, no. 3 (September 22, 2006): 473–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244306000886.

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The publication of the collection of essays Women, Gender and Enlightenment (ed. Sarah Knott and Barbara Taylor, Houndsmills: Palgrave MacMillan, 2005) affords an unusual opportunity to confront a myriad of interrelated issues, at once definitional and ideological, that face intellectual historians of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Europe and America. The 768-page work came out of a highly unusual collaborative research project conducted from 1998 to 2001, “Feminism and Enlightenment, 1650–1850: A Comparative History,” a series of colloquia, conferences, and Internet exchanges enlisting the participation of over a hundred historians in Europe, North America, and Australia. The product of this extensive interaction showcases the contributions of thirty-eight authors, not only covering a broad array of topics but, still more remarkable, displaying a large degree of consensus about issues of interpretative concern. While dozens of books and articles have anticipated pieces of the arguments made in this volume, never has so extensive an attempt been made to pull them together into a cohesive whole.

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GRUNDLINGH, ALBERT. "THE KING'S AFRIKANERS? ENLISTMENT AND ETHNIC IDENTITY IN THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA'S DEFENCE FORCE DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR, 1939–45." Journal of African History 40, no. 3 (November 1999): 351–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853799007537.

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In contrast to the situation in Commonwealth countries such as Canada and Australia, South Africa's participation in the Second World War has not been accorded a particularly significant place in the country's historiography. In part at least, this is the result of historiographical traditions which, although divergent in many ways, have a common denominator in that their various compelling imperatives have despatched the Second World War to the periphery of their respective scholarly discourses.Afrikaner historians have concentrated on wars on their ‘own’ soil – the South African War of 1899–1902 in particular – and beyond that through detailed analyses of white politics have been at pains to demonstrate the inexorable march of Afrikanerdom to power. The Second World War only featured insofar as it related to internal Afrikaner political developments. Neither was the war per se of much concern to English-speaking academic historians, either of the so-called liberal or radical persuasion. For more than two decades, the interests of English-speaking professional historians have been dominated by issues of race and class, social structure, consciousness and the social effects of capitalism. While the South African War did receive some attention in terms of capitalist imperialist expansion, the Second World War was left mostly to historians of the ‘drum-and-trumpet’ variety. In general, the First and Second World Wars did not appear a likely context in which to investigate wider societal issues in South Africa.

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12

Norman, F. I. "Adélie penguin colonies in eastern Prydz Bay: ‘biological indicators’ of exploration history and political change." Polar Record 36, no. 198 (July 2000): 215–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003224740001648x.

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AbstractTemporally and spatially increasing information on the distribution of Adélie penguin (Pygoscelis adeliae) breeding sites is used as an index of various national activities in eastern Prydz Bay, East Antarctica. Recorded instances of such sites are used to indicate both exploration and enhanced local knowledge. While Norwegians discovered the area (1935), and revisited it (1937), reports of penguins were minimal. The 1938 Ellsworth expedition added few details and the potential of Operation Highjump (1947) photographs to delimit breeding sites was never realised. Observations by Australian expeditioners from the mid-1950s onwards, supplemented to some extent by those from the Soviet Union, increased information substantially. When Davis station was established (January 1957), at least five breeding sites were known around eastern Prydz Bay. By 1973 this had increased to 23 or 24 sites, mostly north of the Sørsdal Glacier, which had apparently acted as a barrier to land-based exploration. Data available to 1980 showed 20 sites in the Vestfold Hills, added two in the Rauer Group, and omitted some recorded earlier. Ground surveys of the Vestfold Hills (November 1973) increased known sites slightly, discounted erroneous records, and massively increased numbers of individual colonies. In 1981 an air survey recognised 24 sites in the Vestfold Hills and increased those known to 47. In approximately the same period, official Soviet records showed perhaps four sites in the Vestfold Hills and another in the Rauer Group. Early reports provided poor estimates of breeding population sizes — totals of some 130,000 (or 174,200) pairs in the Vestfold Hills in 1973 are compared with perhaps 196,600 in 1981, with another 129,000 pairs to the south. By 1983 locations of breeding sites in the Vestfold Hills were well established, and this was achieved in southern Prydz Bay following publication of 1981 survey results.Progression of information regarding breeding sites in eastern Prydz Bay was slow. Initial Australian activities were slight following acceptance of its Antarctic Territory (1933). However, a Soviet Antarctic whaling fleet, uncertainty regarding American and Soviet intentions, and the imminent International Geophysical Year increased Australian interest. A station was established, local search areas expanded, and enhanced details regarding penguin breeding sites and colonies followed. Data reviews and surveys followed increasing international interest in southern ecosystems. Improved knowledge regarding the species' local populations reflected changing political agendas. Indeed, ‘knowledge’ itself gave early support to territorial claims. Participation in international surveys became an acceptable scientific endeavour, anticipated under Treaty agreements and promoted by associated organisations. In such fora, surveys and monitoring are expected, although not necessarily furthering the strength of existing claims.

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13

Yeung, Lorrita. "Management Discourse in Australian Banking Contexts: In search of an Australian model of participation as compared with that of Hong Kong Chinese." Journal of Intercultural Studies 24, no. 1 (April 2003): 47–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07256860305792.

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14

Bedford, Charlotte. "Radio Adelaide: A case study of community radio change and resilience within the non-profit industrial complex." Journal of Alternative & Community Media 4, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 4–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/joacm_00063_1.

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The Australian community radio sector is a rich source of information for researchers, activists and practitioners working to support and develop community broadcasting worldwide. With a 46-year history, it represents an established and enduring third tier of independent local broadcasting with over 450 non-profit radio services legislated to provide opportunities for community engagement and participation. This article focuses on the political, economic and institutional factors involved in a change of ownership and management of Radio Adelaide, the countrys longest running community radio station. The process illustrates the impact and effects of the non-profit industrial complex as stations struggle for financial survival and independence in an increasingly competitive, corporatized environment. It is a case study which questions the contemporary understanding of a strong and resilient sector, highlighting themes to inform community media research and practice internationally.

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15

King, Debra. "Operationalizing Melucci: Metamorphosis and Passion in the Negotiation of Activists' Multiple Identities." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 9, no. 1 (February 1, 2004): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.9.1.v813801745136863.

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Activists need to construct and manage multiple identities as activists, as well as negotiate their activist identities in relation to identity positions in other social realms such as paid work or parenting. This research is an empirical application of Melucci's concept of metamorphosis to the processes through which committed activists manage identity work. Metamorphosis facilitates an understanding of how activists maintain a sense of continuity through changes in identity. From life-history interviews with twenty long-term Australian activists this research operationalizes the four concepts associated with metamorphosis: being present or "in the moment," taking responsibility for action, being reflexive, and having a rhythm for managing the identity process. The analysis of these concepts demonstrates the need to extend understandings of identity to incorporate non-instrumental aspects of cognition, such as emotion, the body, and passion. These facilitate an activist's capacity to metamorphose, and therefore manage various aspects of identity construction. Activism is therefore sustained when activists can maintain their passionate participation in creating social change, regardless of circumstances, rather than simply enhancing their commitment to a particular organization.

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Kirkby, Diane, and Dmytro Ostapenko. "‘Second to None in the International Fight’: Australian Seafarers Internationalism and Maritime Unions Against Apartheid." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 2 (November 10, 2017): 442–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417719998.

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The participation of trade unions in the anti-apartheid movement is a subject which arguably merits more attention. This article brings into focus a group of unionists whose activism against apartheid was in the forefront of key initiatives. Drawing on new research the argument recounts the role of Australian seafarers on the international stage, particularly its association with the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU), and shows how knowledge of events in South Africa passed from the WFTU to educate the union membership. By the 1980s, Australian seafarers were taking the lead in bringing European unionists together in united action to enforce the United Nations' embargo on oil supplies to South Africa by founding a new organization, the Maritime Unions Against Apartheid (MUAA). Reconstructing these events demonstrates two aspects of significance: the growing importance of monitoring shipping as an anti-apartheid strategy coordinated and led by European unions, which we point out relied on ships’ officers and crews for knowledge, and the breaking down of the ideological divide between the WFTU and the anti-Communist International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) working together in the MUAA. The article contributes new understanding of connections between anti-apartheid activism and its Cold War context.

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Singh, Priti. "Global configurations of indigenous identities, movements and pathways." Thesis Eleven 145, no. 1 (March 20, 2018): 10–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513618763837.

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The social science literature on identity politics around questions of race and ethnicity is profuse, prolix and contentious. Indigenous identity politics have seen a parallel growth and are equally complex. While there are analogies and overlaps, indigenous identities and social movements are neither conceptually nor empirically a sub-set of ethnic identities. The central issue of indigenous groups is the place of first peoples in relation to the nation-state system. This takes different forms in old world states of Asia and Africa to those of new world settler (ex-colonial) states of the Americas and Australasia. While the major issues of the indigenous peoples have expanded beyond their national boundaries, their modes of participation in the national political arenas vary. They share a gradual nationalization of indigenous movements, including stronger links with socio-political forces of the respective countries in the region, a heightened consciousness of global processes and the broadening and enrichment of their socio-cultural and economic objectives. This paper looks at trans-national dimensions of indigenous social movements and identity politics in relation to nation-state policy regimes and examines the varying routes taken by indigenous peoples to achieve their goals.

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18

McKay, Belinda. "‘The One Jarring Note’: Race and Gender in Queensland Women's Writing to 1939." Queensland Review 8, no. 1 (May 2001): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s132181660000235x.

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The literary production of women in Queensland from Separation to World War II records and reflects on various aspects of colonial life and Australian nationhood in a period when white women's participation in public life and letters was steadily increasing. Unease with the colonial experience underpins many of the key themes of this body of work: the difficulty of finding a literary voice in a new land, a conflicted sense ofplace, the linking of masculinity with violence, and the promotion of racial purity. This chapter will explore how white women writers – for there were no published Indigenous women writers in this era – responded to the conditions of living and writing in Queensland prior to the social and cultural changes initiated by World War II.

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19

Bean, Clive. "Orthodox Political Participation in Australia." Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology 25, no. 3 (December 1989): 451–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/144078338902500306.

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Bean, Clive. "Gender and Political Participation in Australia." Australian Journal of Social Issues 26, no. 4 (November 1991): 276–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1839-4655.1991.tb00897.x.

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21

Hamer, Paul. "The electoral participation of Māori in Australia." Political Science 69, no. 2 (May 4, 2017): 175–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2017.1346546.

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22

Crook, Christopher J. "Occupational returns to cultural participation in Australia." Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology 33, no. 1 (March 1997): 56–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/144078339703300105.

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23

McAllister, Ian. "Internet use, political knowledge and youth electoral participation in Australia." Journal of Youth Studies 19, no. 9 (March 7, 2016): 1220–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13676261.2016.1154936.

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Sheppard, Jill, Marija Taflaga, and Liang Jiang. "Explaining high rates of political participation among Chinese migrants to Australia." International Political Science Review 41, no. 3 (May 22, 2019): 385–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512119834623.

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Studies of political participation regularly observe the underrepresentation of immigrant citizens and ethnic minorities. In contrast, evidence from Australia suggests that immigrant Australians are overrepresented in certain forms of participation, including donating money and working for a party or candidate. Drawing on major theories of ethnic political participation (including socialisation, recruitment and clientelism), this study uses 2013 Australian Election Study data to show that China-born migrants to Australia participate at higher rates than native-born and other migrant citizens. The study finds support for two explanatory theories: (a) that contributions of money by recently-arrived migrants are an aspect of clientelist relationships between migrants and legislators; and (b) that political interest in and knowledge of the host country’s political system are not necessary, and indeed perhaps even depress participation among newly-arrived migrants. These findings suggest an under-explored vein of transactional politics within established democratic systems.

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McAllister, Ian, and Toni Makkai. "Resource and Social Learning Theories of Political Participation: Ethnic Patterns in Australia." Canadian Journal of Political Science 25, no. 2 (June 1992): 269–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390000398x.

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AbstractPolitical participation is central to liberal democracy, yet there are substantial variations in the levels of participation observable among different social groups. Empirical theories explain these variations by the different socio-economic resources individuals possess and by their resulting levels of trust and efficacy in the political system. By contrast, social learning theories see these differences in participation as stemming from the values that individuals absorb from the political culture. This article uses Australia—an established liberal democracy with a large immigrant population—as a case study to evaluate these two theories. The results show that immigrants socialized in countries lacking continuous democratic traditions have greater political trust, but also display more authoritarian values. Differences emerge not only in the type of participation being analyzed, but among ethnic groups. The findings support the view that the resource and social learning theories are complementary rather than exclusive explanations for political participation.

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Jiang, Liang. "Does Religious Attendance Increase Immigrant Political Participation?: A Case Study in Australia." Politics and Religion 10, no. 2 (March 6, 2017): 440–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048317000049.

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AbstractThe relationship between religion and immigrant political participation has not been rigorously investigated in the literature set in Australia. In this study, I test whether religious attendance influences electoral and non-electoral participation among immigrants. Drawing on data from the 2013 Australian Election Study, I demonstrate that the impact of religious attendance on political participation may be overstated. I find that religious attendance is not significantly related to electoral and non-electoral participation among immigrants in Australia. This result may relate to three factors: the ability of religious attendance to affect immigrants’ key political resources; competition between religious and secular organizations; and the political salience of particular religious denominations within the Australian context. This study does not provide the much sought-after empirical confirmation to associational theories of political participation, but instead sounds a note of caution about the universal applicability of such theories.

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Selim, Nadia. "Will Arabic Survive in Australia: Participation and Challenges." ICR Journal 10, no. 1 (June 15, 2019): 85–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v10i1.73.

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Motivated by the need to preserve Arabic learning and teaching, this article acknowledges the importance of considering the various contexts in which Arabic is taught and learnt and its specific status therein. In this regard, the Australian context is underrepresented in the literature on Arabic language learning. This article will, therefore, shed some light on the specifics of the Australian context, in which Arabic is a language of wider teaching that struggles to attract sufficient numbers of learners in the senior years of school, thereby often calling into question the viability of university-level programs. With the viability of Arabic tertiary programs in Australia on the line, reversing such trends is a necessity. However, research on Arabic in the Australian context has also been very limited. Therefore, this article will explore five language-specific issues that might underpin problematic participation in the learning of Arabic.

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Shiell, Richard C. "AUSTRALIA: A Little Political History and Anthropology." International Society of Hair Restoration Surgery 15, no. 3 (May 2005): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.33589/15.3.0109.

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SPANN, R. N. "Political Science in Australia*." Australian Journal of Politics & History 1, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 86–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1955.tb00986.x.

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Goldfinch, Shaun, Robin Gauld, and Peter Herbison. "The Participation Divide? Political Participation, Trust in Government, and E-government in Australia and New Zealand." Australian Journal of Public Administration 68, no. 3 (September 2009): 333–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8500.2009.00643.x.

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31

McDermott, Alex. "A History of Australia." Journal of Australian Studies 37, no. 1 (March 2013): 138–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443058.2012.757278.

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Martin, Aaron. "Political Participation among the Young in Australia: Testing Dalton's Good Citizen Thesis." Australian Journal of Political Science 47, no. 2 (June 2012): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2012.677003.

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Evans, Mark, and Gerry Stoker. "Political participation in Australia: contingency in the behaviour and attitudes of citizens." Australian Journal of Political Science 51, no. 2 (February 7, 2016): 272–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2015.1123672.

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Yaping, Zhou. "Women's Movement for Political Participation, 1911-1912." Chinese Studies in History 28, no. 3-4 (April 1995): 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/csh0009-4633280304157.

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Evans, M. D. R., and Jonathan Kelley. "Trends in women’s labor force participation in Australia: 1984–2002." Social Science Research 37, no. 1 (March 2008): 287–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ssresearch.2007.01.009.

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Cuthbert, Denise, Marian Quartly, Shurlee Swain, and Kay Dreyfus. "Social and Political History of Adoption in Australia." Adoption & Culture 4, no. 1 (2014): 59–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ado.2014.0003.

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Pesman, Ros. "Modern Italian history in Australia." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 4, no. 1 (March 1999): 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545719908454997.

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McPherson, Lynne, Maureen Long, Matthew Nicholson, Nadine Cameron, Prue Atkins, and Meg E. Morris. "Children’s experience of sport in Australia." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 52, no. 5 (October 6, 2015): 551–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690215608517.

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Australia is known as a ‘sporting nation’ and sport is central to its cultural identity. Children’s participation in leisure activities, including sport, is considered to be of such importance that it is enshrined as an international human right. There is a growing awareness, however, that children’s experience of sport is not always positive and that abuse and harm may occur in organised sport. This paper reports on a study designed to explore children’s experiences of organised sport, as recounted by young adults between the ages of 18 and 25 years. A mixed methods study design was implemented, which resulted in 107 survey responses and 10 follow-up interviews with young adults. Overwhelmingly, young people reported the lasting developmental benefits of participation in organised sport as children. More than 50% also reported negative experiences, including emotional and physical harm and sexual harassment. The reasons for these apparently contradictory findings are explored. The role of coaches, peers, parents and the wider sporting association ethos are investigated and suggestions made for future research.

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Shenk, G. "Using History to Inform Political Participation in a California History Course." Radical History Review 2002, no. 84 (October 1, 2002): 138–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-2002-84-138.

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Klesner, Joseph L. "Political Attitudes, Social Capital, and Political Participation: The United States and Mexico Compared." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 19, no. 1 (2003): 29–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2003.19.1.29.

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Political values have impact when they shape political participation. A comparison of political participation rates of Mexicans, Mexican-Americans, and the general U.S. population reveals that participation is highest among the general U.S. population, lowest among Mexicans, and at intermediate rates among Mexican-Americans. The article explores the attitudinal bases of political participation, finding that political engagement is a strong predictor of participation, while general perspectives on the political regime do not shape participation rates. The strongest predictors of political participation are variables generally grouped under the category social capital: involvement in non-political organizations, social trust, and an avoidance of television. Because Mexicans and Mexican-Americans have lower levels of social capital, political participation is lower among those groups than the general U.S. population. Yet, there remain unexplained differences in participation among the three groups that can be attributed to institutional and historical constraints on political involvement in Mexico and among Mexican-Americans. Los valores polííticos tienen impacto cuando contribuyen a formar la participacióón políítica. Una comparacióón de las tasas de participacióón políítica de mexicanos, mexicano-americanos y la poblacióón general estadounidense revela que la participacióón máás alta se da en la poblacióón general estadounidense, la máás baja en los mexicanos, y el nivel intermedio en los mexicano-americanos. El artíículo explora las bases de las actitudes en la participacióón políítica, encontrando que el involucramiento políítico es un fuerte indicador de la participacióón, mientras que las perspectivas generales sobre el réégimen políítico no forman tasas de participacióón. Los pronóósticos máás fiables de participacióón políítica son las variables generalmente agrupadas bajo la categoríía de capital social: participacióón en organizaciones no polííticas, confianza social, y la anulacióón de la televisióón. Dado que los mexicanos y los mexicano-americanos tienen niveles máás bajos de capital social, la participacióón políítica es inferior entre estos grupos que en la poblacióón general estadounidense. No obstante, hay aúún diferencias no explicadas de la participacióón en los tres grupos que pueden ser atribuidas a restricciones institucionales e históóricas sobre la participacióón políítica en Mééxico y entre los mexicano-americanos.

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Manderson, Lenore, and Christine Inglis. "Workforce participation and childrearing amongst Turkish women in Sydney, Australia." Ethnic and Racial Studies 8, no. 2 (April 1985): 194–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.1985.9993482.

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Byrne, Paula Jane, and Russel Ward. "Finding Australia. The History of Australia to 1821." Labour History, no. 54 (1988): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27504444.

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Phillips, Louise Gwenneth, Jenny Ritchie, and Francisco Perales. "Surveying support for child and youth political participation in Australia and New Zealand." Citizenship Studies 23, no. 5 (May 30, 2019): 460–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13621025.2019.1620687.

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De'Ath, Sophie, Catherine Anne Flynn, and Melanie Field-Pimm. "Building Knowledge of Consumer Participation in Criminal Justice in Australia: A Case Study." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 7, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 76–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v7i1.396.

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This exploratory study investigates the various factors to be considered when developing and implementing consumer participation in community-based criminal justice settings. The study uses the Victorian Association for the Care and Resettlement of Offenders (VACRO), based in Melbourne, Australia, as its case study site as this organisation is in the process of formally introducing consumer participation. The study is informed by previous research in key areas related to criminal justice, focusing on the perspectives of various stakeholders: staff, volunteers, and consumers. A mixed method approach offered a range of opportunities for participants to engage with the research. Thematic analysis identified multi-layered issues need to be considered when implementing consumer participation. Poor individual understanding was noted as a barrier, alongside a limited shared vision of the concept. These were seen to be influenced by practical issues such as high staff turnover and conceptual challenges, notably the existing discourse around offenders. The implications of these findings for further research on consumer participation in the criminal justice setting are explored.

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Busbridge, Rachel. "A multicultural success story? Australian integration in comparative focus." Journal of Sociology 56, no. 2 (August 15, 2019): 263–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783319869525.

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Australia is often held up as an exemplary multicultural society in cross-national comparisons, particularly in relation to the integration of immigrants. Yet, this ‘grand narrative’ of Australia’s multicultural success risks an over-simplified picture of the dynamics of integration in Australia, obscuring dimensions on which Australia’s performance is comparatively poor. Juliet Pietsch’s Race, Ethnicity and the Participation Gap makes a valuable contribution to a more nuanced discussion, asking why the political participation of non-European ethnic and immigrant minorities in Australia is so low compared to Canada and the United States. This review article brings Pietsch into critical conversation with two recent books on comparative integration in North America and Western Europe: Richard Alba and Nancy Foner’s S trangers No More and Gulay Ugur Goksel’s Integration of Immigrants and the Theory of Recognition. Read alongside each other, these texts encourage deeper reflection on where Australia sits on a variety of indicators of immigrant integration as well as how integration is conceptualised in Australia. This article thus contributes to existing literature on the contemporary state of Australian multiculturalism, while also pointing towards directions for future research.

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Fabiansson, Charlotte. "Recreational Gambling: Young People's Gambling Participation in Rural Australia." Journal of Youth Studies 9, no. 3 (July 2006): 345–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13676260600805689.

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Smith, Bernard. "On Writing Art History in Australia." Thesis Eleven 82, no. 1 (August 2005): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513605054354.

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Quartly, Marian. "Old Age in Australia: A History." Australian Journal of Politics & History 62, no. 1 (March 2016): 153–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12227.

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Reid, Carol. "Technology‐loving Luddites? Declining participation in high school computing studies in Australia." British Journal of Sociology of Education 30, no. 3 (May 2009): 289–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01425690902812562.

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Jackson, Stephen J. "British History is Their History: Britain and the British Empire in the History Curriculum of Ontario, Canada and Victoria, Australia 1930-1975." Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 4, no. 2 (July 1, 2017): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.161.

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This article investigates the evolving conceptions of national identity in Canada and Australia through an analysis of officially sanctioned history textbooks in Ontario, Canada and Victoria, Australia. From the 1930s until the 1950s, Britain and the British Empire served a pivotal role in history textbooks and curricula in both territories. Textbooks generally held that British and imperial history were crucial to the Canadian and Australian national identity. Following the Second World War, textbooks in both Ontario and Victoria began to recognize Britain’s loss of power, and how this changed Australian and Canadian participation in the British Empire/Commonwealth. But rather than advocate for a complete withdrawal from engagement with Britain, authors emphasized the continuing importance of the example of the British Empire and Commonwealth to world affairs. In fact, participation in the Commonwealth was often described as of even more importance as the Dominions could take a more prominent place in imperial affairs. By the 1960s, however, textbook authors in Ontario and Victoria began to change their narratives, de-emphasizing the importance of the British Empire to the Canadian and Australian identity. Crucially, by the late 1960s the new narratives Ontarians and Victorians constructed claimed that the British Empire and national identity were no longer significantly linked. An investigation into these narratives of history will provide a unique window into officially acceptable views on imperialism before and during the era of decolonization.

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