Journal articles on the topic 'Political participation – asia – history'
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1
HE, BAOGANG, and DAVID HUNDT. "A Deliberative Approach to Northeast Asia's Contested History." Japanese Journal of Political Science 13, no. 1 (January 27, 2012): 37–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109911000235.
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AbstractThe failure to reconcile views of the past and to address historical injustice has damaged inter-state relations in Northeast Asia. Joint committees, dialogues, and the participation of civil society have been used to address historical issues, but scholars in the disciplines of international relations and area studies have largely ignored these dialogues and deliberative forums. At the same time, there is an emergent theoretical literature on how deliberative democracy can address ethnic conflicts and historical injustice. There is a serious disconnect or distance between the theoretical literature on the resolution of conflicts via deliberation on the one hand, and empirical studies of deliberative approach in East Asia on the other. This article aims to address this shortcoming in the study of the politics of historical dispute in Northeast Asia by proposing a deliberative approach to history disputes and highlighting the achievements, limits, and dynamics of deliberation. Through mapping and comparative testing, we confirm that deliberation offers some potential for a departure from nationalist mentalities and a shift towards a consciousness of regional history in Northeast Asia. Our empirical test of the utility of the deliberative approach suggests that a new model for addressing regional disputes may be emerging.
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Lebedeva, M., and S. Stolyarova. "PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS OF POST-SOVIET COUNTRIES: EXPERIENCE OF CENTRAL ASIAN COUNTRIES." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 18, no. 1 (January 26, 2021): 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2020.18.1.60.2.
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After the disintegration of the USSR, the Central Asian countries started to pursue independent development strategies and identified new domestic policy priorities. It is of special scholarly interest to compare the efforts by Central Asian governments to improve female representation in politics. The article is devoted to the consideration of state policies and measures aimed at increasing the participation of women in political institutions in Central Asia. The most and the least effective strategies for women's political empowerment were highlighted based on the analysis of the regulatory framework in the field of women's empowerment, as well as on the degree of application of gender statistics and gender budgeting. In particular, the authors address the matter of electoral gender quotas, which are already introduced by Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. It is stressed that the adoption of this policy tool in the two counties has had its limitations, taking into consideration the existence of legal ways to circumvent the gender-quota requirements. The authors also indicate Kazakhstan’s progress in collecting gender data that is “open, accessible, comparable, free and understandable”. Improving data quality and representativeness facilitates the development of practical steps to achieve gender equality in politics. At the same time, theьauthors point out a negative trend in the region: some countries are gradually moving away from having aьdistinct strategy pertaining to genderьissues. Such approach may shift the focus from closing the gender gap to solving a wider range of social policy issues. The article shows that in general the countries in question implement a conservative gender policy and are not inclined to fully effect such practices as gender budgeting and the collection of relevant and complete gender statistics. It is concluded that Russia has an opportunity to act as a trendsetter, in particular by applying a gender-sensitive approach in providing development assistance to the countries of Central Asia.
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Bugge, Henriette. "Silk to Japan. Sino-Dutch Competition in the Silk Trade to Japan, 1663–1685." Itinerario 13, no. 2 (July 1989): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300004307.
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European expansion in Asia and the subsequent clashes between European trading companies and the trading systems of Asia have given rise to vivid discussions in the last decades. The discussions, ranging from Van Leur's theories of the tenacity of the indigenous ‘pedlar’-trade, to Steensgaard's theories of the structural superiority of the trading companies over their Asian competitors, have as yet been rather one-sided. Mostly, when comparing the two trading systems, the historians have concentrated on the trade which took place directly between Europe and Asia. Consequently, the competition between the ‘native’ Asian trade and the trade carried out by the companies have been discussed solely as an aspect of this bi-lateral trade. European participation in the intra-Asian distribution and re-distribution of goods has as yet not been fully discussed. Although authors like Holden Furber and K.N. Chaudhuri have acknowledged the need for further analysis of this subject, neither case-studies nor more theoretical works have appeared.
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Chokobaeva, Aminat, and Nari Shelekpayev. "How should we do Central Asian history today? Our response to Isabel Ohayon, Julien Thorez, and Tomohiko Uyama." Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 22, no. 1 (2023): 72–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2023-1-72-81.
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This text is a response to Isabelle Ohayon, Julien Thorez, and Tomohiko Uyama, who commented on our essay that was published two years ago in this journal. We argue that “tactical essentialism,” embraced by Central Asian scholarly communities to circumvent external academic and political pressure, is not equivalent to biological primordialism. We also discuss the commemoration of the 1916 uprising in Kyrgyzstan to demonstrate how the production of history in Central Asia involves the participation of local communities. The socio-historical agenda in the region is fluid and is not dictated solely by the state, as our interlocutors suggest.
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Volodin, Andrei G. "India in the World of Regionalization." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 4 (November 28, 2017): 178–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-4-178-191.
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The article is dedicated to the policy of India in the processes of regionalization in Asia. After the collapse of the Soviet Union (a country, which used to be the main ally of India) there appeared a great need for India to make a deep revision of its geo-economic and geopolitical paradigms. Thus, Delhi started looking for the new strategic partners in order to restore the balance between India and extremely active China. The “Look East Policy” had become the first result of those searches, because of the long history of cultural and political influence of India on the South-East Asian countries. Apart from it, due to the active participation of India in the region, the member states of the ASEAN were aimed to set a balance in relationships with China in Asia-Pacific region. By developing the partnership with the members of ASEAN and participating in the processes of regional economic integration, India attempts to “push” the economic development of its northeastern states, situated separately from the main (“continental”) part of the country. Although there are some achievements, regarding the participation of India in the processes of regional integration, the country’s economy is still only partially integrated in the production “chains” in the ASEAN countries. Moreover, there are significant obstacles regarding the economic integration in the South Asia. They appear because of the fear, experienced by the countries of the region, regarding the Indian predominance in the region. Besides, strategically those countries consider contradictions between India and China as a situation from which they potentially may benefit. During the last decades, there has been a rising importance of the Western Asian region in strategic economic activities of India. From the Western Asia India gets energy carriers and due to the financial transfers made by the Indians, working in the Persian Gulf, it covers country`s balance of payment deficit.
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Wong, Janelle. "The Making of Asian America through Political Participation." Journal of American Ethnic History 22, no. 2 (January 1, 2003): 103–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27501294.
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Klein, Christina. "Cold War Cosmopolitanism: The Asia Foundation and 1950s Korean Cinema." Journal of Korean Studies 22, no. 2 (September 1, 2017): 281–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21581665-4226460.
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Abstract South Korean films first became visible on the world stage in the late 1950s when they began to be exhibited and win prizes at international film festivals. Yi Pyŏngil’s The Wedding Day (1956) and Han Hyŏngmo’s Because I Love You (1958) were among Korea’s earliest award-winning films. These two films exemplify a postcolonial and postwar discourse I am calling “Cold War cosmopolitanism.” The cultivation of this cosmopolitan ethos among cultural producers was a major objective for Americans waging the cultural Cold War in Asia, and the Asia Foundation was Washington’s primary instrument for doing so. This article traces the history of the Asia Foundation from its inception in the National Security Council in the late 1940s through its activities in Korea in the 1950s and early 1960s. It pays particular attention to the foundation’s support for Korean participation in the Asian Film Festival. It offers a close textual and historical reading of Yi’s and Han’s films as a means of exploring how Korean cultural producers, acting as Cold War entrepreneurs, took advantage of the Asia Foundation’s resources in ways that furthered their own aesthetic, economic, and political interests.
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Ramadhani, Fitria Nurul. "How Gender Orders and Islamic Influence Affect Women’s Participation in Indonesian Politics?" JILS (Journal of International and Local Studies) 7, no. 2 (July 31, 2023): 47–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.56326/jils.v7i2.2914.
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This paper explores the long history of gender orders construction in Indonesia. How gender order and the influence of religious taught affect women political participation in Southeast Asia will be explored. In this case, the author focuses on Indonesian women and the influence of Islam as the majority religion in Indonesia. This paper argues that women political participation in Indonesia, although it seems limited by cultural and the so-called Islamic values, actually has experienced significant growth, especially after the Reformation. The gender relations that formed under the New Order that enshrined women as secondary to men which also emphasised by Islam teachings about men prerogative may seem to hinder women participation in public. However, this paper found that there were some contradictions of positioning women role under the state gender order, which has led to some positive effects on women. This contributed to the rise of women participation in Indonesia politics, especially after the reformation era.
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Grigoreva, Julia G. "«Улан-Баторский диалог» как особая инициатива Монголии в обеспечении безопасности в Северо-Восточной Азии." Монголоведение (Монгол судлал) 15, no. 4 (December 25, 2023): 538–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2500-1523-2023-4-538-550.
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Introduction. The relevance of the study is determined by the increasing role of North-East Asia as one of the world and political centers, as well as the growth of various challenges and threats in the region, affecting safe and stable development of the world community as a whole. The study of the problem of regional security in Northeast Asia and the participation of Mongolia in its ensuring is important for the formation of theoretical and practical conclusions and assessments regarding its international status. Since the 1980s Mongolia has been consistently pursuing the policy of creating a mechanism for dialogue in Northeastern Asia. The result of these efforts was the Ulaanbaatar Northeast Asia Security Dialogue initiative. Mongolia's active foreign policy and the will to fully participate in regional cooperation in Northeastern Asia and in as many international and multilateral organizations as possible is one of the hallmarks of the phenomenon of modern Mongolia. The purpose of the study is to review the “Ulaanbaatar Dialogue on Security in Northeast Asia” and analyze its role in creating conditions for the interaction of all stakeholders in the interests of maintaining peace in Northeastern Asia. Results. This study presents a brief history of the formation and development of the Ulaanbaatar Dialogue, identifies advantages over similar discussion platforms in the region, and shows the importance of this event in increasing the international status of Mongolia. It is concluded that in the nearest future Mongolia may become an analogue of Asian Switzerland, the main platform for negotiations between countries in Northeast Asia due to the fact that Ulaanbaatar pursues an open, multifaceted foreign policy, and the adherence of this country to the “third neighbor” doctrine makes Mongolia a neutral state that does not participate in military-political blocks.
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Kokushkina, Irina V., and Maria A. Soloshcheva. "The Role of Central Asia in the “One Belt—One Road” Initiative." Iran and the Caucasus 23, no. 3 (July 26, 2019): 283–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20190307.
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The “New Silk Road” or “One Belt–One Road” (also “Belt and Road”) is a global project initiated by China, the implementation of which affects various areas of development of many states and regions of the world, including security issues, socio-cultural, political, diplomatic and civilisational aspects. A total of 173 agreements with 125 states and 29 international organisations have been signed under this initiative. The project is gaining momentum every year and attracts ever more researchers who analyse the economic, political, and cultural sides of the project and the interaction of the different countries and regions with China within the framework of this global enterprise. This article assesses the participation of five Central Asian countries (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan) in the Chinese project and aims to define the mutual interests of the parties on the basis of economic indicators (i.e., ESI, RCA, TDC, and G-L indexes).
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Tomsa, Dirk. "Participation without democracy: containing conflict in Southeast Asia, by Garry Rodan." Asian Studies Review 43, no. 3 (February 3, 2019): 565–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357823.2018.1562514.
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Abdrakhmanov, Konstantin A. "“With Utmost Diligence and without Misstep… ”: Contribution of Russian Merchants to the Socio-Cultural, Economic, and Political Development of Central Asia in the First Half of the 19th Century." Herald of an archivist, no. 4 (2023): 1123–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2023-4-1123-1137.
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The study involves analysis of the participation of merchants in the process of establishing channels of political, cultural, and economic exchange between the Russian Empire, the Asian khanates, and the Kazakh steppe in the first half of the 19th century. The modern government practice of involving private sector in order to strengthen international relations makes retrospective analysis of cooperation between business representatives and officials in solving national problems more relevant. The study is to identify specific examples of entrepreneurs’ efforts in promoting Russia’s diverse interests in Asia and to demonstrate specifics of merchants’ work in execution of special assignments of the imperial authorities. The value of the article lies in the fact that the existing corpus of scientific works is mainly focused on the activities of merchants in collecting intelligence (i.e., specific espionage for Russia), while acculturational, mediatory, and clerical service of merchants remains outside the scope of national historiography’s attention. Its novelty is confirmed by the fact that the examination of this problem drawing on the materials of the Orenburg gubernia of the 19th century is being carried out for the first time. The ariclde draws on documents from fond 6 (Office of the Orenburg military governor) of the Joint State Archive of Orenburg Oblast (OGAOO). To assess the contribution of individuals to the multidimensional process of the Russian Empire’s interaction and rapprochеment with the Asian region in the 19th century, anthropological approach has been chosen as a methodological mechanism specially adapted to studying the problem of the “small man.” The application of the latest methodological concept of “imperial policy of acculturation” provides a better understanding of historical significance and specifics of economic, trade, political, and cultural contacts of nomadic population of the Kazakh steppe and settled culture of the khanates of Central Asia with business community of the Russian state. The merchants’ main area of responsibility was diplomatic, requiring their participation in resolving internecine conflicts of Kazakh clans, as well as search and ransom of the Russians held captive in Central Asia. The authorities’ key criteria in recruitment of entrepreneurs were their foreign trade success, which implied useful acquaintances in Central Asian cities and in camps of the Kazakh nomads, knowledge of the neighboring peoples’ languages, and advanced communication skills. The study may be useful to scientists studying the history of merchants in the 18th-19th centuries, issues of Russia's interaction with the states of Asia in the pre-revolutionary period, as well as specialists in regional history.
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Kumar, Rakesh. "Political participation of the chinese youth in market economy and implication on communist youth league." JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 12, no. 1 (January 29, 2018): 2489–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v12i1.6808.
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Political participation entails citizens’ engagement to exert influence on the political process and policies in a desired direction. Therein, participation of the youth has significance as a transient yet constantly receiving community with potential to shape the course of history in any society. The activities and functions of youth organizations have been pivotal in effecting changes in the twentieth century Asian socio-political and economic realms. Under the similar circumstances, the People’s Republic of China appears to be continuously evolving its social, economic, political and cultural regimes in response to the fluctuating demands of the citizens and the youth. This Essay fathoms changes in political participations of the youth in China, its implication on the Communist Youth League and how the Communist Youth League responds in the era of Market Economy.
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Vasilev, Stanislav. "The Role and Place of Central Asia in Modern Russian-Indian Relations: Historical Perspectives." ISTORIYA 14, no. 5 (127) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840026922-3.
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The perspective of modern Russian-Indian relations can be revised with the appearance of regions whose importance is changing in the modern world. Such regions in Russian-Indian relations include Central Asia, whose geopolitical role is growing significantly in international relations. The region is perceived by Russia as a near abroad, while India identifies it as a significant strategic direction, part of an extended neighborhood. For New Delhi, the importance of Central Asia is determined by the need to stop the spread of radical religious movements in the link between Central Asia and South Asia, significant transit opportunities in the region, and fuel and energy resources. Separately, the need for India to balance the influence of the Chinese-Pakistani link on the Central Asian states should also be noted. In this regard, there is an interest for New Delhi to conduct a dialogue with Russia as a force stabilizing the region, concerning the coordination of efforts and actions along the Central Asian vector of the foreign policy of both states. However, in order to strengthen the corresponding dialogue Russia needs to understand how the Hindutva ideology, which lies in the ideological and value basis of the ruling BJP party in India, can affect the Central Asian vector of New Delhi’s foreign policy. In addition, it is important to correlate India’s recent initiatives in Central Asia with their possible integration into joint Russian-Indian interactions. The article draws conclusions about the insignificant influence of the Hindutva on the implementation of India’s foreign policy attitudes, as well as the importance of strengthening multilateral contacts in Central Asia with the simultaneous participation of Moscow and New Delhi.
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van Rossum, Matthias. "A “Moorish World” within the Company: The VOC, Maritime Logistics and Subaltern Networks of Asian Sailors." Itinerario 36, no. 3 (December 2012): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000041.
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Let us begin with a drawing, depicting the river mouth of Batavia. We see a lively scene. Europeans and Asians are fishing, peddling, rowing, riding, walking, and sitting along the waterway. A small prauw on the left appears to be manned by Javanese and Chinese. Behind the Waterkasteel, on the right, large numbers of oceangoing vessels are anchored before Batavia. In the middle of the drawing, we see three men on the path along the waterway, the “jaagpad,” pulling a flat cargo boat. The clothing indicates that these are “Moor” sailors. On the boat, we see three other sailors with turbans.This scene, drawn by Johannes Rach in 1764, places the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in its Asian context. In previous decades, increasing attention has been paid to the structure of the “Asian” or overseas organisation of the VOC. Even more so, research has shown the importance of the Company's participation in the intra-Asian trade. From 1500 onwards, European trading companies not only became important in intercontinental European–Asian trade, but they came to dominate maritime trade within Asia as well. The VOC was one of the largest merchants active in intra-Asian shipping for much of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. For the VOC, however, it was not only its presence overseas that built the link between the Company and its Asian context. The VOC and its Asian context became intrinsically interwoven. Leonard Blussé, for example, emphasises the character of Batavia, the headquarters of the VOC in Asia, as a “Chinese colonial town.”
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Willis, John M. "MAKING YEMEN INDIAN: REWRITING THE BOUNDARIES OF IMPERIAL ARABIA." International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, no. 1 (February 2009): 38a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808090466.
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This article argues that the Aden Protectorate constituted one of the westernmost parts of India in terms of its political–legal identity and its place in the cultural project of imperial India. Although the port of Aden was governed as part of the Bombay Presidency until 1937, the tribes of the Aden Protectorate were treated as independent native states similar to the princely states of India. Using the sultanate of Lahj as a case study, the article shows the extent to which the colonial state used the Indian model to elaborate a history of the sultanate as an independent political entity, a status that was then institutionalized in historical texts, ethnographic knowledge, and state rituals. The article concludes with an analysis of the protectorate's participation in the 1903 Coronation Durbar in Delhi as a means of demonstrating its place in the British imagination of a socially and politically fragmented India that extended beyond geographical South Asia.
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Ulunyan, Arutyun. "“Cotton Shadow” of the Great Game (1880s — Early 20th Century)." ISTORIYA 13, no. 12-1 (122) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023789-6.
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The article analyzes the interconnection between the political and economic interests of Britain in the context of the Great Game in the 1880s — early 20th century and the strengthening of the British participation in making and development of the Russian cotton industry. Archival sources, materials of parliamentary reports, the British press, publications of British and Russian participants in the events, all of them, provide legitimate basis to detect the peculiarities of the links between Britain’s economic and political interests during this period. The “cotton shadow” of the Great Game turned out to be a phenomenon that allows even at the statistical level to reveal the prevailing importance of economic interests over purely political assessments of the likely Russian threat to Britain in Central and East Asia and partially overshadow them.
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Timokhin, D. M. "Jalal ad-Din Mankburny’s Anti-Mongol Coalition and Its Fate." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 1 (11) (2020): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-1-47-60.
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After the defeat of the Khorezm state in the war with the Mongols in 1219–1221, its last ruler, Jalal ad-Din Mankburny tried to gain a foothold in Northern India, but then left the region. The beginnings of his own state within Iran and the South Caucasus is accompanied by active diplomatic activity, in order to, among other things, create the coalition of various states of the Middle East and Asia Minor. Besides fighting Caliph al-Nasir for dominance in the lands of Iraq Persian, Khorezmshah was actively looking for allies to fight the Mongol threat. The author traces the fate of the anti-Mongol coalition, actively forged by Jalal ad-Din Mankburny until his death in 1231. Besides the history of this Alliance and various political leaders of the Middle East and Asia Minor participation in , the author also focuses on the confrontation with the Mongol conquerors and, as the apogee of this struggle, on the battle of Isfahan in 1227. Another important goal of this study is to identify the causes of this coalition’s collapse, the defeat of the Khorezm state after the battle of Yassa-Chamana and the death of Jalal al-Din Mankburny himself. This study is the first research, focusing on this topic in Russian Asian studies.
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Lioy, Alberto, and Stephen Dawson. "Competition, stakes, and falling electoral participation in Central Asia and the Caucasus: A comparative analysis." Journal of Eurasian Studies 11, no. 2 (June 14, 2020): 144–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1879366520928359.
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Between 2005 and 2015, a drastic wave of decline in voter turnout affected a series of presidential elections in Central Asia and the Caucasus. To explain this phenomenon, we perform an innovative comparative study using news coverage of four electoral case studies in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Georgia, and Armenia. This analysis is then used to build a new theory, which explains significant falls in participation as outcomes of a composite process of strengthening of incumbent regimes, weakening of oppositions, and generally reduced electoral stakes. Common patterns are identified across all four cases, suggesting that the willingness of the people to refuse to turn out to vote appears largely independent of the level of democracy. We maintain that, across the region, citizens chose to spurn the ballot box because of reduced electoral competition.
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Kuryłowicz, Michał. "‘To Speak to the Hegemon’: The Visions of Soviet Past in the History Coursebooks of Central Asia Countries." Politeja 20, no. 1(82) (June 28, 2023): 395–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.20.2023.82.20.
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The article analyzes the content of history coursebooks in selected republics of Central Asia: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. The author focuses on the matter that is less frequently interpreted but nevertheless has a significant influence on the societies – the most recent editions of coursebooks on the national history of the 20th century. The republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan were chosen because in each of these states the Soviet heritage is debated for different reasons, and its evaluation is redefined to a different degree. The analysis focuses on the newest editions of coursebooks, written from the perspective of more than two decades of independence; they were also revised and expanded during the periods of increased political dynamics in all three countries: in Kyrgyzstan, after two sudden changes of the government; in Uzbekistan, after the death of Islam Karimov; and in Kazakhstan, after Nursultan Nazarbayev’s voluntary stepping down from the office of the president of the republic. The author pays special attention to the differences in various national historical narratives relating to the key historical events of the Soviet period (from the point of view of Central Asian countries): the creation of national republics within the Soviet Union, the participation of republics of this region in the events of World War II, the process of the collapse of the USSR. The author juxtaposes the contemporary historical narrative with the parallel historical policy in these republics. The author also points to the degree of closeness of today’s historical narrative in Central Asia to the narrative developed during the Soviet period. Such a comparison shows significant differences between the analyzed countries in the degree of change of the language base developed in the Soviet period. The study also shows a different tendency to reject the Soviet historical concept. This indirectly gives an answer to the question of the possibility of liberating today’s Central Asian historical narrative from the ‘complex of hegemon’, which is characteristic of postcolonial countries.
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Gebel, Michael. "Young Women’s Transition from Education to Work in the Caucasus and Central Asia." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 688, no. 1 (March 2020): 137–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716220908260.
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This article analyzes the individual- and family-level factors that pave the way to the labor market and to formal sector jobs for young women in the Caucasus and Central Asia. Retrospective life history data from a 2017 survey in Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Tajikistan show that higher education attainment has a strong positive impact on labor market activity and getting a formal sector job. Early family formation drives young women into inactivity, but it does not limit the chances of getting access to the formal sector. The chances of getting a formal sector job are positively influenced by the social resources of parents in Georgia and Tajikistan and by parents’ economic resources in Azerbaijan and Georgia. Evidence about the role of economic need and of traditionalism for women’s labor market participation is mixed.
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Baird, Ian G. "Lao Buddhist Monks' Involvement in Political and Military Resistance to the Lao People's Democratic Republic Government since 1975." Journal of Asian Studies 71, no. 3 (August 2012): 655–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911812000642.
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There is a long history of Theravada Buddhist monk involvement in militarism in mainland Southeast Asia. Here, I examine recent Lao monk support for political and military activities directed against the communist Lao People's Democratic Republic government and its Vietnamese supporters since 1975. Monks have not become directly involved in armed conflict, as monastic rules do not allow participation in offensive violent acts, or arms trading, but they have played various important roles in supporting armed resistance against the Lao government. Some monks assisting insurgents have been shot in Thailand. Now most of the Lao insurgent-supporting monks live in the United States, Canada, and France, where a few continue to assist the political resistance against the Lao government, arguing that providing such support does not contradict Buddhist teachings. This article demonstrates how Lao Buddhist monks have negotiated religious conduct rules in the context of strong nationalistic convictions.
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Andaya, Barbara Watson. "Between Empires and Emporia: The Economics of Christianization in Early Modern Southeast Asia." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 53, no. 1-2 (2009): 357–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/002249910x12573963244601.
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AbstractStudies of church connections to commercial interests in pre-nineteenth-century Southeast Asia have focused on the Catholic venture in the Spanish Philippines. This article uses a broader and more ecumenical framework to incorporate eastern Indonesia into this discussion by comparing the economic involvement of Spanish, Portuguese, and Dutch missionaries and church personnel. It contextualizes differences in church resources, secular oversight, and motivation, but also argues that clerical involvement with European economic ambitions helped to mark out a path toward the domestication of local Christianity. The perception of foreign priests and ministers as conduits for exploitation encouraged many Southeast Asian Christians to differentiate between the teachings of the religion they had adopted and the ways these teachings had been distorted in support of European control.La recherche de l’Asie du Sud-Est pré-moderne touchant au rapprochement des relations de l’Église d’avec les intérêts commerciaux porte habituellement sur l’entreprise catholiques des Philippines espagnoles. Cette contribution par contre, a un cadre spatial plus vaste et au point de vue religion plus oecuménique. L’étude y inclut l’Indonésie orientale et elle compare la participation économique des missionaires et du clergé, tant espagnols, tant portuguais, tant hollandais. D‘un part les différences des ressources ecclésiales, la supervision des laïques et la motivation cléricale sont étudiées d’après leur contexte, d’autre part la participation du clergé imbu d’ambitions économiques européennes est aussi explorée parce qu‘elle a favorisé les modes locales du christianisme. C’est que l’image des prêtres et des pasteurs rapaces auprès les populations de l’Asie du Sud-Est stimulaient ces peuples à distinguer entre la religion adoptés par eux et la déformation de l’ínstruction religieuse du clergé qui visait à faciliter le contrôle européen.
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Apgar, Lauren, and Patricia A. McManus. "Cultural Persistence and Labor Force Participation among Partnered Second-Generation Women in the United States." Social Forces 98, no. 1 (October 11, 2018): 211–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/soy104.
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AbstractWomen who migrate to the United States often face structural and cultural obstacles when joining the workforce. The US-born daughters of these women show considerable upward mobility, yet recent scholarship finds substantial variation in the employment of second-generation women by parental country of origin. This study assesses whether gender traditionalism in the parental country of origin has a persistent effect on the labor force participation of partnered second-generation women in the United States. An analysis of 1995–2015 Current Population Survey data supplemented with parental origin country characteristics finds that gender-traditional behaviors, religions, institutions, and attitudes are each associated with a lower likelihood of female labor force participation (FLFP). We propose that the successful intergenerational transmission of conservative cultural repertoires from the first to the second-generation accounts for these relationships. Conservative religious context is the best overall predictor of lowered second-generation FLFP. However, patriarchal attitudes and institutions in the parental birthplace best account for the participation of women with parental origins in Latin America and the Caribbean, while the effect of religious context is strongest among women with parental origins in Asia and Europe.
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Nurtazina, R. А., and А. Т. Serikzhanova. "Political involvement o of citizens of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan on the example of parliamentary elections: comparative analysis." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 135, no. 2 (2021): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2021-135-2-51-69.
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In the context of globalization, the issue of modernization of the process of transformation of the political systems of the states of the Central Asian region has been updated. The processes of self-identification and modeling of the political courses of development of the Central Asian states, as well as the determination of priorities for the political participation of citizens, which have taken place over the past three decades since independence, make the article relevant. The article deals with topical issues of political involvement of citizens of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the Republic of Kyrgyzstan at the present stage. There is considered a brief history of the formation of parliamentarism in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. There has been compiled chronology of the process of elections of deputies of Parliament and protest actions and the consequences of the elections. The authors have carried out an analysis of the political participation of citizens of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, characterized by a certain similarity in the functioning of political systems
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Suárez Castiñeira, María Luz, and Xiaotong Zhang. "Introduction." Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto, no. 05 (October 28, 2022): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/ced.2553.
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Beyond trade, investment, geostrategic and security challenges, as well as issues of connectivity and governance, the European Union-Asia Pacific dialogue has also boosted the involvement of civil society in international politics. The involvement of civil society can contribute to enhancing mutual trust and knowledge as well as democratization processes and channels for citizen participation in social issues that have an impact on people’s lives. However, in the last decade, internal crises both in the EU and in the Asia-Pacific region, as well as a lack of political will on both sides to support the discussion of issues in non-official processes, seem to have slowed down the intensity of interregional interaction and cooperation between civil society organizations. This special issue of Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto (CED) / Deusto Journal of European Studies on “European Union-Asia Pacific social and cultural dialogue: involving civil society in interregional relations” aims to make a contribution to the knowledge and understanding of some of the major actors and factors that determine the evolution of social and cultural interregional dialogue.
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Jo, Eun Seo. "Fighting for Peanuts: Reimagining South Korean Soldiers’ Participation in the Wŏllam Boom." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 21, no. 1 (March 12, 2014): 58–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02101003.
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Using oral history sources, this article takes a bottom-up approach to explain why South Koreans volunteered to fight in the Vietnam War, comprising the largest group of foreign troops that participated after U.S. forces. Because these soldiers received pay in U.S. dollars for their military service in Vietnam, there has been considerable scholarly debate about whether they were mercenaries. This article goes beyond this question to examine how the South Korean socio-economic context and political culture pushed these men to fight in another postcolonial civil war so similar to the one they themselves recently had experienced. An obligation to provide financial support for their impoverished families and a cult of militarized valor prompted young men to choose war as a way to fulfill their masculine roles. South Korean President Pak Chŏng-hŭi [Park Chung Hee] also urged young men to see themselves as defenders of the “Free World” and inspired them to fight alongside American soldiers they had respected as children during the Korean War. Ultimately, this article explains how South Koreans found themselves fighting in a new Cold War conflict in Asia even while their own nation remained precariously divided and damaged because of a similar war.
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Balabanlilar, Lisa. "The Begims of the Mystic Feast: Turco-Mongol Tradition in the Mughal Harem." Journal of Asian Studies 69, no. 1 (February 2010): 123–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911809992543.
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The founders of India's Mughal Empire were the last surviving remnants of the Timurid-Mongol ruling elite, descendants of Timur and Chingis Khan, for whom the traditions and institutions of Central Asia were universally recognized and potent symbols of cultural prowess and legitimacy. These ideas and understandings were not abandoned in the dynasty's displacement and reestablishment in India. Among them remained a distinctly Timurid understanding of the rights and roles of elite women—not only with regard to their artistic production or patronage but also, in marked contrast to their contemporaries the Ottomans and Safavids, the power offered to young, even childless, royal women and their active participation in dynastic survival and political success. In generations of Mughal rule on the Subcontinent, the comfortable cultural accommodation of independent elite women was a vital component of the Timurid cultural and social legacy, inherited and carefully maintained at the royal courts of India.
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Sinyai, Clayton. "Schools of Democracy." Labor Studies Journal 44, no. 4 (November 20, 2019): 373–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x19887246.
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In the late 20th century, a wave of democratic transformation swept away dictatorships of the right and left across Europe, Africa and much of Asia; and for the first time in human history most citizens lived under governments they had chosen in free elections. Liberal democracy, characterized by multiparty elections, individual liberties, free enterprise and independent trade unions, seemed poised to dominate the future, but today populist movements challenge the liberal consensus and global public opinion surveys indicate a loss of faith in democratic values. The rapid decline in labor union membership across the developed world may be a contributing factor. Social scientists have documented the function of labor unions as “schools” of democracy where working-class high school graduates learn crucial civic skills, boosting their political participation and reducing the gap between socioeconomic classes. This may explain why AFL President Samuel Gompers’s observation, that “there never yet existed coincident with each other autocracy in the shop and democracy in political life” remains true 125 years later, and highlights a major threat to democracy today.
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Levchenkov, Aleksandr S. "BOOK REVIEW: PIVOVAR, E.I. (ED.), WITTENBERG, E.YA., MUKHIN, M.YU. AND KHANOVA I.E. (2022), PUBLICATIONS OF THE INSTITUTE OF POST-SOVIET AND INTERREGIONAL STUDIES, ISS. 5: KYRGYZSTAN’ STUDIES, RGGU, MOSCOW, RUSSIA." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian Studies. History. Political Science. International Relations, no. 4 (2022): 135–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2022-4-135-141.
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“Kyrgyzstan’ Studies” continues the tradition in country studies issues of a series on scientific works “Publications of the Institute of post-Soviet and interregional studies”. The authors of the book are well-known specialists from the Russian State University for the Humanities and other universities and scientific institutes of Russia, leading scientific and expert-analytical centers of Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan. The authors focus on a wide range of issues of the history, culture and modernity of Kyrgyzstan, Russian-Kyrgyz relations, cross-cultural interaction in Central Asia as a whole. “Kyrgyzstan’ Studies” introduces readers to the pages of the Kyrgyzstan history, the peculiarities of the formation and evolution of Russian-Kyrgyz business relations and cooperation in the field of education and science, the stages and features of the constitutional, legal and socio-political development of the country in general, the traditions of the spiritual and material culture of the Kyrgyz and the contribution of Kyrgyzstan to the unique multicultural space of Eurasia. The results of the interdisciplinary analysis of significant historical and cultural processes and phenomena presented in the book are particularly important in the context of the modern development of the Kyrgyz Republic, its relations with neighboring states and participation in integration projects in the Eurasian space. The participation of a solid international team in the preparation of the publication confirms the relevance and prospects of interregional scientific and educational cooperation
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MARCHI, Ludovica. "The EU Promotion of Security Cooperation in the Non-European World: The Case of ASEAN and Myanmar." Journal of European Integration History 25, no. 1 (2019): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2019-1-81.
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This article explores the EU’s attempts at the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) to encourage Myanmar directly, or indirectly via the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), to connect with security cooperation. It argues that both ASEAN’s assumption of responsibility and Myanmar’s taking on of multilateral security options were linked to the EU’s policy at ARF. In order to demonstrate this, the article provides an historical insight into the EEC/EU’s relations with ASEAN, in 1980, leading to the EU’s participation in the ARF in 1993. It focuses on the EU’s messages at the Forum when the EU and ASEAN co-chaired the ARF meetings. Meetings co-chaired by both were held between 2004 and 2008. The investigation relates to the ARF as to a framework where interactions develop, and uses Cyclone Nargis that ravaged Myanmar in 2008 to assess Myanmar and ASEAN’s conduct. In evaluating Yangon and the Association’s behaviour, the article is helped by explanations provided by social mechanisms, an appropriateness logic and observations derived from interviews conducted in Southeast Asia and Brussels. The article covers the interaction between the EU and Myanmar before the outbreak of the Rohingya crisis, which gave EU policies towards Myanmar a new dimension.
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Farrelly, Nicholas, and Giuseppe Gabusi. "Introduction." European Journal of East Asian Studies 14, no. 1 (2015): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-01401004.
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Myanmar has recently sought a new path for its development, one that includes a constitutional framework, new executive and legislative institutions, greater civil and political freedoms, and the gradual liberalisation of the economy. To help understand the recent history of Myanmar’s transitions, this special issue of the European Journal of East Asian Studies offers six articles that analyse the changes from a variety of perspectives and different appropriate theoretical approaches. From democratisation to the army’s role, from new economic challenges to renewed peace efforts, from the complex interaction with China to historical tensions with India, this diverse set of articles helps clarify the extent to which Myanmar is enjoying a renaissance. The country has peculiar advantages but is also limited by geography, poverty and political history. To forge a new culture of consistent popular participation in democratic life will not be easy or cheap. However, with wise leadership, economic ambition and popular participation the country could become one of Asia’s great democratic and social successes.
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Trygub, Oleksandr, Oleksandr Osypenko, Mykhailo Fedorenko, and Oleksandr Konotopenko. "Missions of the Russian Orthodox Church as a Tool of Diplomacy: from History to the Present." Cuestiones Políticas 41, no. 76 (March 6, 2023): 100–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4176.05.
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The aim of the article was to determine the role of the missionary activity of the Russian Orthodox Church in the context of its historical-political development. The methodological basis of the study meant a comprehensive interdisciplinary approach using systemic, civilizational, historical-chronological and structural-functional methods, as well as the method of comparative analysis and institutional approach. The results obtained allow us to conclude that, in the modern world, the Russian Orthodox Church has been noted for its active participation in missionary activity, which has also set itself the goal of spreading the ideas of the ‘Slavic’ or ‘Russian world’ among the peoples of Asia and Africa. The spiritual values preached through the missionary work of the Russian Orthodox Church, taking into account its contribution to the Russian state and culture, are gradually becoming the basis for popularizing the Russian national idea, which is dialectically positioning itself as the main civilizational vector of the international policies of the Russian Federation. Thus, the Russian Orthodox Church has a rather strong influence on the formation of the image of the Russian Federation in the eyes of the world community, this is so, in part, due to its spiritual missions.
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Litvinova, T. N. "Russia in the Greater Eurasian Partnership: from Civilization Theory to Political Practice." Journal of Law and Administration 16, no. 2 (June 26, 2020): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2020-2-55-33-42.
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Introduction. The article overviews the place of Russia in the promotion and construction of the Greater Eurasian partnership. The idea of this partnership was proposed by President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin for the interfacing of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and the Chinese transport initiative “One Belt, One Road” (OBOR).Materials and methods. The study is based on the synthesis of the civilizational concept of Eurasianism and the theory of international integration. The work analyses official documents of EEU and Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), declarations of their officials, screening mass media, trade and economic statistics.Results. The statistics show that EEU is gaining success, although at present its developed is slowing. Third countries still play a significant role in foreign trade and investments of EEU member states. China competes with Russia for the dominance in Central Asia. The interface of EEU and SCO integration processes, as well as the Chinese initiative “One Belt, One Road” should be developed in view of Russia’s interests.Discussion and conclusion. The Greater Eurasian partnership can be considered as component of a new world architecture underlied by the system of regional and interregional economic and integration groups. The post-Soviet countries of Eurasia are united by a common history, civilizational and cultural prerequisites for integration with the unifying role of Russia. No serious project on the continent can be implemented without its participation.
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Baltabayeva, A. Yu, A. Abubakirova, and А. О. Syzdykova. "IMPORTANCE OF THE SILK ROAD AND THE SILK ROAD ECONOMIC BELT PROJECT." BULLETIN 389, no. 1 (February 10, 2021): 96–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.32014/2021.2518-1467.13.
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The interaction of different political, economic, historical and cultural dynamics of societies play an important role in the emergence of civilizations. The interaction of these dynamics with each other was realized by means of transportation due to reasons such as trade, migration, war, diplomacy. Transportation routes have been the most important element that provides the relationship of space between people and societies through the means that have developed in the historical process. The factor that makes the transportation route valuable and lasting depends on its geopolitical and geostrategic position, on ensuring that the societies carry out their social and economic relations safely. In this context, the oldest and most valuable transportation route in human history is the Silk Road, which covers a large geography from Europe to Asia to Asia to Africa, where many ancient civilizations were born. Along with the increase in the importance of energy resources in recent years, the importance of the Silk Road has increased as a result of the growing role of the countries concentrated in the region along the Silk Road in the world economy. On September 7, 2013, Chinese President XI Jinping delivered an important speech at Nazarbayev University in Astana, calling on China and Central Asia to join the creation of a new "silk road Economic belt". According to some researchers, this project covers the European economic zone from China and the Eurasia and Asia-Pacific economy corridor. China's project to revive the Silk Road has emerged as a result of China's economic and political-based regional and global expectations and concerns, rather than being a utopian initiative. In this study, new projects in the revitalization of the Silk Road were evaluated and the Silk Road Economic Belt project was studied. The environmental threats posed to the region by the world's largest transport project, which is being implemented with the participation of 65 countries, were discussed.
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Jamil, Asyiqah Binti Mohamad, and Asilatul Hanaa Binti Abdullah. "Decolonization of Feminism in the Malayan Nationalist Movement: A Case Study of Ibu Zain and Shamsiah Fakeh." Muslim Politics Review 1, no. 2 (December 25, 2022): 227–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.56529/mpr.v1i2.62.
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The misrepresentation of Southeast Asians throughout history was often the results of the White Man’s burden doctrine practiced by Western colonialists, which clouded their perceptions of Southeast Asians, resulting in claims that Southeast Asians were inferior. This Eurocentric idea has distorted the representation of colonized nations in general. However, the worst Eurocentric fallacy is regarding Muslim women in Southeast Asia. They were not only misrepresented but also intimidated by the patriarchal nature of orientalism. Muslim women were, and indeed often still are, viewed as vulnerable victims that need to be saved from their men, making them quarry of double oppression. The most unfortunate part is even many modern white feminists still subscribe to these Eurocentric ideas. Thus, this paper aims to decolonize this narrative by illustrating the history of women’s involvement in politics from the time of the Malay Sultanate until post-World War II Malaya. This research also explores women’s participation in the far-right and far-left political movements in Malaya, with special references to Ibu Zain and Shamsiah Fakeh. We demonstrate the independence of Malayan women and affirm that they were well-presented in Malayan politics over this period of time.
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Trunov, Philipp O. "Modeling the Country’s Participation in Armed Conflict Resolution: Case of Germany’s Activity in Mali." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, no. 1 (March 30, 2023): 48–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-1-48-66.
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In the early 2020s, the challenges of maintaining a Western presence in the zones of armed conflicts in Asia and Africa increased dramatically. This was most evident in Afghanistan, while notable difficulties were also observed in the Sahara-Sahel region. In trying to understand the reasons for this, the author turned to the situation in Mali, trying to correlate the Germany’s actions in Mali with the author’s theoretical-practical scheme of participation of an outside actor in the resolution of an armed conflict. Reaching the position of a full-fledged global actor, Germany is especially interested in creating a strategic presence in the instability zones and is sensitive to its loss. At the first stage of the resolution, the key tasks are the bracketing of radical forces, especially terrorist groups, and the reconciliation of the moderate ones, which are interested in preserving the institution of the state as such. The second stage is the time for full-scale international peacekeeping. The third stage is the nationalization of the resolution, i.e. the transfer of control over the process to the authorities and security forces in the country of conflict’s origin. The study explores the forms, scale, and geographical features of Germany’s use of military tools and diplomatic capabilities in the first two stages of the 2013-2019 resolution. The main “bottlenecks” of the approach are identified, including the persistent delay in applying sufficient efforts and the determinism of this trend. For 2020-2021, two contradictory paths are shown against the background of a new wave of activation of terrorist groups in the south of Mali: an accelerated transition to nationalization with a possible withdrawal of German and French support, and a postponement of the third stage, linked to the preparations for the continued presence of Western countries in Mali.
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McWILLIAM, ANDREW. "Haumeni, Not Many: Renewed Plunder and Mismanagement in the Timorese Sandalwood Industry." Modern Asian Studies 39, no. 2 (April 13, 2005): 285–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x04001581.
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There have been numerous occasions throughout history where the exploitation of a single commodity has transformed the fortunes of institutions, communities and even nations that have sought to benefit from its control. Middle Eastern oil, rubber from the former Belgian Congo or gold in South America provide a few striking case studies. For the eastern Indonesian island of Timor, the long-term struggle for the control and trade of high quality white sandalwood (Santalum album L) holds this pre-eminent position. The history of Timor, for perhaps the last millennium, has been intimately linked to the shifting fortunes of sandalwood production and trade. Over the centuries, the attraction of sandalwood and the fine scented oil produced from its heartwood, has encouraged an extraordinary array of diverse trading interests that jostled and warred for influence and a share of the lucrative profits from its exploitation and sale across Asia. For indigenous Timorese too, participation in sandalwood politics frequently lay at the heart of endemic struggles for power and wealth. The capacity to exert control over sandalwood production and trade from the interior of the island was a direct measure of political authority and standing among rival Timorese indigenous domains. To control the production and trade in sandalwood was to control the polity, at least to the extent that the situation remained uncontested. The converse also held true; namely that the holders of effective political power within Timorese domains were well placed to monopolise available sandalwood stocks. Thus to a significant degree the fortunes of Timorese society are mirrored in the history of sandalwood politics.
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Roy, Mallarika Sinha. "“The Call of the World”: Women's Memories of Global Socialist Feminism in India." International Review of Social History 67, S30 (March 10, 2022): 237–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859021000699.
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AbstractThis article explores the juncture between historical time and space in the context of socialist feminism, primarily through the memoir of an Indian woman activist who spent four years in East Berlin as the Asian Secretary at the Women's International Democratic Federation. This primary source material is drawn from a longer history of Indian leftist women's participation in political mobilizations and organizational work, the literary tradition of travel writing, found especially in Bengal, and academic histories of socialist feminism.
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Rodionov, Vladimir A. "«Мягкая сила» малых стран: опыт Монголии." Oriental studies 15, no. 2 (July 15, 2022): 228–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2021-60-2-228-243.
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Introduction. The experience of recent decades shows small countries — though characterized by relatively limited foreign policy capacity — can defend their interests through ‘soft power’. Being obviously inferior to greater powers in military, political and economic aspects, small countries seek to compensate for their vulnerability with softer methods of influence. Nowadays, Mongolia is a classic case of a small country under the influence of such great powers as Russia, China, and the United States to successfully employ soft power tools. Goals. The article aims to identify where and how Mongolia uses soft power in its foreign policy. Materials and methods. The study primarily explores Mongolia’s official documents dealing with its national security and foreign policy, international initiatives of Ulaanbaatar, statements of Mongolian executives on relations with foreign partners, media materials. The employed research methods include the comparative, narrative, and retrospective ones. Results. There are three most promising lines for soft power in contemporary Mongolia’s foreign policy. The first one is that the country presents itself as a successful young democracy in the heart of Asia capable of becoming a model for a number of other small countries in the region. The second one is the policy of de facto neutrality manifested in refusal to deploy nuclear weapons and foreign military bases in Mongolian territory, as well as the active participation in UN peacekeeping operations. Finally, the third soft power line (to be perceived as one) is Ulaanbaatar’s active promotion of its mediation role to resolve urgent problems localized in Northeast Asia. Maintaining friendly relations with virtually all Northeast Asian states, Mongolia seeks to become a platform for international negotiations similar to that of Switzerland. Conclusions. Thus, soft power for Ulaanbaatar is an important two-sided tool supposed, firstly, to accelerate international influence and, secondly, to ensure national security and sovereignty.
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Singh, Priti. "Global configurations of indigenous identities, movements and pathways." Thesis Eleven 145, no. 1 (March 20, 2018): 10–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513618763837.
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The social science literature on identity politics around questions of race and ethnicity is profuse, prolix and contentious. Indigenous identity politics have seen a parallel growth and are equally complex. While there are analogies and overlaps, indigenous identities and social movements are neither conceptually nor empirically a sub-set of ethnic identities. The central issue of indigenous groups is the place of first peoples in relation to the nation-state system. This takes different forms in old world states of Asia and Africa to those of new world settler (ex-colonial) states of the Americas and Australasia. While the major issues of the indigenous peoples have expanded beyond their national boundaries, their modes of participation in the national political arenas vary. They share a gradual nationalization of indigenous movements, including stronger links with socio-political forces of the respective countries in the region, a heightened consciousness of global processes and the broadening and enrichment of their socio-cultural and economic objectives. This paper looks at trans-national dimensions of indigenous social movements and identity politics in relation to nation-state policy regimes and examines the varying routes taken by indigenous peoples to achieve their goals.
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Żanbosinowa, Albina Sowietowna. "Współczesne praktyki upamiętniania Wielkiej Wojny Ojczyźnianej w Kazachstanie." Studia Polityczne 49, no. 2 (November 22, 2021): 87–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/stp.2021.49.2.05.
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The history of the Great Patriotic War has now become a hostage to political games and the ambitions of a national power. The collapse of the Soviet Union not only led to the development of the republics, but also transformed the politics of memory concerning Soviet history. This article analyses contemporary practices of commemorating the Great Patriotic War in Kazakhstan. It is one of the few Central Asian republics that continues to celebrate 9 May. The author analyses cultural memory in the post-Soviet area using the example of Kazakhstan and shows how contemporary practices of commemorating the Great Patriotic War developed. She also shows the state practices of the social and communicative transmission of the history of Kazakhstan’s participation in the Great Patriotic War.
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Nguyen, Son T. "Great Powers Rivalry in the Indo-Pacific Region and Its Impact on Vietnam’s Strategy." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, no. 3 (September 30, 2023): 562–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-3-562-574.
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At the end of the 20th century, many researchers had envisioned a world where countries shift from political and military competition towards economic competition. However, the prospect of a world without conflict was short-lived, as the concerns about political tensions were revived in the early 21st century. Great powers such as the United States, China and Russia, have all shifted their focus to Asia, in particular the Indo-Pacific region. As a developing country in this region, Vietnam has its reasons to pay close attention to the competition among these great powers. Based on the theory of defensive realism, the author examines the reorientation of the US, Chinese and Russian foreign policy towards the Indo-Pacific region from Vietnam’s perspective. It shows that the US pivot to the region is set to challenge the rise of China and to maintain the US position as the leader of the world, China’s expanding influence is to reclaim its historical position in the region and Russia seeks to diversify its political and economic relations. In this context, Vietnam should maintain its multi-vector foreign policy, balancing the interests of several countries. In addition, Vietnam needs to strengthen its position in the global economy through participation in new-generation free trade agreements, expand the scope and forms of its diplomacy, and play a more active role in the global community. All these, in the author’s opinion, will enable Vietnam to strengthen its position in the global economy and boost its diplomatic activities.
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Voronova, Maria. "SCIENTIFIC AND ORGANIZATIONAL ACTIVITY OF O. PRITSAK IN UKRAINE AFTER 1991." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Ostrozʹka akademìâ". Serìâ Ìstoričnì nauki 1 (December 17, 2020): 134–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2409-6806-2020-31-134-141.
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The article is devoted to the scientific and organizational activities of O. Prytsak in Ukraine after 1991. It was during this period against the background of favorable political circumstances that the scientist was able to come to Ukraine and begin his active work on the development of historical science in our country. The key directions to which the scientist’s activity was directed are considered. First of all, much attention is paid to the establishment of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, as well as the revival of the journal “Eastern World”. In addition to the development of Oriental studies, O. Prytsak dealt with other issues concerning the development of historical science in Ukraine. He proposed to create the Department of Historiosophy at Kyiv State University named after Taras Shevchenko. At the historical faculty of this university O. Prytsak gave lectures on philosophy and methodology of history. During the study period, the scientist had repeatedly acted as a dissertation supervisor and was an official opponent in the defense of dissertations. In the personal archive of the scientist one may find reviews and responses to works on the history of Ukraine of the Middle Ages, the age of the Cossacks, the history of nomadic peoples of Asia, oriental linguistics, general linguistics, as well as political and cultural history. The article highlights O. Prytsak’s participation in the scientific events, in which he made reports that were the results of his research in the field of the Ukrainian history and oriental studies. As a result of the study, it was concluded that O. Prytsak made a great contribution to the revival of Oriental Studies in Ukraine, was active in establishing the Department of Historiosophy at Kyiv State University named after Taras Shevchenko, brought up a whole galaxy of students who are currently well-known and authoritative researchers both in Ukraine and abroad. The scientific activity of the scientist has received recognition all over the world, as evidenced by his numerous international awards and distinctions.
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Stephens, Holly. "RICE CYCLES AND PRICE CYCLES: LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND GLOBAL TRADE IN KOREA, 1870–1933." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 44, no. 1 (February 14, 2022): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837220000425.
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This article examines a hitherto neglected aspect of the expansion of international trade in nineteenth-century East Asia—that of how ordinary people understood changing trade patterns. Rather than the political debates and imperial competition that have been the focus of existing research, I use the diary of Sim Wŏn’gwŏn (1850–1933), a farmer from Ulsan, southeastern Korea, to assess how knowledge shaped Sim’s perception of, and response to, the international grain trade. Sim used his diary to develop an economic world view based on his observation of cyclical, seasonal changes in the weather, harvests, and prices. While this enabled Sim to anticipate some fluctuations, the international rice trade posed a challenge as local market prices began to reflect events beyond Sim’s sphere of information. I argue that uneven access to knowledge influenced Sim’s participation in international trade, which in turn cannot be understood without reference to Sim’s existing understanding of the economy.
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Li, ZeXu, Ki-Moon Han, and Hyun-Wook Cho. "The Impact of RCEP on ASEAN Trade: Focusing on Korea’s Response Strategies." Korea International Trade Research Institute 19, no. 6 (December 31, 2023): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.16980/jitc.19.6.202312.145.
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Purpose - This research aims to enhance the understanding of Asia’s economic relationships and international economic governance, with a focus on the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). Specifically, this paper seeks to provide recommendations for South Korea’s participation and effective utilization in RCEP within the Asian region. Also this study suggests the significance of the Rule of Origin in Free Trade Agreements (FTAs), and highlights the importance of a cumulative certificate of origin, which refers to a document that verifies the cumulative origin of goods in international trade, applicable to 15 RCEP countries, as compared to existing bilateral FTAs.
Design/Methodology/Approach - This paper reviews previous studies related to ASEAN and RCEP, discussing the findings and key issues addressed in earlier research efforts. News articles and statistics either of political conflicts or economic implications are utilized in this context.
Findings - Currently, the global economic governance system, centered around the World Trade Organization (WTO), is facing challenges due to economic and trade friction between major powers, exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. Regional economic integration bodies like RCEP are taking on a new central role in international trade rules.
Research Implications - This research implies that the economic relations in the Asia-Pacific region have been steadily strengthening, and this contributes to maintaining stability through economic interdependence even in the presence of political conflict, and there is a room for South Korea to contribute.
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Romanukha, Oleksandr. "The USA policy of the control of the transport corridors." European Historical Studies, no. 4 (2016): 249–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.04.249-260.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the analysis of the foreign policy strategy of the USA in questions of controlling the transport corridors. The attention is given to the priority of the idea of revival of “The Silk Road” and forming the regional transport corridors that will promote the growth of national economies, stabilize the political situation, improve the investment atmosphere and help the countries to integrate into the world’s economical and political systems. The detailed analysis of the history, regional features of the implementation of the target is given. The scale of this project has caused sequence of its implementation. If at the beginning it was sad about revival of a trade way between Europe and Asia in general, then over time the United States of America pass to some tactics in forming the small transport corridors of regional value. In the future on their basis it will be possible to carry out the idea of “The Silk Road”. Taking into consideration the richness of hydrocarbons in the countries in Central Asia, the idea of building oil and gas pipelines has become the basis for regional transport corridors and will create an infrastructure basis for adjustment of a goods 260 turnover in the future. Even today the profit of transportation between the West and the East raises a great interest in the world community. The great significance is given to the Black Sea region, especially to Ukraine. Holding an important geopolitical position, it is together with other countries in the region, has to act as a guarantee of stability, democracy and integration. This will assist economical recovery of the participating countries, normalize a political situation.
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Dosch, Jörn, and Oliver Hensengerth. "Sub-Regional Cooperation in Southeast Asia: The Mekong Basin." European Journal of East Asian Studies 4, no. 2 (2005): 263–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006105774711422.
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AbstractThe paper analyses the security dimension of the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) by taking into account traditional as well as non-traditional security issues. The Greater Mekong Subregion, which was established in 1992 at the initiative of the ADB, emerged after the Cold War in the wake of the so-called new regionalism as one of the growth triangles within ASEAN. Participating countries/regions are China's Yunnan province, Myanmar, Thailand, Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos. The article places the discussion of the Greater Mekong Subregion within the debate on post-Cold War sub-regionalism and sets out to discuss the development of regionalism in the Mekong Basin. The article shows how economic cooperation is followed in the pursuit of security and stability in a formerly conflict-ridden area and assesses the relevance of the GMS towards the issue of conflict reduction in the Mekong Basin.
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Masatsugu, Michael K. "‘Bonded by reverence toward the Buddha’: Asian decolonization, Japanese Americans, and the making of the Buddhist world, 1947–1965." Journal of Global History 8, no. 1 (February 18, 2013): 142–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022813000089.
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AbstractThis article examines Asian and Japanese American participation in a post-Second World War global movement for Buddhist revival. It looks at the role that Buddhism and the World Fellowship of Buddhists organization played in shaping transnational networks and the development of a global Buddhist perspective. It contextualizes the growth of a ‘Buddhist world’ within the history of decolonization and Japanese American struggles to reconstruct individual and community identities thoroughly disrupted by the war. The article considers Asian Buddhist approaches toward recognition as national and world citizens rather than colonial subjects and their influence on Japanese American Buddhists’ strategies for combating racial and religious discrimination in the United States. Finally, the article examines how Japanese Americans joined Asian efforts to formulate a distinctly Buddhist response to the Cold War. Buddhists hoped that Buddhism might serve as a ‘third power’ that would provide a critical check on a world increasingly polarized by Cold War politics and threatened by the prospects of nuclear war.
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Bandžović, Sead. "The phenomenon of fragile states: Bosnia and Herzegovina." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 338–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.338.
Full textAbstract:
The three key conditions for the existence of a state, according to the theory of state and law, are geographical territory, population and organized political power in that area. However, during the twentieth century in some African and Asian countries, due to various political, economic and other factors, problems began to appear in performance of their basic functions: ensuring public order and peace, providing health services, education. Modern science has introduced the term failed states to describe such countries. This scientific phenomenon has been the subject of numerous researches, and international organizations have been publishing annual indices of fragile, failed or unsuccessful world states for years. The first index of its kind was created in 2005 by the American non-profit organization The Fund for Peace in cooperation with the magazine Foreign Policy, which initially included 76 countries. The original term failed state was considered politically extremely incorrect, even when it referred to countries like South Sudan or Somalia, noting that such a term originated in the political terminology of developed countries by which all other countries at a lower level of development were considered to be failed ones. Therefore, in 2014, a new notion of a fragile state was created, and accordingly the existing index was renamed the Fragile State Index (FSI). This parameter determines the degree of fragility for each country on an annual basis, assessing four basic indicators: cohesion (functionality of the state apparatus), economic (overall economic situation), political (legitimacy of the state, availability of public services, respect for human rights and freedoms) and social (demographic structure of the community, number of displaced persons and refugees, external interventions). Based on the values of these indicators, countries are positioned in four groups: sustainable, stable, endangered and alarming. The paper also discusses Bosnia and Herzegovina as a potentially fragile state. Although it enjoys sovereignty and political independence, the 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement still provides for the strong participation of the international community in the performance of its basic state functions. Examples include the presence of international military and police forces from the early post-war years to the present (EUFOR), with a special emphasis on the position of High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The peace agreement gave him the status of his supreme interpreter, as well as the well-known Bonn powers that he used on several occasions to remove Bosnian political officials and the imposition of laws (Criminal Code of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Law on the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Law on the Prosecutor's Office of Bosnia and Herzegovina) due to the inability of domestic parliamentary bodies to pass them independently. In addition to the extremely complicated constitutional structure, the functioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina is hampered by the inability to reach an agreement between political representatives on key issues in the country. In the first place, these are much-needed changes to the constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina that would in the future allow members of minorities (Jews and Roma) to elect their own representatives in the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this regard, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in 2009 in the case of Sejdić-Finci assessed that the impossibility of minority participation in political decision-making is a gross violation of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Numerous international organizations, primarily Human Rights Watch, have been warning for years about other problems in the country: national segregation of children under two schools under one roof, numerous attacks on Bosniak returnees in Republic of Srpska without adequate sanctions and extreme slowness in war crimes proceedings and the administration of transitional justice with the emergence of increasingly frequent denials of war crimes and victims. Although more than 25 years have passed since the end of the war, the participation of the international factor is still noticeable, and in some cases necessary.