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1

Blee, Kathleen M. "Mobility and Political Orientation." Sociological Perspectives 28, no. 3 (July 1985): 385–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389153.

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Public attention recently has been drawn to the existence of a “gender gap” in public opinion and electoral politics in the United States. Yet the reasons for this sex difference in politics are unclear. Do men and women have differences of political orientation that are independent of social class differences or do sex differences in politics reflect different class experiences for men and women? This research uses national survey data to compare the political effects of social mobility for three groups of respondents: Males, women employed for wages outside the home, and housewives. I predict that women who are mobile by virtue of their own occupational status will have political orientations close to those of their class-of-destination, while women who are mobile by virtue of a spouse's occupation will retain political orientations similar to those of their class-of-origin. Further, I predict that the difference between the relationship of social mobility and political orientation for employed men and women will decline as women's overall labor force participation increases. In a log-linear analysis of presidential candidate selection from 1948 to 1980, I find that marital and occupational mobility do have different effects on women's political orientation, but the direction of political change across mobility statuses was not consistent. There is no convergence over time in the pattern whereby mobility status is related to political choice for men and women.
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Ormrod, Robert P., and Heather Savigny. "Political market orientation." Party Politics 18, no. 4 (March 21, 2011): 487–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068810389632.

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3

YI, Kyung Min. "Constitution as Political Orientation." Korean Review of Political Thought 27, no. 1 (May 31, 2021): 88–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.37248/krpt.2021.05.27.1.88.

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4

Furnham, Adrian, and Mark Fenton-O'Creevy. "Personality and political orientation." Personality and Individual Differences 129 (July 2018): 88–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2018.03.020.

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5

Bigi, Alessandro, Emily Treen, and Anjali Bal. "How customer and product orientations shape political brands." Journal of Product & Brand Management 25, no. 4 (July 18, 2016): 365–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jpbm-07-2015-0935.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to present a theory of consumer and product orientation in the realm of political branding to illustrate how politicians can choose to position and present themselves to voters. It is evident that some politicians play an active role in shaping the beliefs and actions of their constituents, while others are more influenced by voter sentiment. The effectiveness of the political strategy is highly influenced by the market realities of the voting body in question. Design/methodology/approach A dichotomy is presented to shed light on how consumer and product orientation might influence the way in which politicians choose to address the public. Specifically, four modified strategic orientation archetypes are presented and analyzed with particular focus on political brands and strategy. Findings Product and consumer orientations have been shown to also be applicable to the strategic positioning of political brands. While it can be argued that no strategy is superior over another, careful consideration of the political environment in question and subsequent execution of an appropriate stance can be used to better manage the relationship between the electorate and politicians. Research limitations/implications This study provides academics in this area with a comprehensive examination of strategic orientation literature in political contexts, and lays out a strong groundwork for future studies. In this burgeoning area of research, there are several opportunities for marketing and political strategy academics to dive deeper into the intricacies that drive politicians to adopt specific strategic orientations, and how these strategies evolve over time and in differing political environments. Practical implications This analysis suggests that there are opportunities for political strategists to explore the relationship between the identified strategic orientations and political brands, and for political marketing scholars to investigate the modes of focus presented. Originality/value This analysis provides better understanding of how politicians can influence voters and voters can influence political brands, and how the strategic orientation archetypes can be used to influence decisions about political strategy.
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Kim, Y., S.-W. Lee, and T.-H. Kim. "Does political orientation affect happiness? The case of South Korea." Applied Econometrics 57 (2020): 102–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1993-7601-2020-57-102-118.

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7

Syahrul, Fathullah, Caroline Paskarina, and R. Widya Setiabudi Sumadinata. "The Political Orientation of Extra-Campus Student Organizations in the 2019 Presidential Election." Society 8, no. 2 (November 30, 2020): 486–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.33019/society.v8i2.201.

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This research aims to analyze extra-campus student organizations' political orientation in the 2019 presidential election in Makassar city using the qualitative descriptive research methods approach. Data collection methods use in-depth interviews and literature studies. Informants selection using purposive sampling techniques. This research indicates that internal factors relate to the extra-campus student organization's internal conditions in the 2019 presidential election in Makassar city. These internal conditions include encouraging their cadres to mature politically and democratically, maintaining the neutrality and idealism of cadres, and keeping the nation and state integrity. Besides, they supervise the government by conducting dialogue and discussion. At the same time, they imply that the 2019 presidential election's political agenda is a learning arena and rejects practical politics and oversees the candidate's vision and mission and every government policy by conducting studies. External factors are related to the influence from outside the extra-campus student organization, namely the alumni organization. The eight extra-campus student organizations consisting of HMI, PMKRI, GMKI, GMNI, PMII, IMM, KAMMI, and GEMA Pembebasan stated no intervention to select one candidate pair in the 2019 presidential election in Makassar city based on alumni's organizational instructions. There are three political orientations in the extra-campus student organizations in Makassar city: first, cognitive political orientation, second, affective political orientation, and third, evaluative political orientation.
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8

Meier, Kenneth J., Charles H. Levine, B. Guy Peters, and Frank J. Thompson. "Public Administration: A Political Orientation." Public Administration Review 50, no. 6 (November 1990): 684. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/976980.

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9

J Dorasamy and Mr Jirushlan Dorasamy. "Political orientation and moral foundations." Restaurant Business 118, no. 11 (November 9, 2019): 365–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/rb.v118i11.10325.

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Studies, especially in the North America, have shown a relationship between political orientation and moralfoundation. This study investigated whether moral judgements differ from the political orientation of participantsin South Africa moral judgment and the extent to which moral foundations are influenced by politicalorientation.Further, the study investigated the possibility of similar patterns with the North AmericanConservative-Liberal spectrum and the moral foundation. There were 300participants, 78 males and 222 females,who completed an online questionnaire relating to moral foundation and political orientation. The results partiallysupported the hypothesis relating to Liberal and Conservative orientation in South Africa. Further, this studypartially predicted the Liberal-Conservative orientation with patterns in the moral foundation, whilst showingsimilar findings to the North American studies. A growing rate of a neutral/moderate society is evidenced in SouthAfrica and abroad, thereby showing the emergence of a more open approach to both a political and generalstance.”””
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10

Schröter, Melani. "Addressee orientation in political speeches." Cognitive Perspectives on Political Discourse 13, no. 2 (August 20, 2014): 289–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.13.2.05sch.

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This article suggests that the addressees as the dialogical ‘other’ loom large in monological political speeches. However, political speeches are produced under conditions of addressee heterogeneity, i.e. the speakers do not actually know who they will be talking to. It will be argued that the addressees are nevertheless a crucial element in speakers’ context models, that speakers orientate towards imagined addressees and that certain aspects – what possible addressees may do, think or believe and that they are a part of an imagined community – are particularly relevant from the speakers’ point of view. An analysis of addressee orientation in political speeches aims at reconstructing speakers’ conceptualisations of possible addressees. The analysis reveals patterns of addressee orientation which suggest that the addressees are framed in terms of epistemic proximity, i.e. presumed nearness (agreement) or distance (disagreement) to the speakers. Both presumed agreement and disagreement will be discussed in terms of how the speakers aim to impose their default perspectives on the addressees. The analysis is based on examples from a substantial corpus of German chancellors’ political speeches from 1951–2001.
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11

Bixter, Michael T. "Happiness, political orientation, and religiosity." Personality and Individual Differences 72 (January 2015): 7–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2014.08.010.

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12

Farmila, Riri Izzatul, Indah Adi Putri, and Jendrius. "Political Orientation of Women Legislative Candidates in the 2019 Election: A Case Study of Elected Women Legislative Members of Padang City." ENDLESS: International Journal of Future Studies 5, no. 1 (April 16, 2022): 176–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/endlessjournal.v5i1.49.

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The purpose of this study is to analyze the political orientation of 6 female legislative candidates who were elected in the 2019 election in Padang City using the political orientation theory by Almond & Verba which consists of cognitive political orientation, affective orientation, and evaluative orientation. This research is a qualitative research with data collection through direct interviews with female legislators in the city of Padang. Cognitive political orientation in which female legislators of the city of Padang conveyed the importance of the political parties that nominate, this was proven by several female legislators of the city of Padang. The number of female legislative members of the City is 6 people, in political orientation there are several ways that the female legislators of the City of Padang have. Affective political orientation is a feeling towards the political system, its roles, actors and appearances that make a person accept or reject a political system. The political orientation of the female legislators of the City of Padang is how to believe in the community that we are able to convey the aspirations of the community and can solve the problems that the community complains about. Evaluative political orientation Decisions and opinions about political objects that typically involve a combination of value standards and criteria with information and feelings. Affective orientation talks about women's feelings towards political aspects. While the evaluative component talks about the assessment of the political system and its parts. From the results of interviews with researchers, in general, the 6 female legislative members of Padang City who were elected had 3 political orientations, namely cognitive, affective, and evaluative. The tendency of affective orientation is reflected in statements of liking or disliking that say or show women's political parties based on the fulfillment of only 30% quotas. The tendency of evaluative orientation is the ability to evaluate the process that is being implemented, namely the election process and the process as a member of the legislature.
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13

Jung, Jihye, and Vikas Mittal. "Political Identity and Preference for Supplemental Educational Programs." Journal of Marketing Research 58, no. 3 (April 22, 2021): 559–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00222437211004252.

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The market for supplemental educational programs (SEPs)—tutorials, educational materials, summer programs—has burgeoned. Thus, it is important to understand factors that may influence parents’ choices for SEPs. This article examines how parents’ political identity affects their preference for SEPs contingent on their focus on self. Using two main educational orientations—conformance orientation and independence orientation—the authors argue that SEPs with conformance-oriented pedagogy may be preferred more by conservative parents due to their higher need for structure. This association of political identity with preference for SEPs is moderated by self-focus. Counterintuitively, when using political orientation to target messages for SEPs, firms should frame messages to focus parents on themselves for identity-consistent effects to manifest. Five studies, including a field study, test this theorizing and replicate key results using different measures of political identity and self-focus.
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14

O'Cass, Aron, and Ranjit Voola. "Explications of political market orientation and political brand orientation using the resource-based view of the political party." Journal of Marketing Management 27, no. 5-6 (April 15, 2011): 627–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0267257x.2010.489831.

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15

Dodd, Michael D., Amanda Balzer, Carly M. Jacobs, Michael W. Gruszczynski, Kevin B. Smith, and John R. Hibbing. "The political left rolls with the good and the political right confronts the bad: connecting physiology and cognition to preferences." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 367, no. 1589 (March 5, 2012): 640–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2011.0268.

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We report evidence that individual-level variation in people's physiological and attentional responses to aversive and appetitive stimuli are correlated with broad political orientations. Specifically, we find that greater orientation to aversive stimuli tends to be associated with right-of-centre and greater orientation to appetitive (pleasing) stimuli with left-of-centre political inclinations. These findings are consistent with recent evidence that political views are connected to physiological predispositions but are unique in incorporating findings on variation in directed attention that make it possible to understand additional aspects of the link between the physiological and the political.
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16

Ormrod, Robert P., and Stephan C. Henneberg. "Understanding voter orientation in the context of political market orientation: is the political customer king?" Journal of Marketing Management 26, no. 1-2 (April 2010): 108–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02672570903574270.

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17

Garneau, Christopher R. H., and Philip Schwadel. "Examining the Influence of Political Affiliation and Orientation on Political Tolerance." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 8 (January 2022): 237802312211323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23780231221132368.

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Political identities are strongly associated with political tolerance. Specifically, previous research shows that American liberals report higher levels of tolerance toward marginalized groups than conservatives. Political orientation, however, varies more among Democrats than Republicans, which might mean that Democrats are relatively diverse in their levels of political tolerance. In this article, the authors ask how the association between political orientation and political tolerance varies across political parties. Using General Social Survey data, the authors find that tolerance is highest among liberals, followed by moderates and conservatives. Regression models with interactions between party and orientation demonstrate that political orientation is consequential for tolerance levels among independents, and especially Democrats, but is far less so for Republicans. Additional analyses demonstrate how the party-contingent association between political orientation and tolerance varies by the outgroup in question. This research demonstrates the complexity of political dimensions when considering support for the rights of marginalized outgroups.
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18

Basak, Rasim. "A study of relationships between worldview, political orientation and art preferences." New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 3, no. 5 (July 7, 2017): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/prosoc.v3i5.1953.

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19

Zuhroh, Ni'matuz. "PERILAKU SOSIAL BUDAYA POLITIK DAN AKTIVITAS RELIGI MASYARAKAT INDONESIA." J-PIPS (Jurnal Pendidikan Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial) 1, no. 1 (December 30, 2014): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/j-pips.v1i1.6811.

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<p>In order to achieve the authority cannot be separated from political culture in society, political culture according Ranney, there are two main components of political culture, namely cognitive orientations and affective orientations. Meanwhile, Almond and Verba more comprehensive reference on what formulated by Parson and Shils about classification of orientation types, that political culture contains three components as follows: cognitive orientation, affective orientation, and evaluative. In Indonesia also has various religions including Islam, Christian, Hindu, Buddha, and Konghucu. Sometimes, some people believe to witchcraft. Belief /religion of Indonesia people star from the simplest, for example fetishism, animism, pragmatism, and totemism. Belief and religion do not look traditional and modern societies even in Australia, America, and Africa totemism is a system that occupies the position as a religion and become the basis of social organization. J.G. Frezer in Totemism and Exogamy (1910)</p><p>Keywords: Political culture, System of Religion, and Witchcraft</p>
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20

Webster, Russell J., Mason D. Burns, Margot Pickering, and Donald A. Saucier. "The Suppression and Justification of Prejudice as A Function of Political Orientation." European Journal of Personality 28, no. 1 (January 2014): 44–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/per.1896.

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Politically conservative (versus liberal) individuals generally report more prejudice towards various low–status out–groups. Three studies examined whether prejudice suppression factors—specifically, internal and external motivation to suppress (IMS and EMS, respectively) prejudice—can help explain the relationship between political orientation and prejudice. Study 1 showed that IMS and EMS partially mediated the relationship between political orientation and affective prejudice towards Arabs. Study 2 demonstrated that when justification [right–wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation] and suppression (IMS and EMS) factors are simultaneously tested as mediators, only RWA partially mediated the relationship between political orientation and prejudice towards deviant (e.g. gay men) out–groups, whereas RWA and IMS fully mediated the relationship between political orientation and prejudice towards derogated out–groups (e.g. Blacks). Intriguingly, IMS rendered social dominance orientation effects non–significant for derogated out–groups. Study 3 showed that anticipating an out–group interaction (with a Black or lesbian confederate) diminished the mediational contribution of IMS in the political orientation–prejudice relationship because of increased IMS among participants; yet the increases in IMS did not completely eliminate differences in prejudice as a function of political orientation. Ultimately, these three studies demonstrate that suppression (in addition to justification) factors do help explain the relationship between political orientation and prejudice. Copyright © 2013 European Association of Personality Psychology.
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21

Wenqi, LI, ZHANG Mengyuan, and KOU Yu. "Political orientation and its changing mechanism." Advances in Psychological Science 26, no. 3 (2018): 549. http://dx.doi.org/10.3724/sp.j.1042.2018.00549.

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22

Sankara, Thomas. "The ‘political orientation’ of Burkina Faso." Review of African Political Economy 12, no. 32 (April 1985): 48–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056248508703615.

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Taniguchi, Hiromi, and Gul Aldikacti Marshall. "Trust, political orientation, and environmental behavior." Environmental Politics 27, no. 3 (January 9, 2018): 385–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644016.2018.1425275.

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24

Alozie, Nicholas O., James Simon, and Bruce D. Merrill. "Gender and political orientation in childhood." Social Science Journal 40, no. 1 (March 1, 2003): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0362-3319(02)00255-0.

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25

Burns, Thomas J. "Class dimensions, individualism, and political orientation." Sociological Spectrum 12, no. 4 (October 1992): 349–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02732173.1992.9982008.

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26

Okdie, Bradley M., and Daniel M. Rempala. "Brief Textual Indicators of Political Orientation." Journal of Language and Social Psychology 38, no. 1 (March 8, 2018): 106–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261927x18762973.

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Language reflects one’s thoughts, feelings, and worldview. Technology has led to a proliferation of brief communications. Is this brief text meaningful? We examine whether text from brief political and nonpolitical communications reflect political ideology. Student responses to their ideological foundations (Study 1), brief snippets of unanimous Supreme Court verdicts (Study 2), and celebrity tweets (Study 3) were textually analyzed to examine whether they contained perceived threat and resistance to change content and whether this predicted the authors’ political affiliation. Across three studies, words related to resistance to change, but not perceived threat, were related to political ideology such that conservatives were more likely to include resistance-to-change-related words in their responses compared with liberals. These results suggest that brief text, even when not overtly political, reflects one’s political ideology. The increase in brief text production via new technology and its ability to predict political ideology make these findings particularly meaningful.
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27

O'Cass, Aron. "The internal-external marketing orientation of a political party: social implications of political party marketing orientation." Journal of Public Affairs 1, no. 2 (May 2001): 136–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pa.59.

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28

LaBouff, Jordan P., Matthew Humphreys, and Megan Johnson Shen. "Religiosity and Group-Binding Moral Concerns." Archive for the Psychology of Religion 39, no. 3 (December 2017): 263–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15736121-12341343.

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Research by Graham and Haidt (2010) suggests that beliefs, rituals, and other social aspects of religion establish moral communities. As such, they suggest religion is most strongly associated with the group-focused “binding” moral foundations of ingroup/loyalty, authority/respect, and purity/sanctity. Two studies tested this hypothesis, investigating the role of political orientation in these relationships. These studies supported our hypothesis that general religiosity is positively associated with each of the group-focused moral foundations, even when controlling for the role of political orientation. Further, we find religious and political orientations interact such that low-religious political liberals are least likely to endorse group-focused moral intuitions. Results are discussed in a moral foundations framework and consider the role of religiosity's association with political orientation and group-focused moral foundations.
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29

Cohen, Raviv, and Derek Ruths. "Classifying Political Orientation on Twitter: It’s Not Easy!" Proceedings of the International AAAI Conference on Web and Social Media 7, no. 1 (August 3, 2021): 91–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/icwsm.v7i1.14434.

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Numerous papers have reported great success at inferring the political orientation of Twitter users. This paper has some unfortunate news to deliver: while past work has been sound and often methodologically novel, we have discovered that reported accuracies have been systemically overoptimistic due to the way in which validation datasets have been collected, reporting accuracy levels nearly 30% higher than can be expected in populations of general Twitter users. Using careful and novel data collection and annotation techniques, we collected three different sets of Twitter users, each characterizing a different degree of political engagement on Twitter - from politicians (highly politically vocal) to "normal" users (those who rarely discuss politics). Applying standard techniques for inferring political orientation, we show that methods which previously reported greater than 90% inference accuracy, actually achieve barely 65% accuracy on normal users. We also show that classifiers cannot be used to classify users outside the narrow range of political orientation on which they were trained. While a sobering finding, our results quantify and call attention to overlooked problems in the latent attribute inference literature that, no doubt, extend beyond political orientation inference: the way in which datasets are assembled and the transferability of classifiers.
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Josifidis, Kosta, John Hall, Novica Supic, and Olgica Ivancev. "European welfare regimes: Political orientations versus poverty." Panoeconomicus 58, no. 5 (2011): 651–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pan1105651j.

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This inquiry analyzes how political orientations shape welfare states and labour market institutions when seeking to reduce poverty. In order to identify effects of these two key variables, we conduct a panel regression analysis that includes two poverty measures: poverty rates before and after social spending. This inquiry considers 14 EU countries, and in the period from 1995 to 2008, which are grouped according to welfare state regimes. We consider Social Democratic, Corporatist, Mediterranean and Liberal welfare state regimes. Panel regression results indicate that political orientation engenders no significant statistically measurable effects on poverty rates before social spending. Effects register, however, as significant when considering poverty rates after social spending. With respect to the first set of results, we advance two key explanations. First, we note a longer period of time is necessary in order to observe actual effects of political orientation on market generated poverty. Second, political parties with their respective programs do not register as influential enough to solve social problems related to income distribution when taken alone. Influences register as indirect and are expressed through changes in employment rates and social spending. The second set of results support the hypothesis that a selected political regime does indeed contribute to poverty reduction. In sum, political orientation and political regime does indeed affect poverty through welfare state institutions, as well as through labour market institutions.
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Bell, Edward, Christopher Marcin Kowalski, Philip Anthony Vernon, and Julie Aitken Schermer. "Political Hearts of Darkness: The Dark Triad as Predictors of Political Orientations and Interest in Politics." Behavioral Sciences 11, no. 12 (December 8, 2021): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/bs11120169.

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Background: This study investigated the relationships between the Dark Triad of personality (sub-clinical psychopathy, Machiavellianism, and narcissism) and four political variables: socio-religious conservatism, support for greater economic equality, overall liberal–conservative orientation, and interest in politics. A theoretical approach that focused on the influence of the Dark Triad in large groups was provided to interpret those relationships. Methodological issues found in previous research that related to the use of abbreviated scales to measure the dark traits and the use of unidimensional indicators of political orientations were addressed. Methods: A hierarchical regression analysis was conducted to determine whether any of the three dark traits could explain variance in the aforementioned political attributes over and above that accounted for by the Big Five, sex, age, and nationality, using the full personality scales and measures of political orientation that captured both social and economic liberalism–conservatism. Results: Machiavellianism uniquely predicted lower levels of socio-religious conservatism, and both Machiavellianism and narcissism uniquely predicted lower levels of overall conservatism. Conclusions: There were important links between the Dark Triad and politics.
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Lalljee, Mansur, and Geoffrey Evans. "Political talk and the stability and consistency of political orientation." British Journal of Social Psychology 37, no. 2 (June 1998): 203–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2044-8309.1998.tb01165.x.

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33

Matějů, Petr, and Klára Vlachová. "Values and Electoral Decisions in the Czech Republic." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 31, no. 3 (September 1, 1998): 249–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(98)00011-7.

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This article is an attempt to identify the role of politically relevant values and attitudes in voting behaviour in the Czech Republic. In view of the results of earlier analyses, which show there has been a process of intense crystallization of left–right political axis of the Czech political spectrum, this paper aims to demonstrate the specific roles of declared and value-based left–right political orientations, the effects of external and internal political efficacy, the feelings of anomie, and the required role of state. The analysis of data from the ISSP survey carried out at the end of 1996 shows that a person's declared position on the left–right axis of political orientation has far stronger influence on voting behaviour than does his or her position on the left–right scale based on socio-economic values traditionally underlying left–right political orientations. This difference indicates, among other things, that in the Czech Republic the declared right-wing political orientations so far acted as barrier to voting for left-wing political parties, for which people would likely vote if they voted according to their value-based left-wing orientations.
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Zografova, Yolanda. "IMPACT OF PERSONAL ORIENTATIONS ON ATTITUDES TO DIVERSITY AND CIVIC SOCIAL-POLITICAL ACTIVENESS." Problems of Psychology in the 21st Century 7, no. 1 (December 15, 2013): 93–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.33225/ppc/13.07.93.

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The dynamically ongoing processes of integration are among the crucial premises for the development of contemporary interpersonal, intergroup and cross-cultural relations, attitudes, conflicts and more. The research problem here directs to an analysis, based on ESS data collected in 8 countries, rounds 2006 and 2008, on the extent to which Europeans' personal orientations significantly influence the attitudes towards ethno-national diversity, in this case, towards two social groups: immigrants coming from poorer countries outside Europe and people with different sexual orientation. Furthermore, the influence of the same factors on the civic activeness and involvement in the social-political processes has been followed. Through regressive analysis the important effect of the co-otherness orientation (a concept developed by Sicakkan, 2003), the orientation to success and traditionalism on all included dependent variables has been proved. The expectations for predicting effects of the three personal orientations have been confirmed regarding the civic involvement and tolerance to diversity. Simultaneously the necessity of working EU politics to deal with the risks of emerging negative attitudes has been pointed out in relation to the broad immigrant and refugee wave to European countries. Key words: attitudes towards immigrants, civic activeness, co-otherness.
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Trups-Kalne, Ingrida, and Girts Dimdins. "Relation between Social Conservatism, Moral Competence, Moral Orientations, and the Importance of Moral Foundations." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 6 (November 27, 2017): 81–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mjss-2017-0044.

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AbstractThis paper examines the relation between moral competence, moral orientations, importance of moral foundations, and political orientation, by combining two theoretical approaches in moral psychology--the cognitive perspective and social-intuitionist perspective. The participants (Study 1 N=348, aged 18 to 67, and Study 2 N = 361, aged 16 to 74) completed the Moral Competence Test (formerly Moral Judgment Test, Lind, 1978, 2008), the 30-Item Full Version of the Moral Foundations Questionnaire (Graham, Haidt & Nosek, 2008), and measurements of political orientation (a seven-point self-evaluation scale in study 1 and an 8-item social conservatism scale in Study 2). There was a negative correlation between moral competence on the one hand and conservative political orientation and binding moral foundations on the other hand. The overall correlation pattern between the scores of moral orientation and moral competence, and importance of moral foundations and political orientation was relatively weak and only partially consistent with the theoretical predictions. The results suggest that constructs used in the cognitive and social-intuitionist perspectives on moral judgment are conceptually different, and integrating the two approaches may be a challenging task.
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36

Valle, Matthew, and Larry Carlton. "CONTRIBUTIONS OF THE SOCIAL MILIEU TO CHANGING INDIVIDUAL POLITICAL ORIENTATIONS." Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 28, no. 3 (January 1, 2000): 251–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.2000.28.3.251.

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This paper proposes a model for examining the combination of individual perceptions of politics and intentions to engage in political activities (termed political orientations) under the influence of social processes in organizations. The concept of political orientation is viewed as a fluid strategy for subjective influence which is affected by elements of the organizational context, work-group interactions, and leader/member relations. Research propositions are offered concerning the impact of selected variables on the adaptation of individual political orientations within organizations, and suggestions for future research are discussed.
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37

Pushkareva, G. V., O. V. Mikhaylova, and E. V. Batovrina. "Political Orientation of Russian Students: Regional Profile." South Russian Journal of Social Sciences 22, no. 1 (2021): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31429/26190567-22-1-19-33.

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38

Pushkareva, G. V., O. V. Mikhaylova, and E. V. Batovrina. "Political Orientation of Russian Students: Regional Profile." South Russian Journal of Social Sciences 22, no. 1 (2021): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31429/26190567-22-1-19-33.

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39

Kim, Dae Hwan, and Bo Gyun Kim. "Relationship between Home Ownership and Political Orientation." Korea Real Estate Institute 31, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35136/krer.31.3.2.

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40

Ormrod, Robert P. "A Conceptual Model of Political Market Orientation." Journal of Nonprofit & Public Sector Marketing 14, no. 1-2 (November 22, 2005): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j054v14n01_04.

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41

Gengler, Justin. "The Political Costs of Qatar's Western Orientation." Middle East Policy 19, no. 4 (December 2012): 68–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4967.2012.00560.x.

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42

Ormrod, Robert P. "Political Market Orientation and Its Commercial Cousin." Journal of Political Marketing 6, no. 2-3 (August 8, 2007): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j199v06n02_05.

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43

Cong, Cheng, Michael Dempsey, and Hong Ming Xie. "Political skill, entrepreneurial orientation and organizational justice." International Journal of Entrepreneurial Behavior & Research 23, no. 1 (January 9, 2017): 20–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijebr-05-2015-0103.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to contribute to a unified theory of entrepreneurial orientation. To this end, the study considers the nexus of entrepreneurial orientation and venture performance contingent on entrepreneurial political skill, as well as in relation to organizational justice as it influences stakeholder commitment. Design/methodology/approach A diverse sample of 237 entrepreneurs from private entrepreneurial enterprises throughout an eastern province (Zhejiang) of China participated in a questionnaire study during three years. The study applies structural equation modeling and hierarchical moderated regression analyses to test the hypotheses. Findings In the context of a developing economy (China), the study verifies the influence of entrepreneurial political skill on entrepreneurial performance. Amongst those involved in the venture, a sense of organizational justice combined with entrepreneurial orientation work to moderate the entrepreneur’s political skill in achieving outcomes. Research limitations/implications Limitations of the study are the questionnaire survey identifies entrepreneurial “perceptions” of success or failure with actual success or failure; and responses are weighted to founders and top managers as representing entrepreneurial actors more generally. Practical implications The study concludes that access to scarce resources and maintenance of goal congruence are more likely to be achieved when entrepreneurial innovativeness and pro-activeness are combined with entrepreneurial political skill in a setting of organizational justice. Social implications The study finds that entrepreneurs are able to improve performance by instilling a group culture of trust and social justice. Originality/value The study is located contextually in the guanxi-centered social exchange atmosphere of China as the economy transforms from a planned to a market model, with institutional arrangements of a mixed economy of state-owned and privately owned enterprises. In this context, the study explores the constructs of entrepreneurial orientation in relation to entrepreneurial political skill in a context of organizational justice as they combine to influence a venture’s success.
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44

Fessler, Daniel M. T., Anne C. Pisor, and Colin Holbrook. "Political Orientation Predicts Credulity Regarding Putative Hazards." Psychological Science 28, no. 5 (March 31, 2017): 651–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0956797617692108.

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To benefit from information provided by other people, people must be somewhat credulous. However, credulity entails risks. The optimal level of credulity depends on the relative costs of believing misinformation and failing to attend to accurate information. When information concerns hazards, erroneous incredulity is often more costly than erroneous credulity, given that disregarding accurate warnings is more harmful than adopting unnecessary precautions. Because no equivalent asymmetry exists for information concerning benefits, people should generally be more credulous of hazard information than of benefit information. This adaptive negatively biased credulity is linked to negativity bias in general and is more prominent among people who believe the world to be more dangerous. Because both threat sensitivity and beliefs about the dangerousness of the world differ between conservatives and liberals, we predicted that conservatism would positively correlate with negatively biased credulity. Two online studies of Americans supported this prediction, potentially illuminating how politicians’ alarmist claims affect different portions of the electorate.
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45

Gastil, John, Don Braman, Dan Kahan, and Paul Slovic. "The Cultural Orientation of Mass Political Opinion." PS: Political Science & Politics 44, no. 04 (October 2011): 711–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096511001326.

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46

Piazza, Jared, and Paulo Sousa. "Religiosity, Political Orientation, and Consequentialist Moral Thinking." Social Psychological and Personality Science 5, no. 3 (June 13, 2013): 334–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550613492826.

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Martin, Leonard L., and Ralph Erber. "Introduction to the Psychology of Political Orientation." Psychological Inquiry 20, no. 2-3 (August 25, 2009): 85–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10478400903028342.

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48

O'Shaughnessy, Nicholas J., Paul R. Baines, Aron O'Cass, and Robert P. Ormrod. "Political Marketing Orientation: Confusions, Complications, and Criticisms." Journal of Political Marketing 11, no. 4 (October 2012): 353–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2012.724258.

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49

Dawes, Christopher T., and Aaron C. Weinschenk. "On the genetic basis of political orientation." Current Opinion in Behavioral Sciences 34 (August 2020): 173–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cobeha.2020.03.012.

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50

Seginer, Rachel. "Future orientation in times of threat and challenge: How resilient adolescents construct their future." International Journal of Behavioral Development 32, no. 4 (July 2008): 272–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0165025408090970.

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Drawing on the importance of future orientation for adolescent development this analysis presents a model describing how future orientation is affected by high challenge (or resilience) in the face of political violence. The analysis consists of three parts. The first two present future orientation conceptualization and the psychological processes underlying threat and challenge/resilience, respectively. Consequently, the third part outlines an integrated model positing that the effect of challenge/resilience on future orientation is mediated by hope and moderated by four factors: cultural orientations, developmental period, interpersonal relationships, and intrapersonal characteristics.
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