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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political Orientation'
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Green, Ronald Steve. "Temporal orientation and political perspective." Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/91101.
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This study uses sociology of time theories to determine the inner-structure of a social movement: the vest German Green Party. The data used in this study were obtained from a content analysis of articles found in the New York Times and the Washington Post from 1982 through 1985. Patterns of political/temporal perspectives, described by Mannheim, were explored.
In this study, it is determined that a pattern of political/temporal perspectives exists in the Green Party. A close look at these political/temporal perspectives revealed that over time some change occurred in the pattern. Thus, some support for Michels' Iron Law of Oligarchy which predicts change in a social rnove..rnent's orientations once that movement gains a political office was found.<br>M.S.
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Yeung, Law Koon-chui Agnes, and 楊羅觀翠. "Intergroup relationships and the political orientation of Chinese youth." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31235451.
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Yeung, Law Koon-chui Agnes. "Intergroup relationships and the political orientation of Chinese youth /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B1745718X.
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Barbullushi, Odeta. "The politics of 'Euro-Atlantic Orientation' : political identities, interests and Albanian foreign policy 1992-2007." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/770/.
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This thesis explores the shifts and continuities in the construction of security in the post-communist period. The thesis provides an insight into the reasons and the ways in which the dominant discourse of security and foreign policy of the Albanian state shifted in 1997 from a an emphasis on the ‘nation’ and ‘national sovereignty’ into a liberal discourse which emphasized the ‘economy’ and the ‘region’. The overarching question of the thesis is why did the Euro-Atlantic orientation become the hegemonic discourse of Albanian foreign and security policy in the post-1997 period? In order to find the answer for this question I will concentrate on the meanings that the Albanian political elites—and more specifically the two main governing parties, the Democratic Party and the Socialist Party— have attached to the notions of ‘national question’ and ‘Euro-Atlantic orientation’. The argument of the thesis is that the different articulations of ‘Euro-Atlantic orientation’ and of the ‘national interest’ have relied upon the elites’ different conceptions of self, that is, what constituted Albanianism. In turn, the political actors translate the basic identity narratives of the nation through their ideological/interpretative repertoires. The thesis builds on Discourse Theory and particularly the approach developed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe (1985) By incorporating notions of ‘identification strategies’, ‘interpretative repertoires’ and ‘myth’ into the framework of Lene Hansen and Ole Waever (2001), the thesis reveals the intricate interplay between the construction of state identity and of political identities in post-communist Albania.
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Werhun, Cherie D. "The relationship of social dominance orientation and political efficacy to political participation of women." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ53276.pdf.
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Rothenbach, Bert Fielding. "The impact of political and religious orientation on environmental concern /." Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.
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Roth, Zachary C. "Dialectical Thinking Motivates Political Centrism." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1626883153220931.
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Roth, Zachary C. "Dialectical Thinking Motivates Political Centrism." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1626883153220931.
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Daniels, Bryant. "The Impact of Perceived Stress, Happiness, and Religiosity on Political Orientation." ScholarWorks, 2020. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/7863.
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Increasing stress levels over the past 30 years have reached an all-time high, which has also correlated with an increase in medical insurance costs due to the adverse effects on life expectancy, obesity rates, and non-communicable disease deaths. An additional social problem affecting the U.S. is a 20-year increase in political dichotomy. Research has shown a distinction between liberals and conservatives on a variety of characteristics ranging from sleep patterns, disgust, personality, and even cleanliness. This current study used two other characteristics that correlate with both stress and political orientation, and they are happiness and religiosity. The purpose of this study was to analyze the relationship between perceived stress, happiness, religiosity, and political orientation. Two theories chosen for this study included System Justification Theory (SJT) and Moral Foundations Theory (MFT). Both theories relate to the differences between liberals and conservatives on happiness, religion, and morality. This study had 201 participants recruited via Amazon's MTurk and used a hierarchical multiple regression model, which includes the following psychometric instruments: Perceived Stress Scale-10, Subjective Happiness Scale, Satisfaction With Life Scale, Religious Orientation Scale (Intrinsic and Extrinsic), and the Modified Wilson-Patterson Inventory. There was a significant effect found between intrinsic religiosity and conservative political orientation. In assisting social and behavioral scientists at better understanding stress differences and how humans cope in unique ways, positive social change is made possible by mitigating stress levels and therefore decreasing healthcare costs.
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Haase, Stacy Lynn. "The effects of gender composition and socio-political orientation on group satisfaction." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1995. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1231.
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Breland, Jacob W. "The role of political climate and political orientation in recruiter and applicant assessments of fit : integration of political skill into the interviewing context /." Full text available from ProQuest UM Digital Dissertations, 2008. http://0-proquest.umi.com.umiss.lib.olemiss.edu/pqdweb?index=0&did=1850440091&SrchMode=1&sid=1&Fmt=2&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1279128056&clientId=22256.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Mississippi, 2008.<br>Typescript. Vita. "May 2008." Dissertation chair: Dwight D. Frink Includes bibliographical references (leaves 106-128). Also available online via ProQuest to authorized users.
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Rock, Mindi S. "Where Do We Draw Our Lines?: Approach/Avoidance Motivation, Political Orientation, and Cognitive Rigidity." Amherst, Mass. : University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2009. http://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/230/.
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Spehr, Scott Lawrence 1948. "Value orientation as a contributing factor in protest potential in Western societies: The postmaterialism thesis reconsidered." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282484.
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The theory of postmaterialism contains the proposition that basic values are changing in advanced industrial societies. Furthermore, the theory contains the propositions that individuals in these societies can be classified according to clusters of value orientations and that political behavior can be predicted according to these orientations. Among other things, this theory has been put forward as a powerful explanatory model for unconventional political action in advanced industrial societies. This study utilizes survey material from Germany to construct a model that explores the effect of value orientation on unconventional political action. The study then goes on to investigate the links between value orientation and other leading theories of unconventional political action. Until now, nothing has been attempted in the way of investigating empirically the specific factors put forward as causal agents regarding postmaterialists' hypothesized propensity to participate in unconventional political action. Likewise, little work has been done in the way of investigating the relationship, if any, between postmaterialism and important other theories of such behavior. This project then has as its central foci the testing of the primary hypotheses regarding the basis for value orientation and unconventional political action, and whether postmaterialists' hypothesized propensity to participate in such activities may be the result of an underlying relationship between value orientation and factors that make up much of the conceptual landscape of other leading theories of unconventional political action. The results indicate that value orientation does have a weak direct effect on unconventional political acts, but that integrating value orientation and other theories results in more powerful explanatory models of such activity, and serve to more fully explain the manner in which value orientation affects political behavior.
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Thomas, Wesley. "Gendering Navajo bodies : a personal, political and philosophical treatise /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6412.
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Singer, Eric Gersohn. "The effects of leader orientation and the external environment on African foreign policy behavior /." The Ohio State University, 1986. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487265143148892.
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DeVault, Luke, and Richard Sias. "Hedge fund politics and portfolios." ELSEVIER SCIENCE BV, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/623039.
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Consistent with the well-documented relation between political orientation and psychological traits, hedge funds' political orientations are related to their portfolio decisions. Relative to politically conservative hedge funds, politically liberal hedge funds exhibit a preference for smaller stocks, less mature companies, volatile stocks, unprofitable companies, non-dividend paying companies, and lottery-type securities. Politically liberal hedge funds are also more likely to enter new positions or fully exit existing positions, and make larger adjustments to their U.S. equity market exposure. Our results suggest that psychological characteristics can influence the portfolio decisions of even those at the very top of the financial sophistication ladder.
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Nooney, Hannah F. "Argentina Trapped: The Intimate Link Between Short-Term Policy Orientation and Economic Volatility." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/502.
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Argentina, throughout its history, has fallen prey to a unique brand of “exceptionalism.” While it is well-endowed with both the physical and demographic inputs to successful economic growth and development, its story has been defined by a consistent inability to reach its economic potential. This work examines how the nation’s political economy dynamics create an environment that is not conducive to long-term economic development. Through an analysis of both historical factors and the country’s present situation, it focuses on how the primacy of short-term factors has become entrenched in the economic policymaking process. The discussion is comprised of a fusion of economic, political, sociological, and psychological elements, which join together in attempting to explain the duration, magnitude, and repetitive nature of Argentina’s economic woes. This exploration of the past, the present, and their interaction offers insight into the specific factors that continue to keep Argentina from achieving a sustainable development path.
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Lundström, Hanna. "Sustainable Behaviour through Nudging? : An Experimental Study on Nudging, Climate Change Denial and Political Orientation." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för psykologi, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-374608.
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Can nudging promote sustainable consumption behaviour? This study investigates if nudging promotes more environmentally-friendly purchases when applying either a default option or adding a product to elicit the attraction effect in a consumption situation of electronic products. The study further investigates sustainable consumption behaviour by looking at political orientation and the degree of climate change denial. The results show that nudging can promote significantly more environmentally-friendly purchases. The attraction effect was found to have positive effects, but not the default option. A higher proportion of environmentally-friendly purchases was further carried out by participants having a lower denial towards climate change. Climate change denial was also correlated with political orientation; participants evaluating themselves as right-wing oriented showed higher climate change denial, and proceeded with less sustainable purchases. Despite identifying positive effects of nudging on sustainable consumption behaviour, data also indicate an interaction effect between nudging and the sequenced presentation order of condition. This can be interpreted as a carry-over effect moderating the effect of nudging when it is presented after a control condition. This moderating effect is discussed as a potential limitation of nudging as a tool to affect people’s behaviour.
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Vargas-Machuca, Isabel. "Hispanic women's views on affirmative action: Self-interest, fairness, socio-political orientation, past discrimination, and acculturation." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1997. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1405.
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McCaul, Emily Patricia. "Replicating the Kaepernick Effect: The Power of Polarizing Frames to Make or Break Consumer Loyalty." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/99296.
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This thesis evaluates the ways media frames influence attitude towards brands when the brand endorses a controversial celebrity spokesperson. This research was created with the intent to fill a current gap in communication research, providing original data and addressing the influence that external factors, specifically media frames and political orientations, hold over an audience's perception of spokespeople and the brands they later endorse. This was accomplished through an original, cross-sectional experiment that measured how celebrity athletes, who speak out about partisan issues, function as agents for messaging in brand advertisements. This thesis draws upon the communication theories of agenda setting, and primarily framing, in order to evaluate how impactful media frames of an athlete can become to consumers once the media highlights the spokesperson through a polarizing frame. This experiment attempts to replicate 'the Kaepernick effect,' inspired by the polarizing media coverage of Colin Kaepernick over his 2016-NFL season with the 49-ers, leading up to his partnership with Nike for its 2018 "Dream Crazy" advertisement. The findings from this study reveal that media frames, though carrying some impact, are not the most influential factor in shaping audiences' attitudes towards spokespeople or the brands they advertised. This study contributes new data to the discipline of media effects research, extending the conversation about celebrity athlete endorsers, the influence of media frames on consumer response, and implications for future studies.<br>Master of Arts<br>This thesis looks at the effects that media frames, within news stories, have on audiences' attitudes and behaviors. Specifically, this thesis examines audiences' developed attitudes towards controversial celebrity spokespeople, who speak out about partisan issues, and later endorse or align themselves with a brand. This thesis utilizes an original experiment that measures how controversial celebrity figures, athletes specifically, function as agents for messaging in brand advertisements. This thesis draws upon the communication theories of agenda setting, and primarily framing, in order to evaluate how impactful media frames of an athlete can become to consumers once the media highlights the spokesperson through a polarizing frame. This experiment attempts to replicate 'the Kaepernick effect,' inspired by the polarizing media coverage of Colin Kaepernick over his 2016-NFL season with the 49-ers, leading up to his partnership with Nike for its 2018 "Dream Crazy" advertisement. The findings from this study reveal that media frames, though carrying some impact, are not the most influential factor in shaping audiences' attitudes towards spokespeople or the brands they advertised. This study contributes new data to the discipline of media effects research, extending the conversation about celebrity athlete endorsers, the influence of media frames on consumer response, and implications for future studies.
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Robinson, Claire Elizabeth. "Advertising and the market orientation of political parties contesting the 1999 and 2002 New Zealand general election campaigns : a thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics at Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand." Massey University. School of History, Philosophy and Politics, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/243.
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This thesis proposes an alternative way of establishing a link between market orientation and electoral success, by focusing on market orientation as a message instead of as a management function. Using interpretive textual analysis the thesis examines the advertising messages of the highest polling political parties for evidence of voter orientation and competitor orientation in the 1999 and 2002 New Zealand general election campaigns. Relating manifest market orientation to a number of statistical indicators of electoral success the thesis looks for plausible associations between the visual manifestation of market orientation in political advertisements and parties' achievement of their party vote goals in the 1999 and 2002 elections. It offers party-focused explanations for electoral outcomes to complement existing voter-centric explanations, and adds another level of scholarly understanding of recent electoral outcomes in New Zealand.While the thesis finds little association between demonstration of competitor orientation in political advertisements and electoral success, it finds a plausible relationship between parties that demonstrated a voter orientation in their political advertisements and goal achievement. The parties that achieved their party vote goals in 1999 and 2002 tended to demonstrate an affinity for their target voter groups by showing images of voters and their environments and images of party leaders interacting with voters. They demonstrated concern for the satisfaction of the needs of existing voters by using words of togetherness and proving they had met their previous promises. They did not change their policy or leadership messages dramatically between campaigns. There was a visual consistency to their television, print and billboard advertising messages which rendered the messages easy to recognise and remember. They were clear about what they were offering in exchange for the party vote and recognised the need to offer something in addition to previous offerings in order to attract new voters.
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Gagnon, André. "Des défis d'hier aux défis de demain : le Conseil du patronat du Québec : orientation et idéologie de 1974 à aujourd'hui." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/7952.
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Gul, Murat. "German Foreign And Security Policy: Sustaining Civilian And Multilateral Orientation." Phd thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610345/index.pdf.
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The &ldquo<br>German Question&rdquo<br>was on the agenda of the international community from the last quarter of the nineteenth century to the mid-twentieth century. Following the end of the World War II, due to the existence of a Soviet threat, the incorporation of West Germany into the liberal-democratic institutions of the western world was the principal issue to be dealt with. Following the reunification of Germany and the end of the bipolar international structure, the &ldquo<br>German Question&rdquo<br>was revisited. The German insistence on the early recognition of Croatia and Slovenia and German participation in the Kosovo War brought questions whether Germany has become more assertive and on the way to return to the power politics. This dissertation will analyze German foreign and security policy in the post-Cold War era in order to understand whether Germany has shifted from its civilian and multilateral orientation or has made small adjustments in its policies to adapt to the new international structure. In approaching the issue, the study attempts to link the theoretical and practical aspects under the guidance of a conceptual framework provided by realist, neorealist and constructivist approaches. Through contextualizing the coexistence of realist, neorealist and constructivist factors in German foreign and security policy, the dissertation argues that although Germany has made some small policy adjustments to adapt to the new international structure, German foreign and security policy has not shifted from its civilian and multilateral orientation.
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Jylhä, Kirsti Maria. "Ideological roots of climate change denial : Resistance to change, acceptance of inequality, or both?" Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för psykologi, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-297879.
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Climate change denial has been found to correlate with sociopolitical ideology. The general aim of the present thesis was to investigate this relation, and more specifically to 1) test the unique effects of intercorrelated ideological variables on denial, and 2) investigate the psychological underpinnings of the ideology-denial relation. This approach helps estimating what component of right-wing ideology better explains climate change denial; resistance to change (indexed by left-right/liberal-conservative political orientation, right-wing authoritarianism, and system justification), or acceptance of inequality (indexed by social dominance orientation [SDO]). In Paper I, SDO outperformed the effects of right-wing authoritarianism and political left-right orientation on denial (Study 1 and 2). Further, the SDO-denial relation was stable when denial scores were experimentally lowered by a newscast that communicated supportive evidence for climate change (Study 2). Thus, the following studies focused specifically on the SDO-denial relation by testing path models that also included other ideological variables (political conservatism, system justification, and endorsement of nature dominance), as well as personality variables (dominance, empathy, openness to experience, and anxiety avoidance) and/or gender. In Paper II, SDO and endorsement of nature dominance explained unique parts of climate change denial, and both of these variables mediated the effects of system justification and (low) empathy on denial. SDO mediated also the effect of dominance. In Paper III, focusing specifically on denial of human-induced climate change, SDO either partially or fully mediated the effects of political conservatism and gender across two cultural contexts (Brazil and Sweden). Additional analyses extended these results, by building on the model presented in Paper II. These analyses showed that SDO (and in some cases also political conservatism and endorsement of nature dominance) fully mediated the effects of gender and personality variables on denial, with one exception: Predisposition to avoid experiencing anxiety predicted denial directly, as well as through a link via general conservative ideology (system justification or political conservatism). In sum, the results indicate that denial is more strongly and consistently predicted by SDO than by the other included variables. Thus, endorsement of group-based inequality/hierarchies offers an important explanation for climate change denial.
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Zeginis, Dimitris A. "Nationalism and the reality of the nation-state : the case of Greece and Turkey in relation to the European orientation in the two countries." Thesis, University of Essex, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.333473.
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Eguaroje, Francis Olayemi. "An assessment of the impact of political change and art leadership orientation on arts policy implementation in Nigeria /." The Ohio State University, 1988. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487596307359671.
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Giles, Jody A. "An exploration of the relationships among epistemological beliefs, educational values, political orientation, demographics, and attitude toward charter school enrollment /." Available to subscribers only, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1594482221&sid=13&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Hallin, Henning, and Emil Stenman. "Relationen mellan personlighet, känsla av sammanhang, politiskt intresse och politisk inriktning bland högskolestudenter." Thesis, Mälardalens högskola, Akademin för hälsa, vård och välfärd, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-44055.
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Personlighet påverkar många livsaspekter. Tidigare forskning har visat att politik är en av dessa aspekter. Forskning inom området har konstaterat ett samband mellan personlighet och riktningen av personers politiska orientering samt mellan personlighet och Känsla av sammanhang (KASAM). Däremot fanns en forskningslucka kring relationen mellan KASAM och politik. Syftet med denna studie var att undersöka relationen som de fem grundläggande personlighetsdimensionerna och KASAM har till Politiskt intresse samt Politisk inriktning, men även relationen mellan personlighetsdimensionerna och KASAM. Hundrafemtiofem studenter deltog varav 37 män. Datainsamling gjordes via enkät, som bestod av BFI-44, SOC-13 samt självrapportering av Politiskt intresse och inriktning. Databearbetningen skedde via korrelationsanalys samt regressionsanalys. Studiens resultat visade att personlighet hade ett samband med politik samt KASAM och att KASAM hade ett samband med en högerorienterad politisk inriktning. Eftersom relationen mellan KASAM och politik var relativt outforskad kan resultatet av denna studie ses som ett intressant ämne för framtida forskning.
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Varaine, Simon. "La boussole de la violence : prospérité, déclin et orientation idéologique des mouvements radicaux." Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020GRALH013.
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Contrairement à une intuition répandue, les contextes de misère économique n’alimentent pas les violences politiques en général. En revanche, les violences commises au nom d’idéologies de droite sont accentuées en période de misère, alors que les violences commises au nom d’idéologies de gauche augmentent en période de prospérité. La présente thèse vise à documenter et expliquer cette relation. La première partie décrit le lien entre économie et violences politiques de droite et de gauche dans les cas français (1882-1980) et étasunien (1948-2016). Sur la base d’enquêtes par sondage, d’expérimentations psychologiques et de données sur les actes terroristes dans les pays démocratiques depuis les années 1970, la deuxième partie montre que le déclin économique favorise la mobilisation d’idéaux réactionnaires, qui contribuent aux violences politiques de droite. Sur la base d’une expérimentation économique et de données sur les actes terroristes, la troisième partie montre que les inégalités économiques diminuent les capacités d’attaque des groupes économiquement dominés vis-à-vis des groupes économiquement dominants, ce qui limite les violences politiques de gauche. La dernière partie de la thèse explore quelques limites de la relation entre économie et violences politiques : dans le cas de violences à motifs apolitiques (e.g. attentats-suicides à motifs suicidaires) et dans le cas de violences participant d’une stratégie politique globale (e.g. djihadisme contemporain)<br>Contrary to a widespread opinion, contexts of economic deprivation do not fuel political violence in general. However, violence committed in the name of right-wing ideologies increases in times of deprivation, while violence in the name of left-wing ideologies rises in times of prosperity. This dissertation aims to document and explain this differential effect of economic deprivation. The first part describes the link between economy and political violence of the right and the left in two historical case studies: France (1882-1980) and the United States (1948-2016). Based on cross-national surveys, psychological experiments and data on terrorist attacks in democratic countries since the 1970s, the second part shows that economic decline favors the mobilization of reactionary ideologies that contribute to right-wing political violence. Based on an economic experiment and data on terrorist attacks, the third part shows that economic inequalities reduce the capabilities of economically dominated groups to attack dominant groups, which consequently limits left-wing political violence. Finally, the last part of the thesis explores some limits of therelationship between economy and political violence: in the case of violence with apolitical motives (e.g. suicide terrorists with suicidal motives) and in the case of violence entering a transnational strategy (e.g. contemporary jihadism)
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Schneider, Christian Elias. "Orientation towards Asia Pacific or Europe - Political, economic and socio-cultural aspects of the current discourse on identity in New Zealand." St. Gallen, 2006. http://www.biblio.unisg.ch/org/biblio/edoc.nsf/wwwDisplayIdentifier/02604973001/$FILE/02604973001.pdf.
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Marx, Benjamin Robert. "Understanding The Relationship Between Moral Reasoning And Liberalism-Conservatism." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/643.
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This thesis aims to clarify the nature of the relationship between moral reasoning, as per the neo-Kohlbergian DIT approach of Rest and his colleagues, and liberalism-conservatism. Moral reasoning and liberalism-conservatism are consistently found to be related but the resultant interpretation that liberals are more moral-cognitively advanced than conservatives has been challenged by Emler and his colleagues who argue that the DIT is liberally biased. Subsequent research on this issue has produced a methodological quagmire that this thesis aims to proceed beyond. The specific aim of this thesis is to test several different (or competing) hypotheses purporting to explain the relationship between Kohlbergian moral reasoning and liberalism-conservatism. These are (1) that liberals are more morally advanced than conservatives; (2) that "advanced moral reasoning" is merely social presentation; (3) that moral reasoning is separately constrained by moral development and conservatism; (4) that moral development and liberalism represent distinct paths to postconventional reasoning preference; (5) that moral reasoning differences between liberals and conservatives are broader than usually thought; (6) that the political content of moral issues affects moral reasoning differences between liberals and conservatives; and (7) that moral reasoning instruments have exaggerated moral reasoning differences between liberals and conservatives. Study 1 found that a non-ipsative, indirect moral reasoning measure was correlated with liberalism-conservatism thus disconfirming hypotheses 2 and 7. Additionally, hypothesis 5 was not supported by several DIT findings. Opposing hypotheses 2 and 6, Study 2 found that a conservative version of the DIT was correlated with liberalism-conservatism although a potential methodological issue arose. Study 3 developed an objective measure of moral comprehension, broader in scope than previous moral comprehension measures, which demonstrated acceptable reliability and validity. Employing this measure, Study 4 found that moral comprehension and liberalism were weakly correlated and that they independently predicted moral reasoning, although their interaction did not. Together, these findings provide some support to hypotheses 1 and 4 but not hypotheses 3 and 6. Overall these findings reveal that liberals appear more moral-cognitively advanced than conservatives but, compared to conservatives, liberals appear to indicate preference for advanced moral reasoning earlier in their moral-cognitive development. This latter mechanism appears stronger and suggests that, although DIT scores are still somewhat reflective of moral-cognitive development, the DIT's estimate of liberals' moral-cognitive development is elevated. Future research can continue to explore these hypotheses (e.g., via longitudinal and/or "faking" studies) and, in so doing, further clarify the relationship between Kohlbergian moral reasoning and liberalism-conservatism.
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Marx, Benjamin Robert. "Understanding The Relationship Between Moral Reasoning And Liberalism-Conservatism." University of Sydney. Psychology, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/643.
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This thesis aims to clarify the nature of the relationship between moral reasoning, as per the neo-Kohlbergian DIT approach of Rest and his colleagues, and liberalism-conservatism. Moral reasoning and liberalism-conservatism are consistently found to be related but the resultant interpretation that liberals are more moral-cognitively advanced than conservatives has been challenged by Emler and his colleagues who argue that the DIT is liberally biased. Subsequent research on this issue has produced a methodological quagmire that this thesis aims to proceed beyond. The specific aim of this thesis is to test several different (or competing) hypotheses purporting to explain the relationship between Kohlbergian moral reasoning and liberalism-conservatism. These are (1) that liberals are more morally advanced than conservatives; (2) that "advanced moral reasoning" is merely social presentation; (3) that moral reasoning is separately constrained by moral development and conservatism; (4) that moral development and liberalism represent distinct paths to postconventional reasoning preference; (5) that moral reasoning differences between liberals and conservatives are broader than usually thought; (6) that the political content of moral issues affects moral reasoning differences between liberals and conservatives; and (7) that moral reasoning instruments have exaggerated moral reasoning differences between liberals and conservatives. Study 1 found that a non-ipsative, indirect moral reasoning measure was correlated with liberalism-conservatism thus disconfirming hypotheses 2 and 7. Additionally, hypothesis 5 was not supported by several DIT findings. Opposing hypotheses 2 and 6, Study 2 found that a conservative version of the DIT was correlated with liberalism-conservatism although a potential methodological issue arose. Study 3 developed an objective measure of moral comprehension, broader in scope than previous moral comprehension measures, which demonstrated acceptable reliability and validity. Employing this measure, Study 4 found that moral comprehension and liberalism were weakly correlated and that they independently predicted moral reasoning, although their interaction did not. Together, these findings provide some support to hypotheses 1 and 4 but not hypotheses 3 and 6. Overall these findings reveal that liberals appear more moral-cognitively advanced than conservatives but, compared to conservatives, liberals appear to indicate preference for advanced moral reasoning earlier in their moral-cognitive development. This latter mechanism appears stronger and suggests that, although DIT scores are still somewhat reflective of moral-cognitive development, the DIT�s estimate of liberals� moral-cognitive development is elevated. Future research can continue to explore these hypotheses (e.g., via longitudinal and/or "faking" studies) and, in so doing, further clarify the relationship between Kohlbergian moral reasoning and liberalism-conservatism.
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Henley, Joseph. "Some free and partly equal. A comparative study of United Nations Security Council member states foreign policies related to the protection of rights in sexual orientation and gender identity." Thesis, Webster University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1526237.
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<p> This study sets out to review a comparison of membership within the United Nations Security Council and the Human Rights Council and how sexual orientation and gender (SOGI) rights are protected or promoted within a state's foreign policy. These states were selected due to the need of having a set within the 193 UN member states and by choosing the UNSC there is elimination of selection bias. Multilateralism carries many difficulties, and chief amongst this is the concept of human rights. Human rights in general are often contentious, and especially in the area of SOGI. Because SOGI rights are not explicitly guaranteed within the Universal Declaration of Human Rights or any of the major Human Rights Conventions many states contend that they cannot be recognized as they are new rights. However, advocates for SOGI rights call for the principle of equality pointing out that these are not new rights, simply recognizing the importance of equal rights for all.</p><p> There is little work done already to emphasize how foreign policy engages with sexual orientation. Instead there is plenty of research supporting the marginalization and discrimination against people because of their SOGI. Most studies deal with domestic situations. This study as an interdisciplinary approach blends quantitative, qualitative and legal focuses within expressed foreign policy and attempts to determine if there is any relationship between states that are involved within the United Nations Security Council, the Human Rights Council, and SOGI foreign policy. After a thorough review of the backgrounds related to SOGI of each selected state, each state is then measured across 2 indices each comprised of 4 factors to attempt to begin a valuation of the two subjects. The results appear to reflect that those states that are more involved within the UNSC and the Human Rights Council do tend to have a better record on SOGI within their foreign policy. However, these results can only be preliminary as more research is needed to fully understand how these two variables can interact with each other.</p>
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Lorenz, Astrid. "Constitutional negotiations in federal reforms: interests, interaction orientation, and the prospect of agreement." Routledge, 2011. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A13066.
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Constitutional amendments in federal political systems have to be negotiated between national and sub-national actors. While theories of negotiation usually explain the outcome by looking at these actors, their preferences and bargaining powers, the theoretical model developed in this article also includes their interaction orientation. The article determines a typical sequence of bargaining and arguing and identifies favourable conditions for cooperation based on different interaction orientations. The article states that actors can reconcile the conflicting logics of intergovernmental or party competition and joint decision-making in constitutional politics through a sequence of bargaining and arguing. However, constitutional amendments negotiated in this way run the risk of undermining the legitimacy and functionality of constitutions.
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Jönsson, Fredrik. ""Om man inte gör det på Facebook" : Ungdomars uppfattning om sociala medier som demokratiagent." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-9252.
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The purpose of this essay is to explore how social media affect the political orientation and commitment of youths. Three scientific questions highlight the purpose from different angles. The didactic perspective is discussed in the initial and closing discussion, and is analyzed in the corresponding chapter. Two methods are involved in the study; one survey and one interview with a focus group. The survey had a total of 98 respondents from four different classes, all in the first grade of upper secondary school. The interview was conducted with four students from one of the classes. The results show that social media still owns a lower grade of trust compared to traditional media. Moreover, it's shown that youths themselves are aware that they're affected by social media, but believe that others are affected even more. Most of the youths get a sense of participation in society at large by doing relatively simple actions on different social media sites. However, the sense of participation is heavily influenced by socioeconomic status. The youths use the social media sites as democratic venues, although it's rare for these meetings to transfer to the real world. Didactic insights can be gained from the results. The results show that youths, independent of study programme, are critical to content found in social media. Political interest corresponds by large to socioeconomic status, although political interest can vary greatly, even between classes studying the same programme.<br>Uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka hur sociala medier påverkar ungdomars politiska uppfattning och engagemang. Detta görs med hjälp av tre huvudsakliga frågeställningar som belyser syftet i olika vinklar. Det didaktiska perspektivet uppmärksammas i inledande och avslutande diskussion samt analys. Två metoder har valts för att besvara frågeställningarna; en enkätundersökning samt en fokusgruppintervju. Enkätundersökningen besvarades av totalt 98 elever från fyra olika klasser i gymnasieskolans årskurs ett. Fokusgruppintervjun genomfördes med fyra ungdomar från en av klasserna. I resultatet framgår att sociala medier fortfarande har en låg tillitsgrad jämfört med traditionella medier. Dessutom finner vi att ungdomarna själva vet att de påverkas, men tror att andra påverkas mer. De flesta känner sig också delaktiga i samhället, även via enkla handlingar på olika medier. Tyvärr framgår att socioekonomisk status till stor del avgör om känslan av delaktighet infinner sig. Ungdomarna använder också i stor grad sociala medier som mötesplats, men det är ovanligt att dessa möten konkretiseras i verkligheten. Didaktiska lärdomar går att finna i undersökningen. Resultaten visar att ungdomarna, oavsett gymnasieprogram, är källkritiska till innehållet på sociala medier. Intresset för politik är till stor del relaterat till socioekonomisk status, men intresset kan skilja sig stort även mellan olika klasser från samma program.
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Ali, Salari Gholam. "INTELLECTUAL CAPITAL OF DEMOCRATISATION IN IRAN:Reframing the Implications of Knowledge of History, Philosophy and Socio-political Science in the Prospect of Democratisation in Iran." Thesis, Griffith University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/384287.
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The original contribution of this study resides in its exploration of the way in which various traditional and modern tangible and intangible factors have contributed to Iran’s intellectual and political transformations from past to present. The focal question of this thesis is: “which factors have played the dominant role in Iran's intellectual orientations and political transformations, in general, and democratisation in particular? And can these factors be explained methodically and theoretically?” This thesis claims that Iranians, in order to proceed with a genuine home-grown democratisation1, need to enhance their intellectual capital of democratisation (ICOD)2. To this end, Iran's intellectuals need to overcome their shortcomings in the three key areas of historical consciousness3, understanding of modernity, and undertaking democratic orientation.
This study employs a qualitative approach and a textual analysis method to provide a multi-principled (history, philosophy, and socio-political science), multi-causal (tangible and intangible) explanation of the multidimensional state of Iran’s tradition, modernity and prospect of democratisation. While taking into account a multi-task of modern, secular and democratic orientation; it is conducted from both insiders and outsiders' perspectives. The proposed method of explanation employs the algebraic term of factorisation to classify the dominant contributing factors to Iran’s intellectual and political transformations from both phenomenological (into tangible and intangible factors) and chronological (into traditional and modern) orders. The traditional tangible factors include geography, climate and invention of Qanats4 that have played vital roles in the success of Persian civilisation in the past. The critical modern tangible factors in Iran’s modern history include discovery of oil, colonial powers interventions, modernisation programs and communication technology. While ancient Persians benefited from the traditional intangible factors effectively and successfully (by establishing the first multicultural (tribal, ethnic, and religious) empire, these achievements were forsaken as soon as the rulers inclined toward tribal, ethnic and religious preferences. The subsequent ethnic/religious systems then have imposed various types of discrimination, which have led to internal conflicts and made the society susceptible to external influence, intervention or occupation (Saleh, 2013, pp. 111-113).
It is discussed throughout this thesis that colonial powers, conservative Shiite Ulama and local tyrant rulers have almost cooperatively prevented the prospect of democratisation. To challenge these powerful forces and in the absence of democracy, Iranian intellectuals have found radical ideological orientations. They have inclined toward various ideological paradigms including Westernisation, constitutionalism, nationalism, modernism, socialism and Islamism. Only during the last two decades, have a great majority of Iranian intellectuals found a democratic orientation (Azimi, 2008, p. iX). This phenomenon has played a crucial role in accelerating the pace and scope of a non-violent civil resistance movement for democratic change. The extent of popular and intellectual support for this paradigm, such as the Green Movement in 2009, reflects the promising achievement of the society in the road of democratisation (Khosrokhavar, 2011, pp. 48-58). It can be argued that despite the presence of a considerable number of internal and external obstacles, the society has gained a promising level of intellectual capacity and popular support to proceed with a genuinely inborn democratisation. It is, however, anticipated that for succeeding with democratisation in Iran, in addition to intellectual capabilities, other socio-economic, cultural and political parameters are necessary, which their detailed explanation requires further studies.<br>Thesis (PhD Doctorate)<br>Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)<br>Griffith Law School<br>Arts, Education and Law<br>Full Text
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Tetteh, Dinah A. "U.S. Newspapers Coverage of The 2009/10 Healthcare Reform Debate: A Content Analysis." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2011. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1256.
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The aim of this study was to examine the extent to which U.S. newspapers covered the chatter surrounding the 2009/10 healthcare reform debate at the expense of the substance. Also of importance was how the political leanings of newspapers influenced the coverage they gave the issue in terms of tone and page or story prominence. Newspaper endorsement data from Editor & Publisher magazine were used to determine the political leanings of U.S. newspapers based on the candidate they endorsed in the 2008 U.S. presidential election. Newspaper articles related to the topic were retrieved from the Lexis-Nexis database and analyzed. The results showed that overall the healthcare reform debate received substantial coverage in U.S. newspapers; but the major part of the coverage was dedicated to the arguments, protests, and thoughts of people concerning the issue (90.3%) rather than the substance of the issue (9.7%). Implications of the results for media practitioners, communication scholars, and researchers were discussed.
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Nobile, Didier. "Application du concept d’orientation entrepreneuriale au champ des collectivités territoriales : Mise en place d’un dispositif d’accompagnement de l’élu entrepreneur." Thesis, Université de Lorraine, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LORR0342/document.
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L’orientation entrepreneuriale constitue un concept éprouvé en sciences de gestion. Si les travaux qui lui sont consacrés concernent très majoritairement les entreprises privées et retiennent une approche quantitative, on assiste à présent à une aspiration au renouvellement de la recherche autour du concept (méthodologie, champ d’application...). Cette thèse s’inscrit dans ce courant en abordant l’orientation entrepreneuriale des élus locaux par le biais d’une démarche d’accompagnement par la prospective. Pour ce faire nous émettons deux propositions de recherche : la première repose sur le bien fondé de l’utilisation de ce concept chez les élus des collectivités territoriales et la seconde sur l’efficacité des démarches d’accompagnement fondées sur la prospective pour ces élus. Après une revue de littérature consacrée à la dimension entrepreneuriale des élus et une première approche du concept dans les collectivités territoriales au travers de trois minis cas, nous déployons une démarche qualitative de recherche intervention de type ingénierique. Cette dernière a pour objet d’accompagner la structuration de la filière Santé-Biotechnologies en Lorraine. A l’issue de cette thèse nous concluons à la validité des propositions émises. Nous mettons ensuite en évidence les apports conceptuels et managériaux et nous envisageons les perspectives de recherche qu’elle génère<br>Entrepreneurial orientation is now a highly-proven concept in management sciences. While the work devoted to the subject mostly relates to private enterprises and adopts a quantitative approach, a fresh current has now undertaken to revisit research in this field (methodology, scope…). This doctor’s thesis is in line with the new trend and shows elected local officials’ entrepreneurial orientation through a prospective accompaniment approach. To do this, I have come up with two research proposals. The first is based on stressing the relevance of resorting to the concept in a political environment, and the second rests on the efficiency of the prospective guiding steps destined for elected officials. The review of literature devoted to the entrepreneurial dimension of elected politicians followed by a preliminary approach of the concept through three case studies pave the way for an engineering qualitative approach of action research. It is meant to provide guidance for the structuring of the Health and Biotechnology sector in the Lorraine region. The conclusion of the thesis shows the relevance of the submissions and highlights the conceptual and managerial contributions before it opens up on some forms of potential ensuing research
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Lorenz, Astrid. "Constitutional negotiations in federal reforms." Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2014. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-158499.
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Constitutional amendments in federal political systems have to be negotiated between national and sub-national actors. While theories of negotiation usually explain the outcome by looking at these actors, their preferences and bargaining powers, the theoretical model developed in this article also includes their interaction orientation. The article determines a typical sequence of bargaining and arguing and identifies favourable conditions for cooperation based on different interaction orientations. The article states that actors can reconcile the conflicting logics of intergovernmental or party competition and joint decision-making in constitutional politics through a sequence of bargaining and arguing. However, constitutional amendments negotiated in this way run the risk of undermining the legitimacy and functionality of constitutions.
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Grosser, Travis J. "SOCIAL NETWORKS, INDIVIDUAL ORIENTATIONS, AND EMPLOYEE INNOVATION OUTCOMES: A MULTI-THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE." UKnowledge, 2013. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/management_etds/4.
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I examine individual innovation in organizations from a social network perspective. I employ two theoretical lenses to examine innovation outcomes in three separate empirical studies. First, I use a sociopolitical framework to examine how political skill and social network structure interact to predict successful innovation initiation and, ultimately, career success. I find that innovation initiation mediates the relationship between political skill and career success. Moreover, structural holes in employees’ social networks moderate the mediated relationship between political skill and career success such that the relationship is stronger for employees with many structural holes in their social network. Second, I use social resources theory to examine how the characteristics of employees’ social network contacts affect individual innovation behavior. Results suggest that there is a positive relationship between the average amount of professional experience of one’s social network contacts and individual innovation behavior. Similarly, there is a positive relationship between the average creativity level of one’s social network contacts and individual innovation behavior. Each of these relationships is moderated by social structure such that the relationships are stronger for those with fewer structural holes in their social networks. Third, I develop and validate a scale to assess employee behavioral orientations toward brokering disconnected social network contacts. The scale is found to demonstrate convergent, discriminant, and criterion-related validity based on data from two field sites and one student sample. Results indicate that the scale is positively related to innovation support behavior.
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Rottenbacher, Jan Marc. "Validity of the ideological left/right continuum during 2011 Presidential Elections in Lima-Peru." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/100304.
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This study analyzes the relationship between political ideology, voting behavior and emotional responses after Peruvian presidential elections in 2011. Scales of intolerance for ambiguity, need for closure, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and the right-wing political orientation were used to assess right-wing political conservatism. A structural equation model proposes that intolerance of ambiguity and need for closure exert a direct effect on RWA. Also, RWA influences directly the right-wing political orientation, which exerts a direct influence on negative emotional responses and an inverse effect on positive emotional responses after O. Humala’s victory. Final discussion focuses on the contemporary relevance of left/right ideological continuum.<br>Este estudio analiza la relación entre la ideología política, el comportamiento electoral y las reacciones emocionales luego de las elecciones presidenciales de 2011 en una muestra de adultos de la ciudad de Lima. Se utilizaron escalas de intolerancia a la ambigüedad, necesidad de cierre cognitivo, autoritarismo de ala derecha (RWA) y orientación política de derecha. Un modelo de ecuaciones estructurales propone que la intolerancia a la ambigüedad y la necesidad de cierre cognitivo ejercen una influencia directa sobre el RWA, el mismo que influye positivamente sobre la orientación política de derecha, variable que finalmente influye sobre las reacciones emocionales luego de conocerse el triunfo del candidato Ollanta Humala. Se discute al final acerca de la vigencia contemporánea del continuo ideológico izquierda/derecha.
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Prior, D. "Occupational and political orientations in social work." Thesis, University of Kent, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.353816.
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Björkman, Hans. "Learning from members : tools for strategic positioning and service innovation in trade unions." Doctoral thesis, Handelshögskolan i Stockholm, Programmet Människa och Organisation (PMO), 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hhs:diva-530.
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The formal governance structure is more complex in trade unions than in many other organizations. Trade union researchers have drawn attention to the tensions between union administrative and representative systems and the fact that control in unions is bi-directional from leaders to members (through formal control systems), and from members to leaders (through democratic structures). This study has shown that the utilization of market orientation methods has the capacity to strengthen the administrative system without interfering with or being hindered by the representative system. The findings related to market orientation methods presented in this thesis are not of such a character that they can be deemed to be specific for trade unions. Therefore, as a general rule, market orientation methods need no trade union-specific adaptation to be utilized. The setting for this study is Sif, a major industrial white-collar trade union in Sweden. The change process of Sif described in the thesis suggests an increased degree of market orientation. The study has focused on two specific tools/techniques; The Sif Barometer - an annual membership satisfaction survey, and The Design Dialogue Methodology – an internally developed group interview method. These methods have contributed to an enhanced level of market orientation. Propositions for better contributions to strategic positioning and service innovation are presented in terms of design principles. An identified problem is that the potential for double-loop learning has been limited in the organization. Some propositions for enhancing double-loop learning are set out: Knowledge enhances learning: the utilization of market information requires knowledge among managers and employees about the instruments used to ensure accurate interpretations and utilization of the results acquired. Knowledge thus has a role in breaking down the barriers preventing accurate utilization of market information. Task alignment is a viable strategy for the creation of learning micro-climates: Learning through the change of work behaviors is the core element of a task alignment strategy. Task alignment is a strategy targeting learning capabilities in the organization that is not only an approach for solving problems in the long term, but also an immediate response to tangible business problems. Action research may contribute to double-loop learning: The action research method has inherent change properties connected to its "learning by change" approach. Actors should consider the discrepancies between espoused theories and theories-in-use: Various political behaviors hampering double-loop learning have been traced. A broad level of participation and involvement of managers and employees during the development or adaptation of the market orientation instrument can enable open and trustful discussions for enhancing double-loop learning.<br>Diss. Stockholm : Handelshögskolan, 2005
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Chitiki, Elizabeth. "Participation in the anti-sexual violence silent protest: a sexual citizenship perspective." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/62917.
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There is a growing body of research on sexual citizenship that focuses attention on gender and which bridges the gap between public and private life in order to rethink citizenship from a feminist perspective. This is in contrast to understandings of citizenship that promote policies of sexual regulation and a heteronormative ideal of citizenship. My research takes the form of a qualitative case study. Using data from two focus group discussions, fifteen personal diaries, as well as social media posts, I analyse participation in the Silent Protest, an annual anti-rape protest, through the lens of sexual citizenship. I look at how participation in the protest promotes or inhibits inclusive and process-based understandings of sexual violence and sexualities issues. Data were analysed using thematic analysis and the results of the analysis are presented into two parts. The first part of the analysis discusses the politics of affect and witnessing as two processes through which allies’ understandings of sexual violence are shaped. The second part of analysis shows that the Silent Protest contributes to people’s knowledge and understandings of sexual violence in relation to sexualities in a range of ways. Examples of inclusive understandings are: (1) insights about rape in relation to gender and heteronormative inequalities, culture and patriarchal dominance; (2) understanding of critical sexual citizenship in relation to sexual violence; and (3) understanding of politics of recognition (the need for recognition of the importance of safe spaces for formal and informal support for victim-survivors and recognition of victim-survivors’ identities). However, some of the understandings are limited to emotion and affect dynamics. In some ways, therefore, the Silent Protest fails to promote understandings significant to inclusive citizenship, including understandings of entitlements to non-discriminatory sexual health care services and legal services.
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Bleses, Nancy Joy. "Regional and provincial outriders, the socialization of political orientations." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq24574.pdf.
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de, Oliveira Manuel Brandao. "Hodnocení zahraničního obchodu mezi Angolou a ČR." Master's thesis, Vysoké učení technické v Brně. Fakulta podnikatelská, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-222281.
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The diploma thesis focuses on evaluation of foreign trade between the Czech Republic and Angola during the period from 2002 to the present. I achieved it through data and information acquired from Czech and Angolan institutions concerned with similar issues. In addition to the evaluation also a SWOT analysis was undertaken to illustrate the strengths, weaknesses, shortcomings and opportunities of the Czech companies operating in the Angolan market. Finally, this thesis focuses on the potential solutions, that could improve the business relations between both countries in the near future.
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Thomas, Melanee. "Gender and psychological orientations to politics." Thesis, McGill University, 2012. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=106458.
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Since the 1950s, women's lives have changed dramatically in established democracies, but the gender gaps in political interest and subjective political competence have not. This is problematic, as psychological orientations to politics – political interest and subjective political competence – play a key role in democratic functioning. The conventional explanations found in the political science literature suggest that women's enhanced levels of socioeconomic resources, as well as changing gender roles and feminist socialization, should have narrowed and closed these gaps over time. And yet, throughout the post-industrial world, these gaps persist. Why is this the case? This dissertation tests two conventional explanations. The first is predicated on socioeconomic resources, the second on gender role change. Results demonstrate that these conventional explanations garner little to no empirical support. Levels of education, income, and occupational status cannot explain why women are less interested in politics, and less confident in their political abilities than are men. Similarly, gender role change and feminist socialization did not eliminate these gaps as predicted. Several alternative explanations for these gaps are also tested. Results show that in some cases, gender and time condition the effects of socioeconomic resources on political interest and subjective political competence. Thus, women derive fewer political benefits from some socioeconomic resources than do men, and the importance of these resources for women's psychological engagement with politics has diminished over time. These conditional effects offset the socioeconomic gains women have made over time. Surprisingly, the dual demands of motherhood and labour force participation rarely impair women's political interest and subjective political competence. Instead, religiosity consistently boosts political interest, suggesting that increasing secularization actually helps perpetuate this gap. Finally, results show that increasing the number of women in elected office helps significantly narrow the gender gap in political interest. However, comparable effects are not found for subjective political competence, nor are other effects found for social policies such as maternity and parental leave, childcare, or taxation. These findings carry important implications for future attempts to secure gender equality in the political sphere. Exciting, innovative avenues for future research also stem from these results. Both are discussed in the conclusion.<br>Depuis les années 1950, la vie des femmes a dramatiquement changé dans les démocraties établies mais l'écart avec les hommes en matière d'intérêt politique et de compétence politique subjective est resté le même. Ceci est problématique puisque les orientations psychologiques envers la politique – intérêt politique et compétence politique subjective – jouent un rôle clé dans le fonctionnement des démocraties. La littérature en science politique a longtemps suggéré que l'amélioration du statut socioéconomique des femmes, en plus du bouleversement du rôle traditionnel des femmes et de la socialisation dans un contexte féministe auraient dû rétrécir sinon éliminer avec le temps l'écart observé entre les hommes et les femmes. Pourtant, à travers le monde postindustriel, cet écart persiste. Pourquoi? Cette thèse de doctorat met à l'épreuve deux explications fréquemment citées dans la littérature, de même que plusieurs explications alternatives qui toutes tentent d'expliquer pourquoi l'écart existe et s'est maintenu jusqu'à aujourd'hui. Les résultats tendent à démontrer que les femmes ne sont pas moins intéressées par la politique que les hommes ni moins confiantes en leurs aptitudes politiques pour des raisons liées à leur plus faible éducation, leur statut économique plus précaire, leur statut professionnel moins valorisé ou encore leurs fréquentes absences du milieu du travail. On assiste plutôt, dans certains cas, à des situations où les femmes retirent moins de bénéfices de leurs ressources socioéconomiques. De plus, l'importance de ces ressources pour l'engagement psychologique des femmes envers la politique a diminué dans le temps. Résultat surprenant, les demandes doubles de la maternité et du travail limitent rarement l'intérêt politique et la compétence politique subjective des femmes. C'est plutôt la religiosité de celles-ci qui semble jouer un rôle positif important. On peut donc penser que la sécularisation accélérée des sociétés postindustrielles pourrait contribuer à maintenir l'écart avec les hommes. Alors que les changements dans les rôles traditionnels et la socialisation féministe n'ont pas éliminé les écarts entre les femmes et les hommes tels que prédit par la littérature en science politique, augmenter le nombre de femmes dans les postes élus aide à diminuer de façon significative cet écart en matière d'intérêt politique. Par contre, on ne trouve pas d'effets comparables du côté de la compétence politique subjective, ni d'effets en matière de politiques sociales telles que les congés de maternité et parentaux, les services de garde, ou la taxation.Cette thèse de doctorat se termine par une discussion sur les implications de ces conclusions sur les recherches futures ainsi que sur les tentatives à venir pour obtenir une égalité entre hommes et femmes dans la sphère politique.
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Tam, Yiu-kei Jonathan. "Discrimination, orientation and politics Tongzhi in Hong Kong /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2002. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B31972706.
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Tam, Yiu-kei Jonathan, and 譚耀基. "Discrimination, orientation and politics: Tongzhi in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31972706.
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au, B. Hastie@murdoch edu, and Brianne Hastie. "Cold hearts versus bleeding hearts: Disciplinary differences in university students' sociopolitical orientations." Murdoch University, 2005. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20051214.170628.
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The supposed liberalising effects of higher education have been documented since Newcombs landmark Bennington study in the 1930s. However, other research has suggested that the effect of education on beliefs and values may differ between academic disciplines. The main mechanisms by which differing beliefs are believed to develop include the self-selection hypothesis (where students chose disciplines which match their pre-existing belief systems) and the socialisation hypothesis (where students are socialised into the worldview of the discipline through continued exposure). Three correlational design questionnaire studies were conducted. Study 1 and 2 featured 223 and 531 students, respectively, and Study 3 included 143 recent graduates of Murdoch University, from different academic disciplines (primarily commerce, psychology and the social sciences). Study 4 involved interviews with nine students who had switched between the three main fields of study. The quantitative results generally supported the self-selection hypothesis, although some participant accounts suggested possible accentuation effects (where pre-existing values were strengthened by university study). Future research should consider a longitudinal study, tracking students in different academic disciplines over the full-length of their degree. A cross-sectional community study would also be valuable, in determining whether large scale difference exist between the those with tertiary, compared to those with lower levels of education, and whether discipline differences persist following graduation (and whether this is linked to occupation). These findings have important implications for the way universities view themselves, in terms of shaping the minds of the next generation of leaders, and for disciplines, in terms of the types of students they attract and how they can best retain them. In conclusion, there are significant differences in the belief systems of students in different academic disciplines, although not as large as may be expected, and that this seems primarily due to self-selection, rather than socialisation or accentuation.