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1

Bazzi, Samia. Arab news and conflict: A multidisciplinary discourse study. Philadelphia: John Benjamins Pub. Company, 2009.

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2

Journalism and the political: Discursive tensions in news coverage of Russia. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Pub. Co., 2011.

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3

Ties that blind in Canadian/American relations: Politics of news discourse. Hillsdale, N.J: L. Erlbaum Associates, 1990.

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4

Kadhim, Kais A. A discourse analytical approach to stylistic variations employed in Arabic translation of English news stories: Transmitting political news across linguistic and cultural boundaries. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 2011.

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5

Die Wiedervereinigung im Spiegel der "Tagesthemen"-- Kommentare von 1988 bis 1992: Eine sprachwissenschaftliche Analyse. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1996.

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6

Polak, Sara, and Daniel Trottier, eds. Violence and Trolling on Social Media. NL Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789462989481.

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‘Trolls for Trump’, virtual rape, fake news — social media discourse, including forms of virtual and real violence, has become a formidable, yet elusive, political force. What characterizes online vitriol? How do we understand the narratives generated, and also address their real-world — even life-and-death— impact? How can hatred, bullying, and dehumanization on social media platforms be addressed and countered in a post-truth world? Violence and Trolling on Social Media: History, Affect, and Effects of Online Vitriol unpacks discourses, metaphors, dynamics, and framing on social media, in order to begin to answer these questions. Written for and by cultural and media studies scholars, journalists, political philosophers, digital communication professionals, activists and advocates, this book connects theoretical approaches from cultural and media studies with practical challenges and experiences ‘from the field’, providing insight into a rough media landscape.
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7

Colonial discourses: Niupepa Māori, 1855-1863. Dunedin: University of Otago Press, 2006.

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8

Maags, Christina, and Marina Svensson, eds. Chinese Heritage in the Making. NL Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789462983694.

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The Chinese state uses cultural heritage as a source of power by linking it to political and economic goals, but heritage discourse has at the same time encouraged new actors to appropriate the discourse to protect their own traditions. This book focuses on that contested nature of heritage, especially through the lens of individuals, local communities, religious groups, and heritage experts. It examines the effect of the internet on heritage-isation, as well as how that process affects different groups of people.
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9

Innerwinkler, Sandra. Sprachliche Innovation im politischen Diskurs: Eine Analyse ausgewählter Beispiele aus dem politischen Diskurs zwischen 2000 und 2006 in Österreich. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 2010.

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10

Bianchi, Bernardo, Emilie Filion-Donato, Marlon Miguel, and Ayşe Yuva, eds. Materialism and Politics. Berlin: ICI Berlin Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37050/ci-20.

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Is materialism still relevant to critically think politics? Throughout modernity, the concept of materialism was associated with fatalism and naturalism, when it was not simply dismissed as heresy and atheism. In the nineteenth century, materialism evolved into a central concept of progressive politics, reappearing again in the past decades through renewed Marxist and Spinoza-based approaches, New Materialism, and feminist discourses. This volume inquires these contrasting uses from theoretical and historical perspectives.
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11

Euphemization and Derogation in Political Discourse: The Case of War in Gaza: Analyzing X-phemism in political news items during "Operation Cast Lead". Germany: VDM Verlag Dr. Müller e.K., 2010.

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12

Barton, Richard L. Ties That Blind in Canadian/American Relations: Politics of News Discourse. Taylor & Francis Group, 2011.

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13

Edenberg, Elizabeth, and Michael Hannon, eds. Political Epistemology. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192893338.001.0001.

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As current events around the world have illustrated, epistemological issues are at the center of our political lives. It has become increasingly difficult to discern legitimate sources of evidence, misinformation spreads faster than ever, and the role of truth in politics has allegedly decayed in recent years. It is therefore no coincidence that political discourse is currently saturated with epistemic notions like “post-truth,” “fake news,” “truth decay,” “echo chambers,” and “alternative facts.” This book brings together leading political philosophers and epistemologists to explore ways in which the analytic and conceptual tools of epistemology bear on political philosophy, and vice versa. It is organized around three broad themes: truth and knowledge in politics; epistemic problems for democracy; and disagreement and polarization. This book investigates topics such as: the extent and implications of political ignorance, the value of democratic deliberation, the significance of epistemic considerations for political legitimacy, the epistemology of political disagreement, identity politics, political bullshit, and weaponized skepticism. A premise underlying the development of political epistemology is that, beyond a certain point, progress on certain foundational issues in both political philosophy and epistemology cannot be achieved without sharing insights across fields. By bringing political philosophers into conversation with epistemologists, this volume promotes more cross-pollination of ideas while also highlighting the richness and diversity of political epistemology as a newly emerging field.
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14

Benoit, William L. The Functional Theory of Political Campaign Communication. Edited by Kate Kenski and Kathleen Hall Jamieson. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199793471.013.2.

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This chapter begins by arguing for the importance of election campaigns. Next, it describes the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse. Assumptions, key concepts, and predictions are discussed. The chapter then summarizes the research that has applied this theory to a wide variety of election campaign messages: US president (primary and general), non-presidential (Senate, House, gubernatorial, mayoral), non-US TV spots and debates, and news coverage of election campaigns. The three functions – acclaims, attacks, and defenses – and the two topics – policy and character – are discussed. The chapter discusses effects of campaign phase and incumbency on candidate messages. Finally, this chapter addresses limitations of this theory and directions for future research.
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15

Hale, Meredith McNeill. The Birth of Modern Political Satire. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198836261.001.0001.

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This book documents one of the most important moments in the history of printed political imagery, when the political print became what we would recognize as modern political satire. Contrary to conventional historical and art-historical narratives, which place the emergence of political satire in the news-driven coffee-house culture of eighteenth-century London, this study locates the birth of the genre in the late seventeenth-century Netherlands in the contentious political milieu surrounding William III’s invasion of England known as the ‘Glorious Revolution’. The satires produced between 1688 and 1690 by the Dutch printmaker Romeyn de Hooghe (1645–1708) on the events surrounding William III’s campaigns against James II and Louis XIV establish many of the qualities that define the genre to this day: the transgression of bodily boundaries; the interdependence of text and image; the centrality of dialogic text to the generation of meaning; serialized production; and the emergence of the satirist as a primary participant in political discourse. This study, the first in-depth analysis of De Hooghe’s satires since the nineteenth century, considers these prints as sites of cultural influence and negotiation, works that both reflected and helped to construct a new relationship between the government and the governed.
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16

Palestine-Israel in the Print News Media: Contending Discourses. Taylor & Francis Group, 2014.

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17

Wood, John Carter. Crime News and the Press. Edited by Paul Knepper and Anja Johansen. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352333.013.41.

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This essay examines crime news between the late eighteenth and mid-twentieth centuries, focusing on the newspaper press in Great Britain. It lays out trends in crime and media historiography; describes the main press discourses about “crime,” “criminals,” and “criminal justice”; identifies the key agents who created crime news; and considers the press’s role in “moral panics.” Showing that the press has been a dominant source of crime information from the late eighteenth century and that crime reporting has constituted a substantial proportion of newspaper content, it argues that crime news has consistently offered a distorted view of crime, with the greatest attention being given to those crimes that least frequently appear in official statistics; this inaccuracy can reveal distinctive fears and attitudes in particular historical contexts. Moreover, “human interest” reporting, while often sensationalist, has sometimes contained quasi-political social critiques cast in a more digestible language for a general readership.
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18

Costley White, Khadijah. The Branding of Right-Wing Activism. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190879310.001.0001.

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This book examines the ways that partisan and nonpartisan online, broadcast, and print news outlets constructed the Tea Party through branding discourse and used it to address modern conflicts over race, class, gender, journalism, and politics. From the beginning of President Barack Obama’s presidency, the Tea Party was a major player in a tale of political fractiousness, populist dissent, racial progress, and surprising electoral success, and changed the tone, tenor, and shape of the political landscape through the support and promotion of the press. Despite a long history of conservative movements in US politics, the Tea Party distinctively placed the news media at its center as both an organizer and active participant. Through a discursive, narrative, and rhetorical analysis of the news reporting about the Tea Party movement, this book documents the contemporary slippages between news platforms, journalistic practice, and the norms that guide the fourth estate.
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19

Guardino, Matt. Framing Inequality. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190888183.001.0001.

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This book examines how major news media have influenced the politics of economic inequality by shaping U.S. public opinion toward key policies since the early 1980s. The book describes the substance and ideological texture of news coverage during economic and social welfare policy debates across the neoliberal era. It also compares this news content to patterns of official and nongovernmental discourse. The book argues that the media’s structural position as a corporately organized and commercially driven institution helps to explain politically significant discrepancies between news coverage and broader policy discussions. The book also shows how framing patterns in the news produced through these political-economic processes may influence concrete policy attitudes. Its experimental analysis demonstrates that news coverage can shape public opinion to favor neoliberal policies, including among key segments of the American public that otherwise would not express support. The book contends that structural and institutional shifts which mark the rise of neoliberalism as a governing framework for media policy and practices have reinforced patterns of superficial and narrow news content during policy debates. Ultimately, the book argues that media coverage has fostered political climates conducive to neoliberal domestic policies at important historical moments. It suggests that changing media technologies have done little to arrest these trends in corporate news media, and that significant shifts in public policy coverage would require changes in media policy.
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20

Arne, Nohrstedt Stig, Ottosen Rune, and Nordicom, eds. Journalism and the new world order: Gulf War, national news discourses and globalization. Göteborg: Nordicom, 2000.

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21

Arne, Nohrstedt Stig, Ottosen Rune, and NORDICOM/Sverige, eds. Journalism and the new world order: Gulf War, national news discourses, and globalization. Göteborg: NORDICOM, 2000.

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22

Baraz, Yelena. Discourse of Kingship in Late Republican Invective. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199394852.003.0004.

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This chapter examines the anti-monarchical discourse that was indigenous to Rome since the expulsion of the kings. Through a study of the lexicographic range of the words rex (king) and regnum (kingship), it parses the accusations of ‘regal aspirations’ abounding in political writings of the late Republic. Although associated with the last Roman king, the ‘tyrannical’ Tarquin, these terms were not indicative of constitutional positions. Rather, in the rhetoric of faction politics, they suggest the traits of arrogance and rampant ambition. Thus refining our understanding of political discourse in the final years of the Republic, the chapter also paves the way for a new understanding of Julius Caesar’s dictatorship and its critical assessment before and after his assassination.
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23

Neudert, Lisa-Maria N. Germany. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190931407.003.0008.

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As concerns over misinformation, political bots, and the impact of social media on public discourse manifest in Germany, this chapter explores the role of computational propaganda in and around German politics. The research sheds light on how algorithms, automation, and big data are leveraged to manipulate the German public, presenting real-time social media data and rich evidence from interviews with a wide range of German Internet experts—bot developers, policymakers, cyberwarfare specialists, victims of automated attacks, and social media moderators. In addition, the chapter examines how the ongoing public debate surrounding the threats of right-wing political currents and foreign election interference in the Federal Election 2017 has created sentiments of concern and fear. Imposed regulation, multi-stakeholder actionism, and sustained media attention remain unsubstantiated by empirical findings of computational propaganda. The chapter provides an in-depth analysis of social media discourse during the German parliamentary election 2016. Pioneering the methodological assessment of the magnitude of automation and junk news, the author finds limited evidence of computational propaganda in Germany. The author concludes that the impact of computational propaganda, nonetheless, is substantial in Germany, promoting a dispersed civic debate, political vigilance, and restrictive countermeasures that leave a deep imprint on the freedom and openness of the public discourse in Germany.
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24

Andeweg, Rudy B., and Kees Aarts. Studying Political Legitimacy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198793717.003.0011.

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This final chapter concludes with a reflection on the findings presented in the book, the implications of these findings for politics and political science, and suggestions for a new research agenda on legitimacy. The chapter concludes that the analyses in this volume do not provide evidence of legitimacy crisis. This leaves us with a puzzle, as the belief in such a legitimacy crisis is persistent, and it has proven to be quite resistant to evidence provided by political scientists on the basis of data such as analyzed in this book. This discrepancy between current data and public discourse must also prompt us to reflect on political science research: what have we done so far in selecting our concepts, data, research strategies, and empirical domain, and what can and should be improved? The chapter concludes with suggestions for new research on legitimacy.
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25

Wilson, Harlan. Environmental Political Theory and the History of Western Political Theory. Edited by Teena Gabrielson, Cheryl Hall, John M. Meyer, and David Schlosberg. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199685271.013.21.

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This chapter discusses how contemporary environmental political theories utilize “classic” or “canonical” texts in the history of political theory in the West from Plato to the twentieth century, primarily through appropriations and critiques of older conceptions of political society and “nature.” The chapter shows why appropriations and critiques of the works of older theories such as those of Plato, Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Burke, Mill, Marx, and Arendt matter, and should matter, for the new subfield of environmental political theory. Even if older texts cannot provide definitive answers to current questions, they can inform and invigorate environmental discourse as well as exhibit its essential politicalness. Conversely, close reading of the canon can help generate further questions about humans’ relation to their environments, thus encouraging, it is hoped, a more vital green public sphere.
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Manucci, Luca. Populism and the Media. Edited by Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Paul Taggart, Paulina Ochoa Espejo, and Pierre Ostiguy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.013.17.

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This chapter discusses three aspects of the relationship between populist discourses and the media: the process of mediatization of politics, the impact of media populism on democratic quality, and the link between new media and populism. The aim is to summarize theories and results present in the relevant literature, while advancing a more sophisticated framework for analysis based on a clear definition of populism as an ideology articulated discursively. In particular, the chapter proposes to consider the media sphere and the political realm as an integrated system for the production of user-friendly political news, thus overcoming the fictitious opposition between media and political-logic. Populist discourses should therefore be considered as the result of a constant flow of direct, indirect, and mixed interactions between political and media actors.
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27

Anderson, C. W. Apostles of Certainty. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190492335.001.0001.

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Apostles of Certainty: Data Journalism and the Politics of Doubt traces the way American journalists have made use of quantitative information in their news reporting from the early twentieth century to the present day. In so doing, it examines changing notions of journalistic objectivity and truth telling, particularly as these have evolved alongside social science disciplines such as political science and sociology. Apostles of Certainty uses methodological techniques pioneered in science and technology studies to link the study of newsroom ontologies and epistemologies to a broader analysis of how public knowledge is produced and distributed in the digital age. Though largely historical, the book also sheds light on politics and media in the twenty-first century, with findings that speak to current public conversations around so-called post-truth and the spread of fake news. The book concludes that, viewed over the long term, journalistic reporting in the United States has improved in its accuracy, subtlety, and professional self-certainty, but we have not witnessed a simultaneous improvement in the conduct of US political discourse. In part this is because political journalism only influences politics to a limited degree. To the degree it does have an impact on the political process, the book argues that data-oriented journalism plays a largely tribal and aesthetic role and divides Americans into empirical “tribes” based in part on the perceived elitism of data-based reporting.
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Fontana, Biancamaria. The Political Thought of Montaigne. Edited by Philippe Desan. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190215330.013.10.

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Presenting Montaigne’s “political” thought is in itself a problematic exercise. While the Essays are relevant to our understanding of sixteenth-century political discourse, and to the broader reflection of political philosophy, Montaigne did not see politics as a separate domain of human activity; indeed, he questioned the possibility to predict with any degree of certainty, and to control individual and collective human behavior. In the Essays the author developed a full-scale critique of Old Regime society, a system built upon relations of personal dependence and servitude: his attack focused on contemporary social practices and on their founding principles: tradition, the law, royal authority, and religious dogma. Montaigne did not advocate the establishment of a new type of regime, as he was convinced that the form of political institutions was largely dependent on habit and custom. He did suggest the possibility of a new vision of community, one based upon greater equality, toleration, communication, and economic exchange.
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Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. Discourse on the Origin of Inequality. Edited by Patrick Coleman. Translated by Franklin Philip. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/owc/9780199555420.001.0001.

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In his Discourses (1755), Rousseau argues that inequalities of rank, wealth, and power are the inevitable result of the civilizing process. If inequality is intolerable - and Rousseau shows with unparalledled eloquence how it robs us not only of our material but also of our psychological independence - then how can we recover the peaceful self-sufficiency of life in the state of nature? We cannot return to a simpler time, but measuring the costs of progress may help us to imagine alternatives to the corruption and oppressive conformity of modern society. Rousseau's sweeping account of humanity's social and political development epitomizes the innovative boldness of the Englightment, and it is one of the most provocative and influential works of the eighteenth century. This new translation includes all Rousseau's own notes, and Patrick Coleman's introduction builds on recent key scholarship, considering particularly the relationship between political and aesthetic thought.
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Horta, Ana, and Anabela Carvalho. Climate Change Communication in Portugal. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228620.013.599.

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In Portugal, global politics tend to dominate climate change communication. Policy-oriented news stories prevail, being very much influenced by international events, dynamics, and actors, especially European ones, whereas national politicians and officials tend to be given less space. Climate change is thus mainly (re)presented as a global issue, distant from local realities, in spite of the vulnerabilities that the country faces. National policy makers tend to adopt a technocratic discourse that comes across as “rational” and fairly optimistic, with little contestation by environmental groups or others. A “green economy” discourse has prevailed in the media, with investment on renewable energy being depicted as the way to both stimulating the economy and addressing climate change. Scientific knowledge tends to be represented as consensual and national scientists tend to avoid dramatization. Although public opinion surveys have shown that the population considers climate change a serious problem and skepticism regarding its anthropogenic causes is low, surveys have also revealed high levels of ignorance and self-evaluated lack of information. In spite of a traditionally weak environmental movement and lack of public engagement, the population has shown a consistent sense of collective responsibility to tackle climate change. The economic and financial crisis up until the mid-2010s considerably affected the already fragile media system and turned political and public attention to economy-related topics. News coverage of climate change, in all its complexity, has been constrained by a lack of specialized reporters and increased dependency on the pro-activity of news sources.
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31

Trencsényi, Balázs, Michal Kopeček, Luka Lisjak Gabrijelčič, Maria Falina, Mónika Baár, and Maciej Janowski. Political Thought in Exile. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198829607.003.0002.

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The post-1945 exile from East Central Europe was characterized by extreme ideological pluralism and political fragmentation, ranging from post-fascist to radical leftist streams. Given this initial diversity and the permanent reconfiguration due to the arrival of new waves, it remained an extremely variegated phenomenon with limited ideological coherence. However the specific exile experience produced a certain type of political thought offering a choice between interventionist, gradualist, or passivist stances. Whereas in the first post-war decades the exile’s main drive was to preserve the “authentic” cultural and political traditions, in the course of the 1960s and the 1970s they became the transmitters of the local dissident discourses. These developments validated the ideas of the best strategic minds in emigration arguing that it was the pressure from the domestic public and opposition, not the émigré groups or Western powers, which could become a main catalyst of democratization.
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32

Guisinger, Alexandra. Politicians, the Media, and Negative Perceptions of Trade’s National Effect. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190651824.003.0007.

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Chapter 7 explores how the framing of trade in public discourse – mass media and political campaigns –supports the disconnect between mass and elite opinion: while academic elites have stressed the benefits of free trade and political elites have supported trade liberalization, the mass public continues to express a negative assessment of trade’s economic impact on the U.S. This chapter describes past and current public beliefs about trade’s effect at the national level and characterizes two common sources of Americans’ economic knowledge – the national media and federal-level political campaigns. Analysis of decades of trade–related evening news coverage, illustrates both the correlation between bad trade indicators and trade coverage and the frequency and tone of evening news coverage. Additionally, the chapter offers qualitative analysis of the content of trade-related political campaign ads as well as two maps showing the concentration of trade-related ads in the 2000 and 2008 elections. This analysis of the content of TV news coverage of stories about international trade and political campaign ads that mention trade makes it clear that the messages communicated to the mass public differ from the academic/elite consensus.
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33

Feldman, Lauren. The Hostile Media Effect. Edited by Kate Kenski and Kathleen Hall Jamieson. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199793471.013.011.

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The “hostile media effect” occurs when opposing partisans perceive identical news coverage of a controversial issue as biased against their own side. This is a robust phenomenon, which has been empirically demonstrated in numerous experimental and observational studies across a variety of issue contexts and has been shown to have important consequences for democratic society. This chapter reviews the literature on the hostile media effect with an eye toward the theoretical explanations for it, its relationship to other psychological processes, and its broader implications for perceived public opinion, news consumption patterns, attitudes toward democratic institutions, and political discourse and participation. Particular attention is paid to how the hostile media phenomenon can help explain the public’s eroding trust in the news media and the recent polarization among news audiences. The chapter concludes with several suggestions for future research.
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34

Feldman, Lauren. The Hostile Media Effect. Edited by Kate Kenski and Kathleen Hall Jamieson. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199793471.013.011_update_001.

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The “hostile media effect” occurs when opposing partisans perceive identical news coverage of a controversial issue as biased against their own side. This is a robust phenomenon, which has been empirically demonstrated in numerous experimental and observational studies across a variety of issue contexts and has been shown to have important consequences for democratic society. This chapter reviews the literature on the hostile media effect with an eye toward the theoretical explanations for it, its relationship to other psychological processes, and its broader implications for perceived public opinion, news consumption patterns, attitudes toward democratic institutions, and political discourse and participation. Particular attention is paid to how the hostile media phenomenon can help explain the public’s eroding trust in the news media and the recent polarization among news audiences. The chapter concludes with several suggestions for future research.
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35

Williams, Justin A. Brithop. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190656805.001.0001.

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Brithop investigates rap music’s politics in the twenty-first-century United Kingdom. In it, the author argues that this music is partly an extension of, or often a counter to, political discourses happening in other realms of British society. These rappers are essentially responding through rap to mainstream Britain’s political discourses. The rappers in this book critique the United Kingdom’s more conservative narratives, and they express their relationship to Britain in the politically turbulent climate of the new century, providing valuable perspectives which can go unnoticed by those skeptical of or ignorant of hip-hop culture. Through themes of nationalism, history, subculture, politics, humor, and identity, this book looks at multiple forms of politics in rap discourses from Wales, Scotland, and England. It covers selected hip-hop scenes from 2002 to 2017, featuring rappers and groups such as The Streets, Goldie Lookin Chain, Akala, Lowkey, Stanley Odd, Loki, Speech Debelle, Lady Sovereign, Shadia Mansour, Shay D, Stormzy, Sleaford Mods, Riz MC, and Lethal Bizzle. It investigates how rappers in the United Kingdom respond to the “postcolonial melancholia” (Gilroy) of post-Empire Britain. In contrast to more visible narratives of national identity in Britain, Brithop tells a different, arguably more important, story.
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36

Jonker, Louis C., Angelika Berlejung, and Izak Cornelius, eds. Multilingualism in Ancient Contexts: Perspectives from Ancient Near Eastern and Early Christian Contexts. African Sun Media, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52779/9781991201171.

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Multilingualism remains a thorny issue in many contexts, be it cultural, political, or educational. Debates and discourses on this issue in contexts of diversity (particularly in multicultural societies, but also in immigration situations) are often conducted with present-day communicational and educational needs in mind, or with political and identity agendas. This is nothing new. There are a vast number of witnesses from the ancient West-Asian and Mediterranean world attesting to the same debates in long past societies. Could an investigation into the linguistic landscapes of ancient societies shed any light on our present-day debates and discourses? This volume suggests that this is indeed the case. In fourteen chapters, written and visual sources of the ancient world are investigated and explored by scholars, specialising in those fields of study, to engage in an interdisciplinary discourse with modern-day debates about multilingualism. A final chapter – by an expert in language in education – responds critically to the contributions in the book to open avenues for further interdisciplinary engagement – together with contemporary linguists and educationists – on the matter of multilingualism.
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37

Balbier, Uta A. ‘Billy Graham’s Cold War Crusades’. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198798071.003.0013.

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This chapter explores the Billy Graham revival campaigns in Washington, London, New York, and Berlin in the 1950s as expressions of a transnational religious revival that took place simultaneously in the USA, Germany, and the UK. During this short-lived revival, discourses around Christianity, anti-Communism, democracy, and the Free World blended, produced new forms of civil religious identities, and seemed to briefly challenge secularization processes. The chapter explores the mindset of political and religious leaders who supported the Billy Graham Crusades as well as the staging of events as important performances in the transnational culture of the Cold War. It argues that despite obvious differences in the religious landscapes on both sides of the Atlantic regarding church attendance and the role of religion in political discourse, there still existed significant similarities. These can only be explained when taking transnational phenomena such as Cold War culture or secularization processes into consideration.
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Ashe, Laura. Killing the King. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198795148.003.0004.

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This chapter argues from the premise that ‘romance’ is a mode of thought, a discourse structuring narrative expectations, which interacts with all the competing discourses surrounding it. It considers the historical accounts of King John’s death, examining the late-thirteenth-century appearance of a new story, clearly derived from oral tradition and structured by the conventions of romance, which has John righteously poisoned for his crimes against the people. It is argued that the expectations of romance enable the Prose Brut chronicler to present the poisoner as a self-sacrificing hero for the English people, in a manner which exposes the possibility of the rightful destruction of a ruling king. Comparisons are drawn with the account in a monastic Latin chronicle, and in the Short English Metrical Chronicle in the Auchinleck manuscript, as well as with the romance of Havelok. It is argued that romance is an inherently political and politicizing discourse.
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Hawley, George. The Alt-Right. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190905194.001.0001.

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In recent years, the so-called Alt-Right, a white nationalist movement, has grown at an alarming rate. Taking advantage of high levels of racial polarization, the Alt-Right seeks to normalize explicit white identity politics. Growing from a marginalized and disorganized group of Internet trolls and propagandists, the Alt-Right became one of the major news stories of the 2016 presidential election. Discussions of the Alt-Right are now a regular part of political discourse in the United States and beyond. In The Alt-Right: What Everyone Needs to Know® , George Hawley, one of the world's leading experts on the conservative movement and right-wing radicalism, provides a clear explanation of the ideas, tactics, history, and prominent figures of one of the most disturbing movements in America today. Although it presents itself as a new phenomenon, the Alt-Right is just the latest iteration of a longstanding radical right-wing political tradition. The Alt-Right represents a genuine challenge to pluralistic liberal democracy, but its size and influence are often exaggerated. Whether intentionally or not, President Donald Trump energized the Alt-Right in 2016, yet conflating Trump's variety of right-wing politics with the Alt-Right causes many observers to both overestimate the Alt-Right's size and downplay its radicalism. Hawley provides a tour of the contemporary radical right, and explains how it differs from more mainstream varieties of conservatism. In dispassionate and accessible language, he orients readers to this disruptive and potentially dangerous political moment.
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Brown, Chris, and Robyn Eckersley, eds. The Oxford Handbook of International Political Theory. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198746928.001.0001.

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This Handbook—one of a new series—sets out to describe the current state of the art in International Political Theory, and to advance this discourse into new areas. A key feature of the Handbook is the way in which its contributors engage with “real politics”: although the importance of developing so-called ideal theory is acknowledged in several chapters, the main emphasis of the book is on an engagement with empirical data and real-world politics. Conventional distinctions such as that between “critical theory” and “problem-solving theory” are challenged—the underlying contention is that, ultimately, all theory is problem-solving, and an emphasis on norms and normative theory cannot be understood as separate from so-called positive International Relations Theory. The contributors have approached the themes of the Handbook from different angles in relation to a wide range of different topics in ways that showcase the diversity of perspectives and traditions that make up the field of International Political Theory. The Handbook consists of fifty chapters organized into nine sections, covering History, Traditions and Perspectives, International Justice, Violence and Conflict, Humanitarianism and Human Rights, Democracy, Accountability and Global Governance, Ethics and International Public Policy, New Directions in International Political Theory, and, finally, a section which puts in question the relationship between International Political Theory and Real Politics.
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Möller, Frank. Politics and Art. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199935307.013.13.

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Art can be understood as a form of political discourse; as a descriptive, an interpretive, or an explicitly critical approximation; or as a vehicle with which to transcend the political. Art complicates our understandings and perceptions of the world, altering the discursive frames within which the political is negotiated. Research on politics and art explores art’s engagement with politics and its vision of the world; it analyzes art’s contribution to both our understanding of politics and problem solving. Current research also explores art’s critical and emancipatory potentialities, as well as participatory art and social activism in light of new forms of political communication. Such research is interdisciplinary and open to methodological pluralism and innovation. This article discusses artistic and performative imaginations of the political; knowledge production through art; art’s engagement with violence and peace; the art-audience interface; ethics and aesthetics of political art; and art’s function as a political witness.
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Dryzek, John S. The Politics of the Earth. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199696000.001.0001.

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The Politics of the Earth provides an introduction to thinking about the environment, through investigation of related political discourses. The text analyses the various approaches which have dominated environmental issues over the last three decades and which are likely to be influential in the future, including survivalism, environmental problem solving, sustainability, and green radicalism. This new edition includes more on global environmental politics, as well as updated and expanded examples including more material on China. The text looks at the most modern discourses, including discussions surrounding climate change, and reworks the material on justice and green radicalism to include more on climate justice and new developments such as transition towns and radical summits.
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Thomas, Susan. Experimental Alternatives. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190842741.003.0003.

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In 1969 the director of Cuba’s film institute, Alfredo Guevara, founded a musical collective whose official purpose was to provide film music for Cuba’s vibrant and experimental new socialist cinema. The resulting Grupo de Experimentación Sonora represented something of a “rescue mission” for artists who for reasons political, aesthetic, or of personality found themselves on the margins of increasingly conservative and restrictive state-run cultural institutions. Under the direction of composer Leo Brouwer, the Grupo incorporated musicians who became some of the Revolution’s most renowned artists. Brouwer declared that the primary mission of the Grupo was not to create film music but “to transform the repertoire of Cuban popular music to the best of our abilities.” The Grupo merged discourses of the artistic avant-garde with those of revolutionary praxis and in doing so, positioned their sonic experiments both aesthetically and politically. The Grupo has had a marked impact on later groups who also struggled on the margins of state institutions. Drawing overt references to the Grupo and appropriating similar avant-garde rhetoric, collectives such as Habana Abierta and Interactivo promoted a new musical and social “revolution from within,” one that advocated from the margins of official discourse for a radically new transnational model of Cuban citizenship and civic participation.
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Dryzek, John S. 10. New Society: Green Politics. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199696000.003.0010.

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This chapter considers a category of green radicalism that focuses on green politics. Green radicalism is about political change targeted at social structures and institutions as well as consciousness change. This more overtly political emphasis is advanced by a number of movements and schools of thought whose degree of radicalism varies from eco-anarchists to ‘realo’ greens. The chapter begins with a discussion of different types of green politics, including green parties, social ecology, transition towns and new materialism, red and green, environmental justice, and environmentalism of the global poor. It also considers the antiglobalization movement, global justice, the Occupy Movement, and radical summits, as well as the discourse analysis of green politics. Finally, it looks at green politics in practice and emphasizes the uncertainty about the best way to practice green politics in the face of a seemingly recalcitrant and secure liberal capitalist political economy.
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Gallagher, Julie A. Pushing Through the Doors of Resistance in the 1950s. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036965.003.0004.

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This chapter follows a number of African American women in the postwar period further into party politics and into city government, and it charts the efforts of local renegades to launch political insurgencies that sought to bring down entrenched Democratic bosses and improve African Americans' and women's access to political power. Despite the challenges they faced, African American women who were committed to creating a more just society through formal politics were extremely busy in the 1950s and 1960s. They introduced new issues into the political discourse as elected officials and government administrators, they pressured political leaders through protests, and they effectively used the courts. Through their examples of leadership and methods of organizing, they also encouraged historically disempowered people, especially black women, to engage in politics and to demand change from various state actors, including politicians, judges, police chiefs, school administrators, and municipal and state bureaucrats.
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Benkler, Yochai, Robert Farris, and Hal Roberts. Network Propaganda. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190923624.001.0001.

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This book examines the shape, composition, and practices of the United States political media landscape. It explores the roots of the current epistemic crisis in political communication with a focus on the remarkable 2016 U.S. president election culminating in the victory of Donald Trump and the first year of his presidency. The authors present a detailed map of the American political media landscape based on the analysis of millions of stories and social media posts, revealing a highly polarized and asymmetric media ecosystem. Detailed case studies track the emergence and propagation of disinformation in the American public sphere that took advantage of structural weaknesses in the media institutions across the political spectrum. This book describes how the conservative faction led by Steve Bannon and funded by Robert Mercer was able to inject opposition research into the mainstream media agenda that left an unsubstantiated but indelible stain of corruption on the Clinton campaign. The authors also document how Fox News deflects negative coverage of President Trump and has promoted a series of exaggerated and fabricated counter narratives to defend the president against the damaging news coming out of the Mueller investigation. Based on an analysis of the actors that sought to influence political public discourse, this book argues that the current problems of media and democracy are not the result of Russian interference, behavioral microtargeting and algorithms on social media, political clickbait, hackers, sockpuppets, or trolls, but of asymmetric media structures decades in the making. The crisis is political, not technological.
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Ryder, Andrew. Britain and Europe at a Crossroads. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529200515.001.0001.

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Britain and Europe at a Crossroads: The Politics of Anxiety and Transformation dissects the complex social, cultural and political factors that led the UK to take its decision to leave the EU and examines the far-reaching consequences of that decision. Developing the conceptual framework of securitization, the book uses primary sources and a focus on rhetoric and discourse analysis to examine the ways that political elites engineered a politics of fear, insecurity and Brexit nationalism before and after the Brexit vote. The book situates Brexit within a wider shift in international political ideas, traces the resurgence in popularity of far-right politics and explores how Britain and Europe now face a choice between further neoliberal reform or radical democratic and social renewal. The book posits a number of policy responses that might serve as antidotes to the causes of Brexit and radical right populism centred on a new Social Europe, redistribution and social justice and forms of deliberative democracy that extend participation and preserve representative judgement in the British tradition of ‘pouring new wine into old bottles’.
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Rich Dorman, Sara. The Politics of ‘Winner Takes All’ (2008–2014). Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190634889.003.0007.

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This chapter explores how ZANU used the creation of a government of national unity (GNU) between 2008 to 2013 to regain control of the political landscape. It tracks the economic and social crises that led to power-sharing, and explores the political dynamics first from the perspective of political parties and then from civil society. We see how church leaders and chiefs were (re-)incorporated into the ZANU discursive project, and how NGOs were marginalized from political discourse. The GNU limited and contained the extremes of political violence and economic crisis. This allowed ZANU to capitalize on its successes, build a new coalition of supporters and regain control of the state through the 2014 general election. Despite an institutional facade of unity, political factionalization deepened, and politics became increasingly driven by a dynamic of "winner takes all."
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Bernal, Angélica Maria. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190494223.003.0001.

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Foundings have long captured the political imagination and continue to be a pervasive element of contemporary politics as statesmen, citizens, and new social movements wage many a political battle through appeals to shared origins, Founding Fathers, and foundational principles. Despite their ubiquity in democratic politics, rarely do we stop to examine this notion. Reviewing the uses of this term in contemporary political and constitutional discourse, I introduce the problem addressed by this book: the dominant vision of founding as an authoritative binding origin. The introduction explicates the problems with this view and makes the case for why it is important to reconsider it. Against this view, the book will offer an alternative vision centered on the disaggregation of foundings from originary authority. The introduction outlines this vision and how it will be developed throughout the book, explicating the use of cases that complicate the relationship between foundings and origins.
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Moskalenko, Sophia, and Clark McCauley. Radicalization to Terrorism. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190862596.001.0001.

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Terrorism and radicalization came to the forefront of news and politics in the US after the unforgettable attacks of September 11th, 2001. When George W. Bush famously asked "Why do they hate us?," the President echoed the confusion, anger and fear felt by millions of Americans, while also creating a politicized discourse that has come to characterize and obscure discussions of both phenomenon in the media. Since then the American public has lived through a number of domestic attacks and threats, and watched international terrorist attacks from afar on television sets and computer screens. The anxiety and misinformation surrounding terrorism and radicalization are perhaps best detected in questions that have continued to recur in the last decade: "Are terrorists crazy?"; "Is there a profile of individuals likely to become terrorists?"; "Is it possible to prevent radicalization to terrorism?" Fortunately, in the two decades since 9/11, a significant body of research has emerged that can help provide definitive answers. As experts in the psychology of radicalization, Sophia Moskalenko and Clark McCauley propose twelve mechanisms that can move individuals, groups, and mass publics from political indifference to sympathy and support for terrorist violence. Radicalization to Terrorism: What Everyone Needs to Know synthesizes original and existing research to answer the questions raised after each new attack, including those committed by radicalized Americans. It offers a rigorously informed overview of the insight that will enable readers to see beyond the relentless new cycle to understand where terrorism comes from and how best to respond to it.
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