Journal articles: 'Political news and communication'

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Horsbøl, Anders. "Experts in political communication." Journal of Language and Politics 9, no. 1 (April 9, 2010): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.9.1.02hor.

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A central journalistic counterstrategy to the communicative ‘professionalization’ of politics consists in a use of political communication experts who comment on political moves and analyse the strategies behind them. This study investigates how the media uses political communication experts in prime time news programmes from the 2005 parliamentary election campaign in Denmark. To this aim, the knowledge positions ascribed to the experts as well as the articulation of the expert voice with the news genre is analysed. Furthermore, the qualitative analysis is combined with quantitative data on the amount of political communication experts and their professional background. The study situates the analysis within a public sphere perspective on the power relations between politics and media, and discusses implications of the findings for a well functioning public sphere.

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Guerrero-Solé, Frederic. "The ideology of media. Measuring the political leaning of Spanish news media through Twitter users’ interactions." Communication & Society 35, no. 1 (January 10, 2022): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/003.35.1.29-43.

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The news media have a strong influence on people’s perception of reality. But despite claims to objectivity, media organizations are, in general, politically biased (Patterson & Donsbach, 1996; Gaebler, 2017). The link between news media outlets and political organizations has been a critical question in political science and communication studies. To assess the closeness between the news media and particular political organizations, scholars have used different methods such as content analysis, undertaking surveys or adopting a political economy view. With the advent of social networks, new sources of data are now available to measure the relationship between media organizations and parties. Assuming that users coherently retweet political and news information (Wong, Tan, Sen & Chiang, 2016), and drawing on the retweet overlap network (RON) method (Guerrero-Solé, 2017), this research uses people’s perceived ideology of Spanish political parties (CIS, 2020) to propose a measure of the ideology of news media in Spain. Results show that scores align with the result of previous research on the ideology of the news media (Ceia, 2020). We also find that media outlets are, in general, politically polarized with two groups or clusters of news media being close to the left-wing parties UP and PSOE, and the other to the right-wing and far-right parties Cs, PP, and Vox. This research also underlines the media’s ideological stability over time.

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Sjøvaag, Helle, Truls André Pedersen, and Ole Martin Lægreid. "Journalism and the political structure." Nordicom Review 40, no. 2 (March 1, 2019): 63–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nor-2019-0034.

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Abstract This article assumes a media system perspective on the local news media structure in Norway, using a dataset of 847,487 news articles collected from 156 Norwegian news outlets in 2015–2017. Using a series of hypotheses, the analysis uses Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) topic modelling to ascertain to what extent local journalism meets community information needs through infrastructure, output and performance. The analysis finds that the size of the publisher and the size of the community covered matter more for hard news coverage than regulatory factors. To that end, the results indicate that the Norwegian local media system is somehow shaped by the geography of the political landscape. The results and their contributions are discussed in light of media systems theory and local journalism structures.

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Leshner, Glenn, and Michael L. McKean. "Using TV News for Political Information During An Off-Year Election: Effects on Political Knowledge and Cynicism." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 74, no. 1 (March 1997): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909707400106.

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Television news is routinely blamed for a decline in political knowledge and for a deepening cynicism among the American electorate. Yet studies attempting to measure the effects of TV news have produced decidedly mixed results. This study, using survey data from a 1994 U.S. Senate campaign in Missouri, finds that using TV news for political and government information is positively associated with knowledge about candidates and not associated with cynicism toward politicians. These results run counter to the popular notion that TV news induces “videomalaise” among viewers.

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Lund, Anker Brink. "Ambivalent Views on Political News." Nordicom Review 24, no. 1 (May 1, 2003): 19–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nor-2017-0293.

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Wise, David, and Paul R. Brewer. "News About News in a Presidential Primary Campaign: Press Metacoverage on Evening News, Political Talk, and Political Comedy Programs." Atlantic Journal of Communication 18, no. 3 (July 27, 2010): 127–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15456871003742070.

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Bozdağ, Çiğdem, and Suncem Koçer. "Skeptical Inertia in the Face of Polarization: News Consumption and Misinformation in Turkey." Media and Communication 10, no. 2 (May 26, 2022): 169–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v10i2.5057.

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Focusing on Turkey, this article analyzes the role of polarization on news users’ perception of misinformation and mistrust in the news on social media. Turkey is one of the countries where citizens complain most about misinformation on the internet. The citizens’ trust in news institutions is also in continuous decline. Furthermore, both Turkish society and its media landscape are politically highly polarized. Focusing on Turkey’s highly polarized environment, the article aims to analyze how political polarization influences the users’ trust in the news and their perceptions about misinformation on social media. The study is based on multi-method research, including focus groups, media diaries, and interviews with people of different ages and socioeconomic backgrounds. The article firstly demonstrates different strategies that the users develop to validate information, including searching for any suspicious information on search engines, looking at the comments below the post, and looking at other news media, especially television. Secondly, we will discuss how more affective mechanisms of news assessment come into prominence while evaluating political news. Although our participants are self-aware and critical about their partisan attitudes in news consumption and evaluation, they also reveal media sources to which they feel politically closer. We propose the concept of “skeptical inertia” to refer to this self-critical yet passive position of the users in the face of the polarized news environment in Turkey.

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Blach-Ørsten, Mark, and Rasmus Burkal. "Credibility and the Media as a Political Institution." Nordicom Review 35, s1 (March 13, 2020): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nor-2014-0104.

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AbstractCredibility is frequently represented as both an ideal goal for journalism as a profession and as an integral part of the news industry’s survival strategy. Yet there is no widely accepted operationalization of the concept of credibility. In the current article, we present the results of a study of credibility in Danish news media. Credibility is defined at an institutional level by two dimensions: A) the accuracy and reliability of the news stories featured in leading Danish news media, and B) journalists’ knowledge and understanding of the Danish code of press ethics. The results show that sources only find objective errors in 14.1% of the news stories, which is a lower figure than most other studies report. The results also show that Danish journalists find bad press ethics to be an increasing problem and attribute this problem to increased pressure in the newsroom.

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Park, Chang Sup, and Barbara K. Kaye. "News Engagement on Social Media and Democratic Citizenship: Direct and Moderating Roles of Curatorial News Use in Political Involvement." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 95, no. 4 (March 12, 2018): 1103–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077699017753149.

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Social media allow users not only to read news, but also to evaluate, reconstruct, and share it. This study conceptualizes curatorial news use via social media as an important news use behavior, which involves evaluating the existing news, adding new values by reconstructing it, and then sharing it with other social media users. An analysis of survey data from 650 South Korean adults shows that curatorial news use on social media has a significantly positive association with political knowledge, internal political efficacy, and offline and online political participation. The interaction of social media news use and curatorial news use is also significantly associated with high levels of political knowledge and political participation.

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Mande, Mande Ande, Lambe Kayode Mustapha, Bahiyah Omar, Maryam Lasisi Mustapha, and Ismail Sheikh Yusuf Ahmed. "Social Media Content Preferences and Political Participation among Nigerian Youths." Romanian Journal of Communication and Public Relations 24, no. 1 (April 1, 2022): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21018/rjcpr.2022.1.335.

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This study examines the influence of social media content preferences on political participation in Nigeria’s relatively nascent democracy. Due to mixed conclusions on the influence of news and entertainment preferences on political participation, we sampled 434 youths aged 18-35 in a Nigerian northern state, to investigate the differential influence of diverse social media content consumption on political participation. Incorporating the moderating and mediating influences of political efficacy and incidental news exposure, findings confirm that news and entertainment preferences are positive, significant predictors of political participation among respondents. While political efficacy moderated the influence of news preference on political participation, incidental news exposure did not mediate the influence of entertainment preference on political participation. We recommend further investigation into the influence of content preferences on political participation among Nigerian youths who constitute considerable members of the nation’s electorate.

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Barnhurst, Kevin G. "Queer political news." Journalism: Theory, Practice & Criticism 4, no. 1 (February 2003): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884903004001439.

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Mwita, James. "Fake News and Propaganda in Political Communication: Effects and Remedies." East African Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 149–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajis.2.1.244.

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Fake news has dominated the media debate the world over in recent times. Fake news is used in political discourses to portray the opponent as inefficient, alienated, outsider etc. Kenya had her election on August 8, 2017, during which time the campaigns were somehow dominated by fake news and propaganda. The Kenyan campaigns were highly polarized and fake news and propaganda were rive in the media; both new and traditional media. In the past elections in Kenya, months leading to elections since the 1980s have been highly charged leading to actual harm; in most cases ethnically and gender inclined. This was highly evident as political parties prepared to nominate the respective flag-bearers for different political positions and subsequent campaigns. As opposed to the campaigns of the 80s and 90s, the situation in the 2000s has been different due to proliferation of media outlets in an environment that is almost lacking in Media and Information Literacy (MIL) programs. This study aimed at analyzing the use of fake news and propaganda in political campaigns leading to August 8 elections in Kenya. We also sought to elucidate the effects of fake news in the Kenyan political landscape. This was done by collecting, viewing and analyzing fake news and propaganda in political campaign discourses leading to the August 8 general elections. Thereafter the paper recommended Media and Information Literacy as a remedy to combat fake news and negative propaganda and arrest their effects.

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CARLSON, TAYLOR N. "Through the Grapevine: Informational Consequences of Interpersonal Political Communication." American Political Science Review 113, no. 2 (February 28, 2019): 325–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305541900008x.

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Much of the US public acquires political information socially. However, the consequences of acquiring information from others instead of the media are under-explored. I conduct a “telephone-game” experiment to examine how information changes as it flows from official reports to news outlets to other people, finding that social information is empirically different from news articles. In a second experiment on a nationally representative sample, I randomly assign participants to read a news article or a social message about that article generated in Study 1. Participants exposed to social information learned significantly less than participants who were exposed to the news article. However, individuals exposed to information from someone who is like-minded and knowledgeable learned the same objective facts as those who received information from the media. Although participants learned the same factual information from these ideal informants as they did from the media, they had different subjective evaluations.

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Bird, Dylan. "Democratic listening: News podcasts, trust and political participation in Australia." Australian Journalism Review 45, no. 1 (June 1, 2023): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ajr_00120_7.

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This article illustrates how news podcasts are playing a productive role in animating democracy in Australia. Drawing on findings from an exploratory online survey, it highlights how audiences view news podcasts as an important enabler of their participation in democratic life, and that news podcast listeners are likely to engage in both latent and manifest forms of political action. It also indicates that news podcast listeners are discerning media consumers, and that news podcasts are valued for reasons of both convenience and content. With limited prior research into the relationship between podcast listening and civic engagement, this article provides evidence for how this relatively new podcast genre is prized for its ability to enhance democratic life in Australia. It also problematizes the notion of trust in audio news, signalling a key avenue for further research examining the interplay between traditional markers of journalistic authority and more emotional styles of podcast journalism storytelling.

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Polyák, Gábor, Ágnes Urbán, and Petra Szávai. "Information Patterns and News Bubbles in Hungary." Media and Communication 10, no. 3 (August 31, 2022): 133–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v10i3.5373.

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The study is based on data from a representative survey conducted in Hungary in 2020, which examined the public’s consumption of political and public information. Using the survey data, the authors attempt to map the consumption patterns of the Hungarian audience, with a special focus on the relationship between party preferences and the consumption of the various news sources with different ideological backgrounds. The research aims to better understand the phenomenon of polarisation, which is increasingly observed on both the supply and demand sides of the Hungarian news media. The focus of the study is to examine news consumption patterns in Hungary and the relationship between political polarisation and news consumption. The authors analysed the prevalence of information bubbles in the Hungarian public sphere, where consumers are only exposed to the views of one political side without being confronted with information or opinions that differ. Particular attention is paid to a special category of the Hungarian media system, the grey-zone media; they might seem to contribute greatly to the pluralism of the media system, but they are, in fact, strongly politically dependent. In addition to the identified news consumption patterns, the study aims to shed light on the importance and problematic nature of this grey-zone media category and to reveal how deeply the Hungarian public is actually dependent on the government.

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Rogstad, Ingrid Dahlen. "Political News Journalists in Social Media." Journalism Practice 8, no. 6 (December 10, 2013): 688–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17512786.2013.865965.

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Strömbäck, Jesper, and Adam Shehata. "The Reciprocal Effects Between Political Interest and TV News Revisited: Evidence From Four Panel Surveys." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 96, no. 2 (August 23, 2018): 473–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077699018793998.

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Although research shows that there is a correlation between political interest and news media use, whether there are reciprocal effects between political interest and news media use remain unsettled. To remedy this and go beyond previous research, this study seeks to investigate the reciprocal relationship between political interest and TV news use (a) across elections, (b) across election periods and a nonelection period, and (c) comparing public service and commercial TV news. Using four representative panel surveys, findings show that there is a reciprocal relationship between political interest and watching public service but not commercial TV news.

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Hermanson, Dale. "Tuning in: Does TV news influence the political process in Fiji?" Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 13, no. 2 (September 1, 2007): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v13i2.905.

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Local television news programmes in Fiji have been the most watched programmes for the entire 13-year history of broadcast television in the country. Although survey polls consistently show that television news is extremely popular, the influence it may have due to its popularity has not previously been investigated. This article is based on a study examining the influence that television news programmes have on communities in Fiji. The study shows that the influence of TV news is complex and is interwoven with cultural, economic and political contexts. Findings for the study indicate television news is not only an influential source of information, but that it is also an agenda setter for Fiji public opinion. The research conducted indicates that television news influenced people in Fiji before the 2006 general election. While this influence did not necessarily change the way people voted, it may have helped set the political agenda. Television news may not only be informing the public about forces that shape their lives, but it may be a shaping force itself.

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Andersen, Kim, Camilla Bjarnøe, Erik Albæk, and Claes H. De Vreese. "How News Type Matters." Journal of Media Psychology 28, no. 3 (July 2016): 111–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-1105/a000201.

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Abstract. Today, citizens have the possibility to use many different types of news media and participate politically in various ways. This study examines how use of different news types (hard and soft TV news as well as printed and online versions of broadsheet and tabloid newspapers) indirectly affects changes in offline and online political participation through current affairs knowledge and internal efficacy during nonelection and election time. We use a four-wave national panel survey from Denmark (N = 2,649) and show that use of hard TV news and broadsheets as well as online tabloids positively affects changes in both offline and online political participation through current affairs knowledge and internal efficacy. Use of soft TV news and printed tabloids has a negative indirect effect. These results are more pronounced for online political participation and during election time. However, use of soft TV news also has a positive direct effect on changes in political participation, which suggests a positive impact via other processes.

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Vogler, Daniel, Morley Weston, Quirin Ryffel, Adrian Rauchfleisch, Pascal Jürgens, Mark Eisenegger, Lisa Schwaiger, and Urs Christen. "Mobile News Consumption and Its Relation to Young Adults’ Knowledge About and Participation in Referendums." Media and Communication 11, no. 1 (January 31, 2023): 6–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v11i1.6029.

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The news media are among the most important sources of information about political events, such as referendums. For young adults, the smartphone has become the main device for accessing news. However, we know little about the factors influencing mobile news consumption and how this consumption is related to political knowledge and political participation. This study investigates the antecedents of young individuals’ smartphone news consumption and how it is correlated with their knowledge about and participation in two referendums in Switzerland. We record the mobile internet usage of 309 young adults and link their digital trace data to survey data. We show that trust in news media and the use of broadcast media are positively correlated with the duration of mobile news consumption. The use of social media leads to more news source diversity. However, we find that the duration of mobile news consumption and news source diversity are not correlated with political knowledge about or participation in the referendum. As interest in politics is also positively correlated with the diversity of news sources used by individual participants, our study supports the idea that attentive audiences use a broader range of news sources to inform themselves about referendums.

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Sarrina Li, Shu-Chu. "Competing for the Audience’s Time: Comparing Science News with Health News and Political News." Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media 63, no. 4 (October 2, 2019): 635–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08838151.2019.1689009.

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Kiousis, Spiro, Soo-Yeon Kim, Michael McDevitt, and Ally Ostrowski. "Competing for Attention: Information Subsidy Influence in Agenda Building during Election Campaigns." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 86, no. 3 (September 2009): 545–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769900908600306.

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This study adopts the agenda-building perspective to compare contributions of political news releases and advertisements on media content during political campaigns, scrutinizing their relative linkages with news content within a single analysis. Newspapers, news releases, and candidates' ads in nine 2006 statewide campaigns were analyzed. Findings revealed that the salience of issues in news releases and ads was correlated with their salience in the news media. However, news releases were more effective in building the agenda of issues, while ads appeared somewhat more consequential in forming the attribute agenda for the news media.

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von Sikorski, Christian. "Scandalous?! Examining the Differential Effects of News Coverage About (Non-)Severe Political Misconduct on Voting Intentions and News Source Evaluations." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 97, no. 3 (March 11, 2020): 762–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077699020911081.

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Scandal severity may affect public perceptions of both scandalous political actors and news sources reporting political misconduct. Yet, research that has empirically tested these assumptions is lacking. Drawing from theory on anchoring effects, the results of two experimental studies conducted using mediation analyses revealed that severe scandals hurt politicians (candidate evaluation) and weaken voting intentions. Although non-severe scandals have no such effects, they increased news consumers’ exaggerated scandalization perceptions and indirectly degraded news source evaluations. Severe scandals had no effect on the news source. Implications for the coverage of political scandals are discussed.

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Yamamoto, Masahiro, and Alyssa C. Morey. "Incidental News Exposure on Social Media: A Campaign Communication Mediation Approach." Social Media + Society 5, no. 2 (April 2019): 205630511984361. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305119843619.

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This study, derived from campaign communication mediation models, examines how incidental news exposure on social media affects political participation. Analysis of two-wave panel data collected before the 2016 US presidential election shows that incidental news exposure on social media is associated with increases in offline and online political participation (1) through online political information seeking and (2) through online political information seeking and online political expression in serial. Interestingly, results show that incidental news exposure on social media also has a direct negative relationship with offline and online political participation. Implications for the political utility of social media are discussed.

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Vincent, Subramaniam, and Don Heider. "Challenges and Opportunities for Local Journalism in Reinventing Political Coverage." Journalism & Communication Monographs 24, no. 4 (December 2022): 308–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/15226379221131043.

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The key argument of Calfano et al.’s monograph is this: Local TV news about politics does not and should not need to use the partisan coverage frames used by network TV outlets. Instead, the authors encourage local TV news to use policy, thematic, and human interest frames. They argue that such coverage is less likely to be ignored or dismissed as biased, especially by Republicans. We comment on the authors’ core argument, strengthen the direction of their findings, highlight a few gaps, and outline new opportunities for reinventing local political coverage in TV news. We note that the authors’ findings do demonstrate an opportunity for local TV news to intervene in the discourse on political issues in an emotionally and democratically more open manner. But for this to happen, additional considerations about the situation and journey ahead for local TV news must be taken into account. Our observations do not undermine any of the findings. They lay out the terrain ahead. We offer insights in three areas: Beats and Expertise, Polarization and Discourse, and Bringing Ethical Rigor to Human Interest Frames. We note that these are opportunities for new work that may help local political journalism find an ethical and sustainable identity apart from the hegemony of network television and the elite national newspapers.

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Matthes, Jörg, Andreas Nanz, Marlis Stubenvoll, and Raffael Heiss. "Processing news on social media. The political incidental news exposure model (PINE)." Journalism 21, no. 8 (May 16, 2020): 1031–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884920915371.

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This article outlines the Political Incidental News Exposure Model. The Political Incidental News Exposure Model understands incidental news exposure as a dynamic process and distinguishes two levels of incidental news exposure: the passive scanning of incidentally encountered political information (first level) and the intentional processing of incidentally encountered content appraised as relevant (second level). After encountering political information incidentally, recipients briefly check the content for relevance (i.e., first level). If content is appraised as relevant, recipients switch to more intensive processing (i.e., second level incidental news exposure). Importantly, second-level incidental news exposure is assumed to have stronger effects on political outcome variables like participation and knowledge than first-level incidental news exposure. The Political Incidental News Exposure Model further acknowledges intention-based (i.e., incidental news exposure while not looking for political news) and topic-based incidental news exposure (i.e., incidental news exposure while looking for other political news) and it conceptualizes incidental news exposure with respect to political and non-political content. Theoretical and methodological implications are discussed.

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Brummette, John, Marcia DiStaso, Michail Vafeiadis, and Marcus Messner. "Read All About It: The Politicization of “Fake News” on Twitter." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 95, no. 2 (May 1, 2018): 497–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077699018769906.

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Due to the importance of word choice in political discourse, this study explored the use of the term “fake news.” Using a social network analysis, content analysis, and cluster analysis, political characteristics of online networks that formed around discussions of “fake news” were examined. This study found that “fake news” is a politicized term where conversations overshadowed logical and important discussions of the term. Findings also revealed that social media users from opposing political parties communicate in homophilous environments and use “fake news” to disparage the opposition and condemn real information disseminated by the opposition party members.

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Vozab, Dina. "Generational Patterns of Digital News Consumption." Medijske studije 10, no. 20 (March 24, 2020): 107–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/ms.10.20.6.

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Digital high-choice media environments (Prior, 2007; Van Aelst et al., 2017) lead to fragmented and polarized news consumption. The concept of news repertoires was introduced to analyze media use in a cross-media environment. News repertoires were found to be diverse across countries, to be dependent on age groups, socioeconomic status, and to have effects on political knowledge and participation (Diehl et al., 2018; Edgerly et al., 2018; Strömbäck et al., 2018; Wolfsfeld et al., 2016). The aim of this study is to identify different news repertoires in Croatia and to test the effects of generational belonging and socioeconomic status on the formation of these repertoires. It has been shown over time that age and political interest are more important predictors of increasingly diversified and polarized news consumption (Bergström et al., 2019; Strömbäck et al., 2013). This study discusses the interplay of sociodemographic factors and political interest in driving news consumption across different generations. The analysis is based on data from Reuters Digital News Survey conducted in Croatia in 2018. Latent class analysis is used to identify news repertoires and the covariates which form them. The analysis resulted in identifying five news repertoires: minimalists, digital-born users, traditionalists, commercial media users and eclectics.

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Syarifudin, Syarifudin. "Political Communication and Bullying on Social Media: Da'wah Perspectives." Ilmu Dakwah: Academic Journal for Homiletic Studies 13, no. 2 (December 30, 2019): 291–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/idajhs.v13i2.4748.

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This study discusses the ethnography of bullying political communication on social media during the campaign period in Ambon City with two main issues namely how the reality of political bullying on Facebook, Whatsapp and Youtube, as well as how the power of social media damages the public thinking system through news of political communication bullying. This qualitative descriptive research explores exploratively the reality of the bullying of political communication in the social media public space in the city of Ambon. The perspective used in reading the reality of political communication bullying uses the Hymens ethnographic communication insight which assumes that language plays a role in the bullying behavior of political communication in a democratic society. The analysis technique uses the method of interpretation of Abu Hayyan's maudhu'i which assumes that every news has text, meaning and context. From an axiological perspective, empathic communication methods are used as a parameter to examine political bullying news material on social media. This study found four aspects, namely: 1). The most widely consumed news during the presidential election campaign in Ambon city was political bullying that damaged the social system of unity, brotherhood and culture of Muslim-Christian empathy. 2). News that plays a big role in constructing the brains of people in Ambon City and political discussion in coffee shops is news sourced from Youtube. 3). Political bullying influences changes in political choices for the Presidential Election during the campaign period. 4). News that is used as an argument for political communication 70% comes from news on social media. It can be concluded that the higher the bullying of political communication received by the Ambon city public from social media, the more difficult it is to care for the fraternity in arranging insight into healthy thinking in the public space and in the community. Penelitian ini membahas tentang etnografi bullying komunikasi politik di media sosial selama masa kampanye di kota Ambon dengan dua pokok masalah yaitu bagaimana realitas bullying politik di Facebook, Whatsapp dan Youtube, serta bagaimana kekuatan media sosial merusak sistem berpikir masyarakat melalui berita bullying komunikasi politik. Penelitian bercorak desktiptif kualitiatif ini menelaah secara eksploratif realitas bullying komunikasi politik di ruang public media sosial di kota Ambon. Perspektif yang digunakan dalam membaca realitas bullying komunikasi politik ini menggunakan wawasan komunikasi etnografi Hymens yang berasumsi bahwa bahasa berperan mencetak prilaku bullying komunikasi politik masyarakat dalam berdemokrasi. Teknik analisis menggunakan metode tafsir maudhu’i Abu Hayyan yang berasumsi bahwa setiap berita ada teks, makna dan konteks. Dari perspektif aksiologinya menggunakan metode komunikasi empaty sebagai parameter untuk menguji materi berita bullying politik di media sosial. Penelitian ini menemukan empat aspek yaitu: 1). Berita yang paling banyak dikonsumsi selama kampanye pilpres di kota Ambon adalah bullying politik yang merusak sistem sosial persatuan, persaudaraan, dan budaya empati Islam-Kristen. 2). Berita yang sangat berperan besar mengkonstruksi otak masyarakat di kota Ambon dan diskusi politik di warung kopi adalah berita yang bersumber dari Youtube. 3). Bullying politik berpengaruh terhadap perubahan pilihan politik untuk Pemilihan Presiden selama masa kampanye. 4). Berita yang dijadikan argument komunikasi politik 70% berasal dari berita di media sosial. Dapat disimpulkan bahwa semakin tinggi bullying komunikasi politik yang diterima oleh publik kota Ambon dari media sosial semakin sulit merawat persaudaraan menata wawasan berpikir sehat di ruang publik dan di masyarakat.

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Edgerly, Stephanie, Emily K. Vraga, Leticia Bode, Kjerstin Thorson, and Esther Thorson. "New Media, New Relationship to Participation? A Closer Look at Youth News Repertoires and Political Participation." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 95, no. 1 (July 5, 2017): 192–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077699017706928.

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This study extends past research on the relationship between news use and participation by examining how youth combine news exposure across an array of media devices, sources, and services. Results from a national survey of U.S. youth ages 12 to 17 reveal four distinct news repertoires. We find that half of youth respondents are news avoiders who exhibit the lowest levels of participation. The other half of youth respondents are characterized by one of three patterns of news use, each distinct in how they seek out (or avoid) using new media platforms and sources for news, and in their levels of participation.

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Hindman, Douglas Blanks. "Governing the News: The News Media As a Political Institution (Book review)." Mass Communication Society 2, no. 1&2 (January 1999): 89–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327825mcs0201&2_6.

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Ardèvol-Abreu, Alberto, Trevor Diehl, and Homero Gil de Zúñiga. "Antecedents of internal political efficacy incidental news exposure online and the mediating role of political discussion." Politics 39, no. 1 (May 10, 2017): 82–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395717693251.

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Internal political efficacy has long been associated with news use and political discussion. Yet, as more people are inadvertently exposed to news and political discussion online, it remains unclear whether incidental news exposure also has a discursive effect on political efficacy. In a two-wave panel study, we applied the O-S-R-O-R model of communication effects to test these relationships. We found that political discussion with weak ties, but not strong ties, is a mediator between incidental news exposure and internal political efficacy.

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Wen, Nainan, Hao Xiaoming, and Cherian George. "Gender and Political Participation: News Consumption, Political Efficacy and Interpersonal Communication." Asian Journal of Women's Studies 19, no. 4 (January 2013): 124–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12259276.2013.11666168.

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Ziani, Abdul-Karim, Mokhtar Elareshi, and Khalid Al-Jaber. "News Media Exposure and Political Communication among Libyan Elites at the Time of War." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 1 (January 26, 2017): 330–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5901/mjss.2017.v8n1p330.

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Abstract Many critical questions concerning the relationship between the news media and political knowledge involve the extent to which the media facilitate learning about news, war and politics. Political awareness - via the news media - affects virtually every aspect of citizens’ political attitudes and behaviours. This paper examines how Libyan elites adopt the news media to access news and information regarding the current Libyan war and politics and how they use political communication and new media to build/spread political awareness. With the expansion of private and state-owned television in Libya, concern has grown that these new TV services will survive in providing information about citizens’ interests, including the new, developing political scene. A total of 134 highly educated Libyan professionals completed an online survey, reporting their perceptions of issues covered by national TV services. This account centres on how those elites consume the media and what level of trust they have in the media and in information and what the role of the media in their country should be. The results show that most respondents, especially those who live outside the country, prefer using different Libyan news platforms. However, 50 per cent of these do not trust these channels as a source of information regarding the civil war, associated conflicts and politics in general. They have grown weary of coverage that represents the interests of those who run or own the services and consequently place little trust in the media. Spreading ‘lies as facts’ has affected the credibility of these services. Politically, these respondents wish the media to discuss solutions and act as a force for good, not for division. They also differed in the number and variety of national news sources that they reportedly used. This paper also highlights the role of social media, mobile telephony and the Internet, as well as the rapidly proliferating private and national media. These findings are also discussed in relation to the growing impact of online sources in Libyan society, social and political change and the emergence of new media platforms as new sources of information.

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Diehl, Trevor, Matthew Barnidge, and Homero Gil de Zúñiga. "Multi-Platform News Use and Political Participation Across Age Groups: Toward a Valid Metric of Platform Diversity and Its Effects." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 96, no. 2 (September 20, 2018): 428–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077699018783960.

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News consumption in today’s media environment is increasingly characterized by reliance on multiple platforms: People now get their news from the web, television, radio, and various social media. Employing a nationally representative survey from the United States, this study develops an index of multi-platform news use. The index is validated by testing age group differences in the way people participate in politics. Results show that Millennials are more likely to rely on multiple platforms for news. Multi-platform news is also positively related to alternative modes of political engagement. Results are discussed in light of generational shifts in political behavior.

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Morris, Jonathan S., and Richard Forgette. "News Grazers, Television News, Political Knowledge, and Engagement." Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics 12, no. 1 (January 2007): 91–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1081180x06297122.

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Lee, Tien-Tsung. "Media Effects on Political Disengagement Revisited: A Multiple-Media Approach." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 82, no. 2 (June 2005): 416–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769900508200211.

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Numerous studies have been conducted on whether media consumption reduces political participation. To reflect the proliferation and influence of new and nontraditional sources of political information in recent years, the present research measures the effects of an extensive list of information sources that rarely are found in existing literature, including Larry King Live, Fox News, and The O'Reilly Factor. Findings reveal that media in general do not contribute to political disengagement as suggested by some research. A few news sources may in fact reduce political cynicism and promote political trust.

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Lipari, Lisbeth. "Journalistic Authority: Textual Strategies of Legitimation." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 73, no. 4 (December 1996): 821–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909607300405.

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To the extent that news texts participate in social and political discourse, they also participate in constructing social and political life. This paper examines one textual strategy of news, the journalist's use of stance adverbs. The analysis illustrates how stance adverbs operate as a strategy of legitimation that can augment or diminish the legitimacy of knowledge claims, masquerade as evidence, and steer readers toward a preferred interpretation of the news. As with other aspects of news work, textual strategies such as stance adverbs can serve to enhance and conceal both journalistic and social authority.

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Al-Rawi, Ahmed. "Political Memes and Fake News Discourses on Instagram." Media and Communication 9, no. 1 (March 3, 2021): 276–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v9i1.3533.

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Political memes have been previously studied in different contexts, but this study fills a gap in literature by employing a mixed method to provide insight into the discourses of fake news on Instagram. The author collected more than 550,000 Instagram posts sent by over 198,000 unique users from 24 February 2012 to 21 December 2018, using the hashtag #fakenews as a search term. The study uses topic modelling to identify the most recurrent topics that are dominant on the platform, while the most active users are identified to understand the nature of the online communities that discuss fake news. In addition, the study offers an analysis of visual metadata that accompanies Instagram images. The findings indicate that Instagram has become a weaponized toxic platform, and the largest community of active users are supporters of the US President Donald Trump and the Republican Party, mostly trolling liberal mainstream media especially CNN, while often aligning themselves with the far-right. On the other hand, a much smaller online community attempts to troll Trump and the Republicans. Theoretically, the study relies on political memes literature and argues that Instagram has become weaponized through an ongoing ‘Meme War,’ for many members in the two main online communities troll and attack each other to exert power on the platform.

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Aboulghazi, Hanane. "Covid-19 Crisis Communication Management in Morocco." Journal of Quality in Education 12, no. 19 (May 30, 2022): 45–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.37870/joqie.v12i19.299.

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The present research paper examines how Moroccan political public authorities’ communication strategies influence Moroccan male and female publics’ feedback, and the perception of government’s crisis response strategies in light of a new atmosphere, a new condition at the pandemic time of the coronavirus Covid-19. By collecting data from 132 Moroccan internet users via online survey, which was conducted between May and June, 2020, after the declaration of the state of emergency, the present study gathered concrete information and viewpoints regarding Moroccan male and female internet users’ feedback about political leaders’ communication strategies; trust in different sources and media channels, and perception of the Moroccan political leaders’ crisis communication management. The findings of the study have revealed that younger male and female publics, who got news from social media, had negative views of authority messages, and expressed more negative opinions of the government’s crisis response and communication strategies as weeks went by. Therefore, trust in public authorities’ decreased as the crisis evolves. Other age group, 60 years or older of the respondents get information about the crisis from institutional political sources and mainstream news media, which have been more aligned with authorities’ information at the start of the health crisis. In addition, women have used multiple media platforms, but they have less direct access to information than do men. While some progress has been made in women’s political use of information and news consumption during the outbreak on social media, on the overall, the participation of women in both feedback and news consumption is still very limited in Morocco.

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Jenssen, Anders Todal, and Toril Aalberg. "Why perceived political bias on TV does not inevitably lead to a polarized audience. The case of NRK and TV2 in Norway." Communications 44, no. 4 (November 26, 2019): 382–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/commun-2018-2022.

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Abstract This paper investigates whether political polarization of the TV audience is emerging also in a typical democratic corporatist system. The study is motivated by the claim put forward by several US scholars, who argue that in today’s high choice information environments, partisans tend to see mainstream media as ‘hostile’ and therefore seek out and select broadcasters who confirm and deepen their worldview (Arceneaux and Johnson, 2013; Iyengar and Hahn, 2009; Tewksbury and Riles, 2015). This demand, they argue, expands the market for partisan TV and contributes to growing political polarization. We ask if there is evidence of a politically polarized Norwegian TV audience, by exploring the relationship between partisan preferences, perceived political bias and selective exposure to TV news. We find that many Norwegians believe that both the public broadcaster and the leading commercial broadcasters are politically biased. Consistent with the “hostile media hypothesis”, people on the right accuse the broadcasters of favoring the parties on the left, whereas people of the left tend to see the broadcasters as favoring the parties on the right, albeit not to the same degree. By using a survey experiment, our study also demonstrates that given the opportunity, the audience does select news stories consistent with their political beliefs from a politically ‘friendly’ broadcaster. However, they also choose news stories consistent with their political beliefs from a perceived hostile news source over politically inconsistent stories from a friendly source. This suggests that ‘friendly’ content triumphs perception of broadcaster bias. Despite widespread perceptions of partisan favoritism in the Norwegian TV market, we find few traces of a politically polarized audience. The main reason for this is that the public broadcaster still draws a wide audience across the political spectrum, as even critics consider this news source as too important and relevant to be ignored.

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Herman, Achmad. "SOCIAL MEDIA AS POLITICAL COMMUNICATION IN THE REGIONAL ELECTIONS." International Journal of Education Humanities and Social Science 06, no. 01 (2023): 30–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.54922/ijehss.2023.0470.

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This study aims to identify the effectiveness of using social media for a regional election campaign in Central Sulawesi. This study used a qualitative method. The informants for this study were campaign teams and political actors involved in the use of social media in the 2018 regional election in Central Sulawesi. This study also involved people or communities who felt the effects of social media in the regional elections. Data were collected through observations, in-depth interviews, and documentation. In addition to in-depth interviews, spontaneous interviews were also conducted. Data were analyzed using an interactive approach covering data reduction, data presentation, and drawing conclusions. The results of the study showed some benefits of social media in regional head elections in Central Sulawesi, but also weaknesses such as the widespread hoax news and hate speeches in social media. Technological developments through social media in the implementation of regional elections have become the center of attention which facilitates and make the Election Supervisory Agency work harder due to the hoax news and hate speeches by the campaign team of each candidate in Central Sulawesi. In general, social media makes it easier for the campaign team to implement political communication but during the election process, there are frictions caused by hoax news and hate speech from each campaign team.

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van der Linden, Sander, Costas Panagopoulos, and Jon Roozenbeek. "You are fake news: political bias in perceptions of fake news." Media, Culture & Society 42, no. 3 (February 27, 2020): 460–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443720906992.

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Although the rise of fake news is posing an increasing threat to societies worldwide, little is known about what associations the term ‘fake news’ activates in the public mind. Here, we report a psychological bias that we describe as the ‘fake news effect’: the tendency for partisans to use the term ‘fake news’ to discount and discredit ideologically uncongenial media sources. In a national sample of the US population ( N = 1000), we elicited top-of-mind associations with the term ‘fake news’. Consistent with our hypothesis, we find evidence that both liberals and conservatives freely associate traditionally left-wing (e.g. CNN) and right-wing (e.g. Fox News) media sources with the term fake news. Moreover, conservatives are especially likely to associate the mainstream media with the term fake news and these perceptions are generally linked to lower trust in media, voting for Trump, and higher belief in conspiracy theories.

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Guo, Lei, Chao Su, and Hao Lee. "Effects of Issue Involvement, News Attention, Perceived Knowledge, and Perceived Influence of Anti-Corruption News on Chinese Students’ Political Participation." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 96, no. 2 (August 16, 2018): 452–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077699018790945.

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Informed by the third-person effect hypothesis, this study used a survey of 1,060 Chinese university students to analyze the impact of anti-corruption news on Chinese audiences’ attitudes and political participation. This study found that university students tended to think the influence of anti-corruption news on others was greater than on themselves. In addition, issue involvement and new media attention to such news were found to reduce the self-other perceptual gap. Furthermore, the perceived effects of such news on self were positively associated with supportive attitude toward the anti-corruption policies. Meanwhile, perceived effects on others were negatively related to respondents’ political participation.

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Powell, Thomas E., Michael Hameleers, and Toni G. L. A. van der Meer. "Selection in a Snapshot? The Contribution of Visuals to the Selection and Avoidance of Political News in Information-Rich Media Settings." International Journal of Press/Politics 26, no. 1 (November 2, 2020): 46–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161220966730.

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The psychological bases of the selection and attitudinal response to news media have received ample attention in political communication research. However, the interplay between three crucial factors in today’s online, high-choice news media settings remains understudied: (1) textual versus multimodal (text-plus-visual) communication; (2) attitude congruent versus attitude incongruent versus balanced content; and (3) political versus nonpolitical genres. Relying on an experimental study of refugee and gun control news in the United States ( N = 1,159), this paper investigates how people select and avoid, and also the extent to which they agree with, congenial, uncongenial, and balanced political news in a realistic multimodal selective-exposure setting in which political news is presented alongside sports and entertainment news. Although the findings partially depend on the issue, we find that the presence of multimodal (compared to textual) entertainment and sport items can increase avoidance of political news. Multimodal (compared to textual) political news augments attitude congruent selective exposure instead of encouraging cross-cutting selective exposure. Once selected, multimodal political news articles evoke stronger emotions and lead to higher issue agreement than textual news, regardless of an article’s attitude congruence. By linking research on text-alone to multimodal selective exposure, this study shows that visuals in high-choice media environments can contribute to the selective avoidance of political news generally and cross-cutting political news more specifically.

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Gunders, Lisa. "Local Talkback Radio and Political Engagement." Media International Australia 142, no. 1 (February 2012): 50–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1214200107.

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This article investigates the way in which one particular talk radio program, Mornings with Madonna King, deploys strategies that seem to address some of the criticisms levelled at conventional news formats in their ability to engage people as citizens. The program does this by providing background information, linking news content to listeners' experience and creating an impression of efficacy. Finally, the article examines how the institutional practices of radio production and consumption constrain this democratic potential.

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Neuman, W. Russell, George E. Marcus, and Michael B. MacKuen. "Hardwired for News: Affective Intelligence and Political Attention." Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media 62, no. 4 (October 2, 2018): 614–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08838151.2018.1523169.

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De Bruycker, Iskander, and Matthijs Rooduijn. "The People’s Champions? Populist Communication as a Contextually Dependent Political Strategy." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 98, no. 3 (April 6, 2021): 896–922. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077699021998648.

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This article conceives of populist communication as a contextually dependent political strategy. We bridge actor- and communication-centered approaches by arguing that the context of issues conditions the extent to which parties employ populist communication. We draw from a content analysis of 2,085 news stories in eight news media outlets and Eurobarometer data connected to 41 EU policy issues and analyze statements from 85 political parties. Our findings show that populist parties are more prone to express populism on salient and polarized issues. Issues important to civil society groups, in contrast, make non-populist parties more inclined to express such communication.

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Edgerly, Stephanie, and Emily K. Vraga. "News, entertainment, or both? Exploring audience perceptions of media genre in a hybrid media environment." Journalism 20, no. 6 (September 13, 2017): 807–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884917730709.

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This study uses two experimental designs to examine how audiences make genre assessments when encountering media content that blends elements of news and entertainment. Study 1 explores how audiences characterize three different versions of a fictitious political talk show program. Study 2 considers whether audience perceptions of ‘news-ness’ are influenced by shifts in headline angle and source attribution. The implications of audience definitions of news and its social function are discussed.

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Calfano, Brian, Costas Panagopoulos, and Elisa Raffa. "Government Eyewitness: Considering New Approaches to Political Coverage Through Local TV’s Greatest Strengths." Journalism & Communication Monographs 24, no. 4 (December 2022): 236–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/15226379221131045.

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In this monograph, we assess audience reactions to local TV news political coverage across an array of topics and research designs. First, we trace the development in local TV news of the now universally recognized reporter-driven emphasis: the local Eyewitness News model. That format’s role in establishing reporters as local elites is our basis for comparing how audiences respond to local reporters associated with the “eyewitness” brand versus reporters from national broadcast outlets. Using a combination of survey and field experiments, we investigate how audiences respond to eyewitness reporters. First, we vary audience exposure to partisan and policy frames sourced to these reporters. Across these experiments, audiences, and especially Republicans, respond more favorably to local than to national reporters and to the use of a policy than a partisan frame. Our second set of experiments test false balance and truth-telling in local TV stories about the 2020 presidential election. Again, the local reporter bests a national counterpart in terms of audience, especially Republican, reactions. In our third set of studies, we examine different combinations of human-interest content in the traditional thematic and episodic framing approaches in TV news for their effect on audiences’ climate change attitudes. We conclude by showing how these results inform an expansion of the topics and approaches local TV news affiliates should take to offer political coverage of value.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Political news and communication'

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