Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political news and communication'
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1
Röxe, Anke. "Political communication and multi-level politics : making the Scottish news agenda." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2012. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=197208.
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The thesis contributes towards a better understanding of political communication in multi-level settings. For the most part scholars of political communication focus their enquiries on the level of the nation-state. Moreover, they often assume that effective political campaigning and media management are predicated on a high level of centralisation. As a result researchers have by and large failed to theoretically and empirically address the implications of multi-level politics on the study of political communication. Constitutional change in the UK presents an ideal opportunity to consider the relationship between the transfer of power from central government to institutions at the sub-state level on the one side and modern political communication processes on the other (Fawcett 2002). The thesis looks at the case of devolution in Scotland to answer three sets of research questions. Firstly, it enquires how legislative devolution has affected the professionalization of political communication in Scotland. In other words, to what degree have political actors north of the border participated in the trend towards greater use of and reliance on professional communicators in public life before and after the creation of the Scottish Parliament? Secondly, it asks what adjustments political parties, central government and the devolved administration have made to their communication strategies in order to deal with the requirements of message control in multi-level settings? How do political actors organise their agenda building efforts across different localities and which coordination problems arise in this context? Thirdly, the thesis asks who sets the news agenda in Scotland, politicians attached to the UK-wide institutions or their counterparts from the devolved sphere of government?
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Lago, Rita Mafalda Torrao. "Political communication and news coverage : the case of Sinn Fein." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/913.
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This thesis examines the development of Sinn Féin's communication strategies and considers how news coverage of the party has evolved in recent years, and in particular with the advent of the Irish peace process from the mid-1990s onwards. The aim of the research presented here is to establish the relationship between the development of the party's professional communication apparatus and the evolution of its news coverage and to determine the extent to which the emergence of a sophisticated approach to communication has impacted upon media coverage. The thesis argues that the development and implementation of the party's professional communication apparatus has been the result of a much wider process of republican reappraisal that took place during the 1980s. This culminated in the 1990s with the transformation of the republican movement into a more constitutional and negotiation-oriented party, while progressively moving away from the armed struggle as a means to achieve Irish re-unification. Moreover, in emphasising that there has been a considerable improvement in the reporting of Sinn Féin; namely that the news media have become progressively more interested in republican predicaments, less biased and more critical of unionism, it also suggests that the improved media coverage must be seen as a result of the political re-alignment of the movement itself. Ultimately, the main argument of this thesis is that we are now witnessing a new phase of the republican movement and, by proxy, of Northern Irish politics and its coverage in the media. This has meant that Sinn Féin has become more wiling to reach a political compromise and to find a peaceful solution to the conflct, and has attempted to affirm itself as a party with political and social interests, other than Irish re-unification. This has also forced the British government to reappraise its own view of the conflict and of Sinn Féin, recognising above all that the party and Northern Irish politics have evolved from a situation of war to one where it is dominated by careful and sensitive diplomacy. The result is that most of the common assumptions held about Sinn Féin including those of some academics, its political communication and its news coverage, must now be reconsidered in light of the radical transformations that have taken place.
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Ndyondya, Kanyisa. "Assessing news coverage of the South African Legislative laws." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/13984.
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This thesis attempts to examine the news coverage of South Africa’s legislative laws passed by the Parliament, by looking at the coverage of print media using qualitative content analysis. The thesis aims to understand the dominant messages being conveyed within the news texts and reader comments, specifically whose voice was represented, who was the intended audience and what the overall tone was. The researcher argues that taking editorial positions, the control of content and toning down of the issues is determined by journalists which they consider doing such as national interest. In this geo-political context of South Africa, the engagement of media in covering the issue of legislative laws places an important area of study. It is the media that reports events, responses, criticisms etc. in relation to the legislative laws, on the basis of which various actors and concerned people make their views about the event. As well, how reporting is done, shaped, framed; what sources have been used in news; what roles journalists play in the news coverage; and how ownership of media differs in news reporting and coverage very much reflects on whether or not and to what extent the newspapers respects legislative laws are interesting questions to be answered. This study is based on the case study of the coverage of New Age and The Times. Despite journalists being expected to serve the national interest of the state, differences can be observed in coverage, reporting and providing spaces to news and articles related to New Age and The Times. This hypothesis also supports the argument projected in the thesis that there are real ideological reasons why the media do not oppose the status quo, based on ideological lens grounded by the state and reporting system could rarely go against the establishments implying to the commitment to patriotism and to the nation which the government represents (Wicker, p. 19 cited in Malek and Wiegand).
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Shehata, Adam. "Media Matter : The Political Influences of the News Media." Doctoral thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Institutionen för informationsteknologi och medier, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-11511.
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Landreville, Kristen D. "“What Was That Supposed To Mean?”: Mass-Mediated Ambiguous Political Messages, Uncertainty Arousal, and Political Discussion." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1276198165.
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Kopacz, Maria Aleksandra. "The Implications of Stereotypical News Primes on Evaluations of African American Political Candidates." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/193715.
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The present study aimed at advancing our understanding of the effects that racially stereotypical media discourse has on White voters' responses to African American candidates in mixed-race elections. In particular, a causal model was proposed where the racial stereotypicality of news messages was predicted to interact with the race of political candidates and White news consumers' racial identification in affecting perceptions of candidates' leadership prototypicality. In turn, the prototypicality ratings were hypothesized to positively predict expectations of policy performance, candidate affect, and electoral support. In particular, it was predicted that White individuals exposed to racially stereotypical crime news would view African American candidates in unrelated stories as less leader-prototypical than White candidates and this effect was expected be stronger than among Whites exposed to non-stereotypical crime news or no crime news at all. This relationship was also predicted to increase as a function of White participants' racial ingroup identification.The findings from two experimental investigations offered limited support for the mediated model. The independent variables had weak and qualified effects on the prototypicality ratings. In addition, most of these effects worked in favor of, rather than to the disadvantage of the African American candidate. However, as hypothesized, prototypicality was a consistent predictor of electoral support, candidate affect, and, less so, policy performance expectations. Overall, these findings suggest that race matters in mass mediated political processes, both as a contextual factor and as a characteristic of electoral contenders.
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Peifer, Jason Todd. "Perceived News Media Importance: News Parody, Valuations of the News Media, and Their Influence on Perceptions of Journalism." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1431071432.
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Beam, Michael A. "Personalized News: How Filters Shape Online News Reading Behavior." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1315716858.
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Amazeen, Michelle A. "Blind Spots: Examining Political Advertising Misinformation and How U.S. News Media Hold Political Actors Accountable." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2012. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/180370.
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Mass Media and CommunicationPh.D.
While conventional wisdom suggests political ads are often misleading, this is the first known study to quantify the prevalence of inaccuracies in political advertising. This study also examines how and explains why the U.S. news media provide coverage of political advertising in the manner that they do. A multi-method research design includes a content analysis of the television ads from the 2008 presidential election, secondary data analysis of the National Annenberg Election Survey 2008, semantic network analysis of press coverage of political television ads from the 2008 election, as well as in-depth interviews with scholars, practitioners, journalists and lawyers having expertise in the issues surrounding political advertising. Of all the English-language paid political ads that aired on television during the 2008 general election, just under 30% contained at least one inaccuracy based upon the ratings of FactCheck.org and PolitiFact.com. This figure, however, is likely a gross under representation of the prevalence of inaccuracies in political ads from 2008 because most of the ads (70%) were never evaluated by these purportedly elite fact-checkers. Among ads assessed, however, more than three out of four of the evaluated claims had some degree of inaccuracy. Furthermore, ads containing at least one inaccuracy aired twice as often on television as the ads that were never evaluated. To the degree inaccurate ads air on television more frequently, then, there is cause for concern particularly given the broadcasters' mandate to serve the public interest. Moreover, while political interest supporters were one of the groups most likely to have inaccuracies in their ads, nearly half of their spending was in the last weeks of the election contributing to most of their ads going without evaluation. Thus, in a post-Citizens United world, attempts by fact-checkers to review the onslaught of PAC ads during the final weeks of the 2012 election (and the final weeks of future elections) will be crucial in combating inaccuracies. This study also extends the work of Geer (2006) who offered an organized review of negativity in political advertising. Rather than finding support for the hypothesis that negative attack ads are more accurate than advocacy ads, the evidence challenges Geer's defense of negativity. Among the ads evaluated by the fact-checkers, inaccuracies were significantly more likely to be present in attack rather than either advocacy or contrast ads. While Geer may have demonstrated that negative ads offer more substantive evidence, simply because evidence is presented does not mean the evidence is accurate. In the more provocative ads of 2008 designed to gain attention, inaccuracies were rife. Moreover, rather than the mainstream news media fixation on political ad negativity, the evidence in the forthcoming pages suggests attention is more warranted concerning the accuracy of the claims within the ads regardless of the ad's tone. A first step toward a theory of strategic misinformation is also offered by demonstrating that it is possible to predict which political ads were more likely to draw an inaccurate rating from the fact-checkers. Holding all other variables constant, it was attack ads that had the highest odds of being evaluated as inaccurate with contrast ads also having a high likelihood. These predictions also confirmed that as the campaign progressed, the odds of an ad being rated inaccurate declined which was a function of ads not being evaluated. Furthermore, it was revealed that a loss of momentum or a decline in public perceptions of candidate characteristics increased the odds of candidates drawing inaccurate ratings in their attack ads. In extending understanding of how news media cover candidate campaigns when political advertising is referenced, a plurality of media outlets from the over two dozen in the study were characterized foremost by their focus on campaign strategy rather than fact-checking. One cluster, however, emerged as AdWatchers - those committed to using political ads to scrutinize the accuracy of what candidates and their surrogates were claiming. Nonetheless, the economic realities of adwatching are that there is a so called "chilling effect" because it is expensive, time-consuming, and divisive. Furthermore, the dearth of watchdog ad reporting enables broadcast stations to continue airing ads that may be false while preserving their ability to claim ignorance about the content when faced with regulatory compliance issues. Thus, the political ads most likely to air are the ones with inaccuracies. Chances are the ads will go unscrutinized by the mainstream news media while television stations profit from their proliferation.
Temple University--Theses
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Cooper, Ian David. "Networks, news and communication : political elites and community relations in Elizabethan Devon, 1588-1603." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/1469.
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Focusing on the ‘second reign’ of Queen Elizabeth I (1588-1603), this thesis constitutes the first significant socio-political examination of Elizabethan Devon – a geographically peripheral county, yet strategically central in matters pertaining to national defence and security. A complex web of personal associations and informal alliances underpinned politics and governance in Tudor England; but whereas a great deal is now understood about relations between both the political elite and the organs of government at the centre of affairs, many questions still remain unanswered about how networks of political actors functioned at a provincial and neighbourhood level, and how these networks kept in touch with one another, central government and the court. Consequently, this study is primarily concerned with power and communication. In particular, it investigates and models the interconnected networks of government within late-Elizabethan Devon and explains precisely how the county’s officials (at every level) shared information with the Crown and each other. The raison d’être of this study is, therefore, to probe the character and articulation of the power geometries at the south-western fringe of Elizabethan England. The closing years of the reign of Queen Elizabeth I represent a decisive phase in the evolution of the English nation state, one that saw the appointment of lord lieutenants on a more widespread and long-standing basis, the consistent training of certain sections of the county militias, the expansion of the pre-existing government post-stage service, a heightened degree of dealings between every echelon of administration and an obvious increase in the amount of information that flowed from the localities into the capital. The primary causes of each of these developments were the Elizabethan war with Spain (1585-1604) and the rebellion in Ireland (1594-1603), and it is demonstrated throughout this thesis that Devon, a strategically essential county during this period of political turmoil, provides an excellent case study for evaluating the impact that each had on the Crown’s ability to control the periphery whilst being spatially anchored at the court. Furthermore, by examining each of these developments the thesis fundamentally undercuts the tenacious assertion that geographically marginal regions of Tudor territory were inward-looking, remote and disconnected from events that were unfolding on a national and international level.
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Walshaw, Jill Maciak. "News and networks : the communication of political information in the eighteenth-century French countryside." Thesis, University of York, 2003. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14006/.
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Quenette, Andrea Marie. "Measuring the cynicism epidemic: Improving conceptual and operational definition of political cynicism." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1371055163.
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Pearson, George David Hooke. "`Source Blindness’ in Digital News: Predictors of Processing Source Cues in Social Media." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1563544987037169.
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Ayad, Salma M. "The Effect of Political Advertising on Perceived Bias and Credibility of Online News Stories." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1141.
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This study was an investigation of the effect of political advertising on readers’ perceived bias and credibility of an online news article based on participants’ political leanings. Media priming and the hostile media effect were the theoretical underpinnings. Participants were asked to read an unbiased news article placed alongside 3 advertisements. Participants were put into 1 of 3 conditions — right-leaning advertisements, left-leaning advertisements, or neutral advertisements. They then answered questions about the perceived bias and credibility of the article and their own political affiliation. The researchers hypothesized that left-leaning individuals would perceive the article with right-leaning advertisements as biased and less credible and the opposite would be true of right-leaning individuals. Results were not consistent with hypotheses but trended in the expected directions.
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Davis, Kyle. "Political Contagions." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1556800994083268.
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Conway, Bethany Anne. "Networks of News Production: An Interdependent Approach to Understanding Journalist-Source Relations." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/577357.
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This investigation of the 2014 midterm election brings together research in communication, journalism, political science, and sociology. Incorporating concepts of interdependence through the application of social network analysis, I analyzed how journalists construct and utilize networks of news sources in election coverage. Survey results indicate that journalists use sources in a complementary fashion in order to fulfill their resource needs. Such perceptions are also dependent on aspects of the journalist, news norms, organizational pressures, and extra-media influences. Overall, source networks are strategically used to fulfill traditional journalistic norms of objectivity and credibility as well as economic and entertainment needs. Content analysis results suggest that, along with more traditional variables such as ownership and source type, networks characteristics also influence new outcomes, with higher network density resulting in increases in issue coverage. In other words, greater connections among sources may result in more substantive information being passed on to voters. For the field of communication, this study enhances our understanding of agenda building and framing by revealing (1) how journalists perceive their networks (networks to journalists), (2) how they translate real life networks into symbolic networks within news coverage (networks from journalists), (3) how source networks vary across time and election contexts (networks across time), and (4) how such networks influence coverage outcomes. It furthers our understanding of the role interdependence plays in news construction and suggests the incorporation of network concepts and measures will increase our understanding of the news production process.
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Miller, Jerry L. "Dynamics of political advertisements, news coverage, and candidate gender : a content analysis of the campaign messages of the 1990 and 1994 California and Texas gubernatorial elections /." Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1996.
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Anspach, Nicolas Martin. "The Facebook Effect: Political News in the Age of Social Media." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2016. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/368181.
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Political SciencePh.D.
This dissertation extends the media effects literature into the realm of social media. Scholars have long known that partisan news contributes to political polarization, but claim that such effects are often limited to those who tune into politics. Social media, however, can filter political information to those typically uninterested in politics. Because social media feature entertainment and political news in the same space, entertainment-seekers may inadvertently see political news that they normally avoid in traditional media contexts. Through a combination of observational research, survey experiments, and field experiments, I demonstrate that social media facilitate personal influence, drawing new audiences to political news. This increased exposure to partisan media contributes to political polarization, regardless of the ideological congruence between source and receiver, or of news- or entertainment-seeking habits of the audience. But the most important contributions of this dissertation are how it demonstrates the need for scholars to use innovative methods that incorporate personal influence into social media studies, and that it draws scholarly attention to inadvertent media effects for entertainment-seeking audiences. Social media bring political news to new audiences numbering in the millions. Political communication scholars would be remiss not to investigate their influence.
Temple University--Theses
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Jadick, Christopher. "To Tell the Truth: The Credibility of Cable News Networks In an Era of Increasingly Partisan Political News Coverage." Scholar Commons, 2017. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6867.
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The credibility of the American news media is increasingly under fire. Despite an exponential expansion of information available in the digital media era, increased political news coverage and commentary has brought growing apprehension over how much of today’s news can be trusted and believed. 24-hour cable news channels are among the media most often subject to this criticism. At the same time, the media operates under First Amendment freedom of press protection, a constitutional guarantee granted with the understanding that democracy can only succeed when its citizens are well informed. In the great experiment of our republic, a freely functioning news media fills this critical role, but only to the extent that it can be trusted to portray the truth.
This research questioned the media’s ability to inform the public due to the proliferation of political news and commentary. Utilizing social judgment theory, this study offered two hypotheses: that news consumers will find more credibility in political news when presented by media outlets they favor due to political preferences, and that they will also find more credibility in non-political news when presented by media they favor due to political preferences. The study examined if there is a bleed over effect on the credibility of non-political news due to political news coverage. An experiment was conducted in which two politically diverse populations, Republicans and Democrats, where asked to rate the credibility of six stories. Three of the stories were political, three non-political. While the content of those stories remained constant for all study participants, the media brands associated with the stories alternated between Fox News and CNN to determine if the media source alone influences perceptions of credibility. Results from members of both political parties provided support for each hypothesis. Republicans assigned greater credibility to both political and non-political news stories when presented by their network of preference, Fox News. By comparison, Democrats demonstrated greater trust when those same stories where branded by their preferred network, CNN.
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BIASETTON, NOEMI. "SUPERSTORM. Political Communication and Communication Design in the Age of Information." Doctoral thesis, Università IUAV di Venezia, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/11578/320026.
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The present research is founded on the hypothesis that communication design is struggling to find a new agency in the contemporary Western political landscape, causing a stalemate which prevents design from interacting with this field. The second hypothesis is that this stalemate may be caused by a clash between the discourse of design and the tightened relationship between new media technologies and political communication.
In order to understand the reasons behind this stalemate, the research is structured as a cross-disciplinary historical and cultural research that outlines the relationship between communication design, political communication and new media technologies over the last sixty years (1960–2020) from the point of view of design culture and through the chronicle of the Superstorm. In the context of this research, the Superstorm is utilized as a conceptual and narrative metaphor to illustrate the evolution of the relationship between political communication and new media technologies, which since the 1960s began to intertwine and give life to the Western political visual culture as it is known today.
At last, the present study identifies possible directions, points of discussion and new coordinates which the design discourse might adopt in order to formulate a new understanding of the position that designers can assume towards the Superstorm and, eventually, face its relentless effects.
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Marinov, Robert N. "Election News Coverage and Entertaining Politics: A Content Analysis of Infotainment Characteristics in Canadian Newspapers’ Federal Election Coverage." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/41457.
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Many scholars have noted the increasingly widespread combination of politically-relevant information and entertaining or sensational media formats and presentational styles over the past several decades, falling broadly under the umbrella term of ‘infotainment.’ However, in spite of this burgeoning infotainment literature very little research has been done on the nature and dynamics of infotainment within the Canadian context. This is especially true of research on infotainment within Canada’s traditional news media outlets. To being filling this gap, this study undertakes a mixed-methods content analysis of Canadian newspapers’ coverage of the 2019 federal election to evaluate the scope and nature of infotainment therein. Building off of a systematic review and mapping of the existing infotainment literature, this study develops a comprehensive conceptual and analytical framework for defining and evaluating infotainment characteristics within ‘hard news’ coverage. The quantitative and qualitative results are outlined in detail before being evaluated for their potential implications on citizens’ information processing and political knowledge, as well as some broader evaluations of potential implications for Canadian politics. These ethico-political considerations are developed by drawing on insights from a number of literatures, including political psychology and decision-making, strategic voting, and broader media and infotainment research.
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Busher, Amy Beth. "Framing Hillary Clinton a content analysis of the New York Times news coverage of the 2000 New York senate election /." unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04282006-110950/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.Cynthia Hoffner, committee chair; Mary Stuckey, Mchael Bruner, committee members. Electronic text (65 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Apr. 26, 2007; title from title screen. Includes bibliographical references (p. 54-59).
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McCarthy, Nigel Thomas Fiaschi. "The development of economic and business news on Australian television." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1773.
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Television is the favoured news source for most Australians and is regarded as having the potential to influence public opinion. From its inception however, television has been regarded as ill-suited to cover economic and business issues because of a perceived reliance on visual material and an inability to deal with complex issues. This tyranny of vision has been mitigated by technological developments such as electronic news gathering (ENG) and satellites that provide large amounts of varied material as well as improvements in production tools that assist the visual presentation of abstract concepts. The presentation of complex issues has also been enhanced by the increased skills and knowledge among newsworkers. Economic and business news has become a staple in television news programs and has evolved from ritualised reporting of data such as market indices and exchange rates to a genre that shares broader news values such as consequence, conflict, proximity, human interest, novelty, prominence, political controversy and scandal. Economic and business news also shares the normal imperatives of television such as a strong reliance on scheduled occasions and reliable and prolific sources. In between occasions of economic, business and political controversy or scandal, these programs are able to rely on a steady supply of economic, business and investment information. Dedicated economic and business segments and programs and now even whole channels meet two sets of demands. One is those of niche audiences seeking news and information on economic and business conditions, economic debate and policy making, the activities of economic and business leaders and an opportunity to hear and observe economic and business leaders. The other is from broadcasters seeking to maximise their profits by attracting viewers in the AB demographic (those with the greatest disposal income) to otherwise poorly-performing time slots, by broadcasters seeking an inexpensive and dependable supply of programming material and by broadcasters seeking to promote their institutional role and specific programs through presenting material that is followed up by other media. Economic and business reports however, continue to portray issues in a limited way that neglects business’s interaction with workers and the larger social environment. Economic events are often framed as political competition. These reports present a hierarchy of sources and privilege political and business elites. Television news favours debate that is presented by individuals as contrasting causal narratives. Political and economic sources have become adept at presenting brief causal narratives in response to the requirements of television. This approach highlights celebrities and favours the promotion of agency over structure. The increase in total economic and business reporting boosts the interdependence of television and political and economic sources. Technological development is continuing and traditional free-to-air television audiences are being eroded by pay television and the internet. Although these are altering the nature of political, economic and business debate their overall influence is difficult to determine.
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McCarthy, Nigel Thomas Fiaschi. "The development of economic and business news on Australian television." University of Sydney, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1773.
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Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)Television is the favoured news source for most Australians and is regarded as having the potential to influence public opinion. From its inception however, television has been regarded as ill-suited to cover economic and business issues because of a perceived reliance on visual material and an inability to deal with complex issues. This tyranny of vision has been mitigated by technological developments such as electronic news gathering (ENG) and satellites that provide large amounts of varied material as well as improvements in production tools that assist the visual presentation of abstract concepts. The presentation of complex issues has also been enhanced by the increased skills and knowledge among newsworkers. Economic and business news has become a staple in television news programs and has evolved from ritualised reporting of data such as market indices and exchange rates to a genre that shares broader news values such as consequence, conflict, proximity, human interest, novelty, prominence, political controversy and scandal. Economic and business news also shares the normal imperatives of television such as a strong reliance on scheduled occasions and reliable and prolific sources. In between occasions of economic, business and political controversy or scandal, these programs are able to rely on a steady supply of economic, business and investment information. Dedicated economic and business segments and programs and now even whole channels meet two sets of demands. One is those of niche audiences seeking news and information on economic and business conditions, economic debate and policy making, the activities of economic and business leaders and an opportunity to hear and observe economic and business leaders. The other is from broadcasters seeking to maximise their profits by attracting viewers in the AB demographic (those with the greatest disposal income) to otherwise poorly-performing time slots, by broadcasters seeking an inexpensive and dependable supply of programming material and by broadcasters seeking to promote their institutional role and specific programs through presenting material that is followed up by other media. Economic and business reports however, continue to portray issues in a limited way that neglects business’s interaction with workers and the larger social environment. Economic events are often framed as political competition. These reports present a hierarchy of sources and privilege political and business elites. Television news favours debate that is presented by individuals as contrasting causal narratives. Political and economic sources have become adept at presenting brief causal narratives in response to the requirements of television. This approach highlights celebrities and favours the promotion of agency over structure. The increase in total economic and business reporting boosts the interdependence of television and political and economic sources. Technological development is continuing and traditional free-to-air television audiences are being eroded by pay television and the internet. Although these are altering the nature of political, economic and business debate their overall influence is difficult to determine.
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Bargagliotti, Vicki Marie. "Content analysis of visual manipulation" and metaphors used in national news magazines during the 1996 presidential elections." Scholarly Commons, 1998. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/2342.
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This investigation is based upon the old, but popular Chinese Proverb- "one picture is worth more than a thousand words" (Bartlett, 1980, p. 132). This researcher examined presidential campaign photographs in hopes of finding a possible media bias toward political candidates. This study confirmed two previous studies (Moriarty and Popovich, 1991 and Moriarty and Garramone, 1986), which reported that the media does, in fact, attempt to balance the visual coverage of political candidates during a presidential election.
All visuals, including photographs and illustrations from Time, Newsweek and U.S. News & World Report of candidates Bill Clinton and Bob Dole were used for this study. Data from these national news magazines were collected from September 2 (the kick-off after the Labor Day) to November 4 (the weekly edition just prior to the election on November 5).
Moriarty and Garramone ( 1986) developed coding definitions to identify 15 visual attributes of presidential campaign photographs. These attributes include: activity, posture, arms, bands, eyes, expression, interaction, camera angle, portrayal, position, size, props, setting, dress and family association. All visuals were coded as more favorable, less favorable or neutral.
A total of 282 visuals were used in this study. The results concluded that Bill Clinton was in 183 visuals, while Dole was in 99 visuals. If one looks at the sheer number or quantity of the visuals, they would assume that Clinton did out photograph Dole. This assumption would lead one to believe that the media was biased, but in fact, most of the visuals that were coded were "more favorable" to both of the candidates.
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Greene, Averie Alese. "News Media Framing of Gay Teen Suicide and Bullying." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1514.
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This study examined patterns of framing in newspaper articles that mention gay teen suicide, gay bullying, and the "It Gets Better" campaign. A content analysis of randomly selected newspaper articles from 2009-2011 was performed. After presenting the frequency of content themes, emergent patterns are discussed. The most consistent theme--an evasive frame-- occurred with regard to homophobia, heterosexism, and meaningful solutions to anti-gay bullying. The day-to-day discrimination that LGBTQ people face was rarely addressed; instead, hot-button political topics such as same-sex marriage and "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" were presented as signs of social progress. This research shows the importance of media framing, particularly the news media, in stories that report on gay bullying, suicide, and homophobia.
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Freeth, M. D. H. "Politician-reporter interactions in the New Zealand Parliament : a study in political communication." Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Political Science and Mass Communication, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1770.
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The relationship between government politicians and reporters in the Parliamentary Press Gallery may be conceptualised as a process of interaction, by actors with divergent but overlapping purposes, from which political communication emerges as news. Interactions may be characterised as role-regulated and involving mutual adaptation by the actors. Divergence of purpose implies a constant potential for conflict in interaction. Mutual purposes and adaptation enhance co-operative interaction. Analysis of role concepts held by the politicians and the reporters provides some insight into the nature of conflict and co-operation in interaction. Constant sources of conflict may be indicated by differences over news definitions applied by the reporters and the publicity interests of the politicians. Adaptation by each towards the other can be seen in the operation of routine channels for the passage of information and in shared understandings surrounding other, informal information flows. Specific elements in the relationship can be identified as assisting mutual adaptation. Mechanisms exist for the management of overt conflict. Adaptation may raise issues relevant to the normative role of the press. Co-optation of the reporters for the communication purposes of the politicians is contrary to notions of a "strong" press, providing critical scrutiny of government as well as conveying information accurately from it to the public.
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Lundh, Daniel. "Contructing the "New Moderates" - a case study in political communication." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-80535.
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In this thesis, the“NewModerates” communications strategy used by The Moderate Party and the representation of social practices and social conditions by Alliance for Sweden-coalition in the 2006 and 2010 Swedish election campaigns are analyzed.The campaigns are placed in the context of current research on modern political communication and analyzed through Fairclough´s Critical Discourse Analysis framework.The results indicate that The Moderate Party wanted to encourage voters to reassess their opinion of the party through the “NewModerates”-strategy, by indicating considerable changes in their policies.Official guidelines for which discursive and social practices should be utilized in party communication to achieve these goals were issued.The Moderate Party positioned themselves against The Social Democratic Party, partially by referring to themselves as the “new worker’s party” of Sweden.
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Smidt, Corwin Donald. "The spinning message how news media coverage and voter persuasion shape campaign agenda /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1217332406.
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Davis, Aeron. "Public relations, political communications and national news production in Britain 1979-1999." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2000. http://research.gold.ac.uk/16245/.
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This study looks at the recent rise of the public relations profession and its influence on national news production in Britain. Simply put, has public relations undermined the notion of the fourth estate media in Britain and has it advantaged certain kinds of news source over others? The thesis breaks down into three parts. The first part documents the rise of public relations in Britain, its profile, and distribution amongst a range of institutions and organisations. The developing public relations and media industries are compared and the literature, on the relations between 'news sources', PR practitioners and journalists, is critically evaluated. The second part focuses on corporate public relations generally and, more specifically, on financial and City PR. Industry and fieldwork data are contrasted with radical and liberal accounts of media-corporate source relations. The findings suggest that corporate PR has had limited success in influencing mainstream news but been considerably more adept at managing specialist news sections. It is thus argued that PR has benefited the corporate sector, less by influencing journalists and the general public, and more by excluding them. This pattern is supported with a detailed case study involving Granada's take-over of Forte in 1995/96. The third part discusses 'resource-poor' and 'outsider' groups - more specifically, British trade unions. Fieldwork data is used to test radical and pluralist accounts of the coverage of such groups in the mass media. The findings argue that unions have found new ways to increase their media access using PR - and with rather more success than earlier studies suggested. The conclusion is borne out by a case study of the UCW's (Union of Communication Workers) successful PR campaign to halt Post Office privatisation in 1994. Finally, the separate findings of the thesis are used to develop a fuller description of how public relations affects media production and news source access.
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Elgafy, Mariam. "Framing Racism: A textual analysis of government and news media artifacts regarding the "Racism as a Public Health Crisis" legislation." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1626357102231924.
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Barber, Rex Edward Jr. "Alternative vs. Traditional News: A Content Analysis of News Coverage of the 10th Anniversary of Sept. 11." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1439.
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The researcher sought to understand the differences in framing used by alternative media outlets and traditional or mainstream media outlets. A sampling of articles about the 10th anniversary of the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks was used from alternative and traditional media publications to conduct this study. These articles were analyzed by a software program to determine themes and concepts within both data sets. The analysis revealed traditional media was less varied in themes than was alternative media, with the latter clearly showing an effort to be. Traditional media was found to provide routine coverage of commemorative services and very little critical analysis. Further highlighting the differences in the 2 media paradigms was the use of profanity in alternative media, which was discovered by using the "find" function available with word processing software.
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Carnahan, Dustin. "Why Motivations Matter: Information-Processing Goals and Their Implications for Selective Exposure to Political Information." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1427123218.
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Hariasz, Christopher. "Viewing Conventional and Comedy Television News: A Comparison of Antecedents and Media Effects." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1354065857.
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Luecht, Jennifer. "GENDERED DISCOURSE ON THE TRAIL TO THE WHITE HOUSE: A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF MEDIA COVERAGE DURING HILLARY CLINTON’S 2015/16 CAMPAIGN TO BECOME DEMOCRATIC NOMINEE." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/20481.
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This textual analysis examines online mainstream media coverage during Hillary Clinton’s 2015/16 presidential campaign. Previous research on female political candidates indicates that there are both subtle and unsubtle ways the media reinforces masculinity in the political realm.
The results of the study provide a commentary on the internet as a cultural text and Feminist Communication Studies, suggesting that there may be a decrease in the institutionalized sexism in the reporting of mainstream online media. Although encompassing only a small snapshot of the 2015/16 presidential race, the results also suggest that media seemed to lack a category for Clinton – she is both an inside and outsider, sitting at the cusp of a transformative historical event.
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Vellis, Evan. "Is the Internet a converged space? : a historical institutionalist approach to studying the American and British media systems." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2018. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/is-the-internet-a-converged-space-a-historical-institutionalist-approach-to-studying-the-american-and-british-media-systems(b4e93e1d-c092-471c-935d-ce1de7056a87).html.
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In the last twenty years, the way in which individuals consume news about politics has changed. As the internet becomes increasingly accessible, convenient, and inexpensive, more consumers than ever before choose to get their news online. As this migration continues, an understanding of online news consumption becomes increasingly important to the study of media systems. There are several ways in which the internet can be truly transformative - this thesis investigates some of these claims as they pertain to the comparative study of media systems. The primary dimension of analysis presented here investigates the internet's role in facilitating the homogenisation, or convergence of domestic media systems. Using a historical institutionalist approach, this thesis examines internet news in the United States and the United Kingdom, two cases at the centre of this debate. To adequately reflect the diversity present in online news consumption, this project uses a dataset comprised of news stories about two national election campaigns accessed via search engines, news aggregators, and social media. The analysis presented here demonstrates the complexity of the online news environment, highlighting key areas like source distribution and regional news content where path dependency has persisted despite the transition to online news, and those areas such as regional news sources where distinguishing between the two cases is more difficult. Where this is the case, the thesis explores alternative the explanations of Americanisation and technological determinism. Variance between Google, News360, and NewsWhip data collected for this thesis demonstrates how the way in which consumers get their news influences how converged or path dependent the media system appears.
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Macy, Dylan V. "Climate Translators: Broadcast New's Contribution to the Political Divide over Climate Change in the United States." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2020. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/pitzer_theses/94.
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In many instances, television news is the primary outlet through which people gain knowledge on climate change. Both the perceived threat of climate change and American news media have grown politically divided since the 1980s. I make the argument that American news media influences the partisan divide over climate change. In addition to the political landscape of news media, focus on political events and figures in climate coverage further contributes to a partisan divide. Supporting these claims are research displaying how climate change news is processed in a partisan manner and a selection of three case study periods in which climate change coverage spiked among MSNBC, CNN, and Fox News in the last twenty years (2000-2019). I collected news footage from all three case studies using the online database archive.org. Using this footage, an accompanying documentary short was produced that focused on the Paris Climate Accord Withdrawal in 2017. Presented in the documentary and the three case study periods, Fox News held a consistently hands-off and dismissive tone towards climate change, while MSNBC and CNN implemented climate science into coverage while advocating for collective climate action. I report that media is selected and processed via partisanship among viewers; these case studies illustrate the ways in which news media drives the political divide on climate change. I conclude by offering some future ways climate coverage can be more unifying, such as more emphasis on the economic benefits of “a green economy” in news coverage.
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Enbom, Jesper. "Facket i det medialiserade samhället : En studie av LO:s och medlemsförbundens tillämpning av news management." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för kultur- och medievetenskaper, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-22765.
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According to most ways of measuring it the Swedish trade union movement is the strongest in the world. The Swedish Trade Union Confederation is the largest and most influential union confederation by far. Since the 1980s though, Sweden experienced a shift in the power relations between employers and unions in favour of the former. This has coincided with a growing importance for political communication, public relations and the mass media. This development has presented the Swedish trade union movement with a multitude of challenges. One of the major ones is how to influence the representations of trade unions and their viewpoints in the news media. The purpose of this study is to describe and try to explain how the Swedish Trade Union Confederation and its affiliated unions act to confront the “medialisation” of the public debate. A combination of research methods are used in this study in order to investigate both the historical development of trade union news management and the use of news management by trade union personnel in their everyday work. The study of how news management historically became a part in the overall union activity was performed through qualitative analysis of archive material. The study of the everyday uses of news management and the factors constraining this work builds upon interviews with the press officers of the TUC affiliated unions and the TUC itself. The study shows how both the historical development and the everyday use of news management by the Swedish trade union movement need to be understood in a context. This context contains political, economical, ideological and organisational structures that at the same time enables and constrains the adaption of news management. The study points towards five central paradoxes which faces the trade unions when they seek desired media attention and try to avoid unwanted publicity. The first paradox concerns how to fight hard in the interest of the members, while at the same time avoid being described as a sectional interest. The second paradox stems from the desire of the trade unions to be perceived as big and strong and how this might result in the labelling of them as ‘Goliath’ during a conflict. The next paradox concerns how trade unions want to show the importance of the work done by their members during a conflict and the way this might lead to media attention about how the strike affects ‘innocent bystanders’. The fourth paradoxes come from the wish of the trade unions to make their local representatives visible in mass media. This could result in unwanted publicity, due to the difference between blue-collar trade unionists and middleclass journalists. The fifth paradox stems from the importance of acting quickly to achieve wanted media attention and to avoid unwanted. The paradox is that it might be hard to be fast and at the same time have a thorough democratic process on a controversial issue.
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Webb, Rebecca. "Diminished Democracy? Portland Radio News/Public Affairs After the Telecom Act of 1996." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/157.
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News and public affairs on commercial radio dramatically changed following the 1996 Telecom Act, with rapid consolidation and economic efficiencies radically shrinking commercial radio's role in the provision of political information. By examining jobs data, public files, and the views of broadcast journalists, this project assesses the Act's impact through the lens of civic-minded Portland, Oregon. Because political information enables democracy, and because of radio's uniquely accessible qualities, this paper argues that market emphasis in media policy--especially in the Act's absolute manifestation--has diminished a significant channel of public discourse. Noticing radio's democratic potential, still relevant in the digital age, this work offers support for a revival of discursive opportunities on local commercial radio.
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Aden, Timothy. "The effects of on-screen messages on viewer perceptions of source credibility and issue valence." Scholarly Commons, 2006. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/645.
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The present study investigates the effects of on-screen messages on viewer perceptions of source credibility and issue valence. Previous research has found that elites utilize framing in order to alter viewer perceptions and change public opinion. An experiment was conducted, which examined whether on-screen messages displayed during a presidential-news conference had any effect on the viewers' perception of sound credibility and issue valence. The results of the study indicate that on-screen messages have no effect on individuals' perceptions of source credibility and issue valence. The study also found that an individual's· political ideology plays a major role in influencing perceptions of source credibility and issue valence.
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Weikert, Joshua John. "Balancing Act: How an Unbalanced Media Affects the Electorate." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2013. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/216606.
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Political SciencePh.D.
Previous studies of media bias generally do not consider intra-campaign shifts in the composition of the coverage, leaving unanswered the question of whether coverage is consistently balanced or merely appears so when all the ups and downs of the election are tallied up. Even this aggregate assessment of balance frequently reveals imbalance in coverage, but there are few studies that test for effects of media imbalance. A lack of comprehensive content analysis data makes substantive work in this area challenging and frequently dependent upon single-election studies or those that examine a single variable over multiple years. This project takes advantage of a highly detailed, project-generated content analysis of all NBC Nightly News broadcasts and New York Times articles during the general election period (from just prior to the national party conventions through Election Day) for four election years (1996, 2000, 2004, and 2008) to address the question of whether aggregate and intra-campaign imbalance exists along three axes: volume of coverage (total coverage of the campaign and candidates), share of coverage (percentage of coverage received by each candidate on a given day, not conflated with volume), and tone of coverage (average daily valence score of coverage, positive or negative). Share of coverage is not stable at any point of equilibrium, but swings back and forth, favoring one candidate then the other throughout the general election. Analysis of tone of coverage reveals a surprising correlation between the positive/negative coverage of the candidates, with tone of coverage of the candidates correlating to a statistically significant degree. With this data it is possible to test whether shifts in the composition of coverage cause shifts in electoral support as measured by trial heat polls. Analysis of the data shows a significant relationship between changes in share and tone of coverage and changes in levels of electoral support. The corollary question, "what attracts media attention?" shows that media outlets are attracted by conflict as determined by a qualitative and quantitative analysis of headlines and share of coverage, and a further test shows a significant correlation between media coverage of an issue and both candidates' mention of that issue in their remarks, though not between media coverage and a single-candidate mention of the issue. The end result is a more-comprehensive picture of political reporting, its effect on the electorate, and the ways in which candidates may attract attention than is currently available in the literature. The combination of a multi-election measure with a high degree of intra-campaign diagnostic sensitivity provides a useful benchmark for the further study of media coverage of campaigns, as well as more than sufficient justification for its substantive significance as an area of political study, by virtue of the observed relationship between coverage and levels of electoral support.
Temple University--Theses
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Oddo, John. "Traversing the 24-Hour News Cycle: A Busy Day in the Rhetorical Life of a Political Speech." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1302368612.
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Hodgkiss, Megan Turley. "Excellence in Incompetence: The Daily Show Creates a Moment of Zen." unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-12012006-125553/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.Michael Bruner, committee chair; Ted Friedman, Greg Smith, committee members. Electronic text (105 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed July 17, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 96-105).
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Shelton, Stephen Arthur. "Bias in the network nightly news coverage of the 2004 presidential election." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2006. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/3037.
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Examines the issue of media bias in favor of the Democratic Party during the 2004 Presidential Election. To examine the most far reaching form of media in the United States, this study consisted of the three major television networks (ABC, CBS, NBC) and their weekday nightly newscasts during the entire month of October 2004. Emerging themes and strategies were compared to a study conducted at Sonoma State University of the year's most underreported yet newsworthy events. Results of the study indicate that no evidence exists to support the notion of media bias in favor of the Democratic Party in the media coverage leading up to the 2004 Presidential Election.
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Balck, Linnea. "The EU communication deficit: : A case study of Swedish print media." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-402764.
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The purpose of this study is to explore to what extent and in what way Swedish quality newspapers cover the European Union. In this paper two questions are explored: 1. “Is there a communication deficit between the EU and the Swedish public? 2. “Are Swedish quality newspapers, through the visibility and quality of their coverage of the European Union, enhancing or bridging the communication deficit in the Swedish media?” To answer these questions a quantitative content analysis was conducted on news articles covering the European Union (EU) and Swedish national politics (S) in the quality newspapers Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet. The content of the EU articles were analysed with regard to visibility and quality and were tested on five news aspects (frequency, prominence, volume, Europeaness and policy fields). The reporting of these variables, with the exception of policy fields, where also compared to the reporting of Swedish national politics. Central concepts in this study are the communication deficit and political knowledge in relation to the European Union. To understand the role of the media in relation to EU reporting and how it affects political knowledge, media logics are also discussed. The findings of this study support the existence of a communication deficit and show that Swedish print media struggle to deliver EU news of the quality and quantity necessary to bridge this communication deficit.
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Wolken, Samuel. "National Media Systems, Affective Polarization, and Loyalty in Vote Choice: Contextualizing the Relationship Between News Media and Partisanship." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1586952294107063.
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Thorsen, Einar. "News, citizenship and the Internet : BBC News Online's reporting of the 2005 UK General Election." Thesis, Bournemouth University, 2009. http://eprints.bournemouth.ac.uk/13500/.
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This thesis considers the importance to democracy of online spaces where citizens can engage in dialogue on issues of public concern. Specifically, it evaluates the BBC's news and features provision on its website dedicated to the 2005 UK Parliamentary General Election, entitled Election 2005. Particular attention is given to sections such as the Election Monitor, the UK Voters' Panel and Have your say, to which people were encouraged to submit their views and comments for posting. Given the leading status of BBC News Online in the UK (the remit for which is defined, in part, by its Royal Charter obligation to provide a public service), it is vital to examine the Election 2005 website and its role in the democratic process. The principal aim of this thesis is to analyse the ways in which BBC News Online deployed its website to facilitate spaces for citizens to engage in dialogue during the 2005 UK General Election. To achieve this aim, the thesis makes use of web dialogue analysis, which is a method proposed and defined for the purpose of this project. The case study is divided into three chapters: the first dealing with online news in which citizen voices were found to be marginalised; the second concerning different genres of online feature articles, wherein citizen voices was the most prominent source; and the third focussing on sections where people were encouraged to submit comments. Through analysing the nature of source utterances (quotations and paraphrases), and comments submitted to debate sections, the thesis found little dialogue taking place in any of the sections on the BBC's Election 2005 website. It argues this was caused by a) the deliberate intention of BBC staff to discourage dialogue, and instead facilitate a 'global conversation', b) the manual process used to publish comments to the site, and c) people being at the time unaccustomed to participate in any meaningful debate using online forums. In this way, the thesis seeks to contribute to a developing area of scholarship concerned with news media representations of national elections, online journalism and citizenship.
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Chiu, William Franklin. "The Internet, Political Communications Research and the Search for a New Information Paradigm." Thesis, University of California, Irvine, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3565847.
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The Internet, as a digital record of human discourse, provides an opportunity to directly analyze political communicative behavior. The rapid emergence of social online networks augurs a transformation in the quality and quantity of information people have to evaluate their political system. Digital formats instantiate new categories of actors and new capacities to intervene in political discourse. Existing theories of political communication fail to account for the time lag, speed, anonymity and nature of replication inherent in digital formats. To fully investigate the digital record, scholars need a new framework that apprehends the complex density of a multidirectional political discourse that defies traditional time controls.
Using information and linguistic theory we develop and apply a functional, information flow model that illuminates the conceptual relationships and capacities of people to shape their information environment. Actors are defined in terms of their communicative role in idea exchange and the logic of communication is alloyed with political considerations to examine the scopes of action and immersion scenarios that affect communicants.
Our modular and scalable theory offers a way to measure signal fidelity, node activation, and message branching. We define signaling and amplification schemes and effects and explore the benefits and disadvantages of amplification devices for speakers and recipients. We show how individual actors are linked by the micro information streams they receive and transmit. We are therefore able to model exposure conditions of a multiple input, noisy spectrum for citizens and provide a counterpoint to the simple, controlled environment of agenda-setting experiments.
Finally, due to its foundation in information theory, our framework provides a natural platform by which to organize and develop a research program that uses computational linguistics and data mining techniques.
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Firmannamal, Akhmad. "The engagement of social media and traditional news media in Joko Widodo’s communication strategy for the 2019 Indonesian presidential election." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2021. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/225929/1/Akhmad_Firmannamal_Thesis.pdf.
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This research explored the nature of political campaigning in the digital era through a case study of the 2019 Indonesian presidential election campaign. The project studied how the incumbent President attempted to set the discussion agenda through his engagements with both Facebook and traditional news media, and the implications of the dynamics of this campaigning strategy for Indonesian democracy. The research showed that the President could use Facebook’s technological features and audience reach to influence public discussion and traditional news media agendas. It also found that journalists would act independently and often followed different agendas that influenced social media.
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Söderlund, Malin. "Governmental Crisis Response – To be On Top of the Frame : The Case of Norway 22/7 2011 - Crisis communication and news management." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-4148.
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This paper examines the mechanisms of “successful” communication in matters of political leaders’ability to gain public trust and credibility during large scale crises. Even though political actors andother stakeholders tend to be very proactive to promote their views, news media also play an activeand important role in framing public policy issues and crises.1 Thus, this thesis involves both politicalactors and media in the context of framing and crisis communication. Their interrelation and itsimportance for explaining successful crisis communication is demonstrated by producing a case studyof the Norwegian government’s communication efforts during and after the terrorist attack in Osloand the island of Utöya 22/7 2011. This paper argues and demonstrates that the active use ofpositive frames, that are cultural congruent and resonate with the media shaping, is a necessity tocreate a favorable context for winning praise and support in times of crisis. In line with previousresearch, framing strategies in crisis communication is demonstrated to be central to the crisisresponse and determines whether a responsible stakeholder is able to create momentum, maintainand even gain increased public support or not.