Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political news and communication

Academic literature on the topic 'Political news and communication'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 6 September 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Political news and communication"

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Horsbøl, Anders. "Experts in political communication." Journal of Language and Politics 9, no. 1 (April 9, 2010): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.9.1.02hor.

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A central journalistic counterstrategy to the communicative ‘professionalization’ of politics consists in a use of political communication experts who comment on political moves and analyse the strategies behind them. This study investigates how the media uses political communication experts in prime time news programmes from the 2005 parliamentary election campaign in Denmark. To this aim, the knowledge positions ascribed to the experts as well as the articulation of the expert voice with the news genre is analysed. Furthermore, the qualitative analysis is combined with quantitative data on the amount of political communication experts and their professional background. The study situates the analysis within a public sphere perspective on the power relations between politics and media, and discusses implications of the findings for a well functioning public sphere.
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Guerrero-Solé, Frederic. "The ideology of media. Measuring the political leaning of Spanish news media through Twitter users’ interactions." Communication & Society 35, no. 1 (January 10, 2022): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/003.35.1.29-43.

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The news media have a strong influence on people’s perception of reality. But despite claims to objectivity, media organizations are, in general, politically biased (Patterson & Donsbach, 1996; Gaebler, 2017). The link between news media outlets and political organizations has been a critical question in political science and communication studies. To assess the closeness between the news media and particular political organizations, scholars have used different methods such as content analysis, undertaking surveys or adopting a political economy view. With the advent of social networks, new sources of data are now available to measure the relationship between media organizations and parties. Assuming that users coherently retweet political and news information (Wong, Tan, Sen & Chiang, 2016), and drawing on the retweet overlap network (RON) method (Guerrero-Solé, 2017), this research uses people’s perceived ideology of Spanish political parties (CIS, 2020) to propose a measure of the ideology of news media in Spain. Results show that scores align with the result of previous research on the ideology of the news media (Ceia, 2020). We also find that media outlets are, in general, politically polarized with two groups or clusters of news media being close to the left-wing parties UP and PSOE, and the other to the right-wing and far-right parties Cs, PP, and Vox. This research also underlines the media’s ideological stability over time.
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Sjøvaag, Helle, Truls André Pedersen, and Ole Martin Lægreid. "Journalism and the political structure." Nordicom Review 40, no. 2 (March 1, 2019): 63–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nor-2019-0034.

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Abstract This article assumes a media system perspective on the local news media structure in Norway, using a dataset of 847,487 news articles collected from 156 Norwegian news outlets in 2015–2017. Using a series of hypotheses, the analysis uses Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) topic modelling to ascertain to what extent local journalism meets community information needs through infrastructure, output and performance. The analysis finds that the size of the publisher and the size of the community covered matter more for hard news coverage than regulatory factors. To that end, the results indicate that the Norwegian local media system is somehow shaped by the geography of the political landscape. The results and their contributions are discussed in light of media systems theory and local journalism structures.
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Leshner, Glenn, and Michael L. McKean. "Using TV News for Political Information During An Off-Year Election: Effects on Political Knowledge and Cynicism." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 74, no. 1 (March 1997): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909707400106.

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Television news is routinely blamed for a decline in political knowledge and for a deepening cynicism among the American electorate. Yet studies attempting to measure the effects of TV news have produced decidedly mixed results. This study, using survey data from a 1994 U.S. Senate campaign in Missouri, finds that using TV news for political and government information is positively associated with knowledge about candidates and not associated with cynicism toward politicians. These results run counter to the popular notion that TV news induces “videomalaise” among viewers.
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Lund, Anker Brink. "Ambivalent Views on Political News." Nordicom Review 24, no. 1 (May 1, 2003): 19–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nor-2017-0293.

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Wise, David, and Paul R. Brewer. "News About News in a Presidential Primary Campaign: Press Metacoverage on Evening News, Political Talk, and Political Comedy Programs." Atlantic Journal of Communication 18, no. 3 (July 27, 2010): 127–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15456871003742070.

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Bozdağ, Çiğdem, and Suncem Koçer. "Skeptical Inertia in the Face of Polarization: News Consumption and Misinformation in Turkey." Media and Communication 10, no. 2 (May 26, 2022): 169–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v10i2.5057.

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Focusing on Turkey, this article analyzes the role of polarization on news users’ perception of misinformation and mistrust in the news on social media. Turkey is one of the countries where citizens complain most about misinformation on the internet. The citizens’ trust in news institutions is also in continuous decline. Furthermore, both Turkish society and its media landscape are politically highly polarized. Focusing on Turkey’s highly polarized environment, the article aims to analyze how political polarization influences the users’ trust in the news and their perceptions about misinformation on social media. The study is based on multi-method research, including focus groups, media diaries, and interviews with people of different ages and socioeconomic backgrounds. The article firstly demonstrates different strategies that the users develop to validate information, including searching for any suspicious information on search engines, looking at the comments below the post, and looking at other news media, especially television. Secondly, we will discuss how more affective mechanisms of news assessment come into prominence while evaluating political news. Although our participants are self-aware and critical about their partisan attitudes in news consumption and evaluation, they also reveal media sources to which they feel politically closer. We propose the concept of “skeptical inertia” to refer to this self-critical yet passive position of the users in the face of the polarized news environment in Turkey.
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Blach-Ørsten, Mark, and Rasmus Burkal. "Credibility and the Media as a Political Institution." Nordicom Review 35, s1 (March 13, 2020): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nor-2014-0104.

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AbstractCredibility is frequently represented as both an ideal goal for journalism as a profession and as an integral part of the news industry’s survival strategy. Yet there is no widely accepted operationalization of the concept of credibility. In the current article, we present the results of a study of credibility in Danish news media. Credibility is defined at an institutional level by two dimensions: A) the accuracy and reliability of the news stories featured in leading Danish news media, and B) journalists’ knowledge and understanding of the Danish code of press ethics. The results show that sources only find objective errors in 14.1% of the news stories, which is a lower figure than most other studies report. The results also show that Danish journalists find bad press ethics to be an increasing problem and attribute this problem to increased pressure in the newsroom.
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Park, Chang Sup, and Barbara K. Kaye. "News Engagement on Social Media and Democratic Citizenship: Direct and Moderating Roles of Curatorial News Use in Political Involvement." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 95, no. 4 (March 12, 2018): 1103–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077699017753149.

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Social media allow users not only to read news, but also to evaluate, reconstruct, and share it. This study conceptualizes curatorial news use via social media as an important news use behavior, which involves evaluating the existing news, adding new values by reconstructing it, and then sharing it with other social media users. An analysis of survey data from 650 South Korean adults shows that curatorial news use on social media has a significantly positive association with political knowledge, internal political efficacy, and offline and online political participation. The interaction of social media news use and curatorial news use is also significantly associated with high levels of political knowledge and political participation.
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Mande, Mande Ande, Lambe Kayode Mustapha, Bahiyah Omar, Maryam Lasisi Mustapha, and Ismail Sheikh Yusuf Ahmed. "Social Media Content Preferences and Political Participation among Nigerian Youths." Romanian Journal of Communication and Public Relations 24, no. 1 (April 1, 2022): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21018/rjcpr.2022.1.335.

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This study examines the influence of social media content preferences on political participation in Nigeria’s relatively nascent democracy. Due to mixed conclusions on the influence of news and entertainment preferences on political participation, we sampled 434 youths aged 18-35 in a Nigerian northern state, to investigate the differential influence of diverse social media content consumption on political participation. Incorporating the moderating and mediating influences of political efficacy and incidental news exposure, findings confirm that news and entertainment preferences are positive, significant predictors of political participation among respondents. While political efficacy moderated the influence of news preference on political participation, incidental news exposure did not mediate the influence of entertainment preference on political participation. We recommend further investigation into the influence of content preferences on political participation among Nigerian youths who constitute considerable members of the nation’s electorate.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political news and communication"

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Röxe, Anke. "Political communication and multi-level politics : making the Scottish news agenda." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2012. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=197208.

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The thesis contributes towards a better understanding of political communication in multi-level settings. For the most part scholars of political communication focus their enquiries on the level of the nation-state. Moreover, they often assume that effective political campaigning and media management are predicated on a high level of centralisation. As a result researchers have by and large failed to theoretically and empirically address the implications of multi-level politics on the study of political communication. Constitutional change in the UK presents an ideal opportunity to consider the relationship between the transfer of power from central government to institutions at the sub-state level on the one side and modern political communication processes on the other (Fawcett 2002). The thesis looks at the case of devolution in Scotland to answer three sets of research questions. Firstly, it enquires how legislative devolution has affected the professionalization of political communication in Scotland. In other words, to what degree have political actors north of the border participated in the trend towards greater use of and reliance on professional communicators in public life before and after the creation of the Scottish Parliament? Secondly, it asks what adjustments political parties, central government and the devolved administration have made to their communication strategies in order to deal with the requirements of message control in multi-level settings? How do political actors organise their agenda building efforts across different localities and which coordination problems arise in this context? Thirdly, the thesis asks who sets the news agenda in Scotland, politicians attached to the UK-wide institutions or their counterparts from the devolved sphere of government?
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Lago, Rita Mafalda Torrao. "Political communication and news coverage : the case of Sinn Fein." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/913.

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This thesis examines the development of Sinn Féin's communication strategies and considers how news coverage of the party has evolved in recent years, and in particular with the advent of the Irish peace process from the mid-1990s onwards. The aim of the research presented here is to establish the relationship between the development of the party's professional communication apparatus and the evolution of its news coverage and to determine the extent to which the emergence of a sophisticated approach to communication has impacted upon media coverage. The thesis argues that the development and implementation of the party's professional communication apparatus has been the result of a much wider process of republican reappraisal that took place during the 1980s. This culminated in the 1990s with the transformation of the republican movement into a more constitutional and negotiation-oriented party, while progressively moving away from the armed struggle as a means to achieve Irish re-unification. Moreover, in emphasising that there has been a considerable improvement in the reporting of Sinn Féin; namely that the news media have become progressively more interested in republican predicaments, less biased and more critical of unionism, it also suggests that the improved media coverage must be seen as a result of the political re-alignment of the movement itself. Ultimately, the main argument of this thesis is that we are now witnessing a new phase of the republican movement and, by proxy, of Northern Irish politics and its coverage in the media. This has meant that Sinn Féin has become more wiling to reach a political compromise and to find a peaceful solution to the conflct, and has attempted to affirm itself as a party with political and social interests, other than Irish re-unification. This has also forced the British government to reappraise its own view of the conflict and of Sinn Féin, recognising above all that the party and Northern Irish politics have evolved from a situation of war to one where it is dominated by careful and sensitive diplomacy. The result is that most of the common assumptions held about Sinn Féin including those of some academics, its political communication and its news coverage, must now be reconsidered in light of the radical transformations that have taken place.
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Ndyondya, Kanyisa. "Assessing news coverage of the South African Legislative laws." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/13984.

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This thesis attempts to examine the news coverage of South Africa’s legislative laws passed by the Parliament, by looking at the coverage of print media using qualitative content analysis. The thesis aims to understand the dominant messages being conveyed within the news texts and reader comments, specifically whose voice was represented, who was the intended audience and what the overall tone was. The researcher argues that taking editorial positions, the control of content and toning down of the issues is determined by journalists which they consider doing such as national interest. In this geo-political context of South Africa, the engagement of media in covering the issue of legislative laws places an important area of study. It is the media that reports events, responses, criticisms etc. in relation to the legislative laws, on the basis of which various actors and concerned people make their views about the event. As well, how reporting is done, shaped, framed; what sources have been used in news; what roles journalists play in the news coverage; and how ownership of media differs in news reporting and coverage very much reflects on whether or not and to what extent the newspapers respects legislative laws are interesting questions to be answered. This study is based on the case study of the coverage of New Age and The Times. Despite journalists being expected to serve the national interest of the state, differences can be observed in coverage, reporting and providing spaces to news and articles related to New Age and The Times. This hypothesis also supports the argument projected in the thesis that there are real ideological reasons why the media do not oppose the status quo, based on ideological lens grounded by the state and reporting system could rarely go against the establishments implying to the commitment to patriotism and to the nation which the government represents (Wicker, p. 19 cited in Malek and Wiegand).
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Shehata, Adam. "Media Matter : The Political Influences of the News Media." Doctoral thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Institutionen för informationsteknologi och medier, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-11511.

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Landreville, Kristen D. "“What Was That Supposed To Mean?”: Mass-Mediated Ambiguous Political Messages, Uncertainty Arousal, and Political Discussion." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1276198165.

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Kopacz, Maria Aleksandra. "The Implications of Stereotypical News Primes on Evaluations of African American Political Candidates." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/193715.

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The present study aimed at advancing our understanding of the effects that racially stereotypical media discourse has on White voters' responses to African American candidates in mixed-race elections. In particular, a causal model was proposed where the racial stereotypicality of news messages was predicted to interact with the race of political candidates and White news consumers' racial identification in affecting perceptions of candidates' leadership prototypicality. In turn, the prototypicality ratings were hypothesized to positively predict expectations of policy performance, candidate affect, and electoral support. In particular, it was predicted that White individuals exposed to racially stereotypical crime news would view African American candidates in unrelated stories as less leader-prototypical than White candidates and this effect was expected be stronger than among Whites exposed to non-stereotypical crime news or no crime news at all. This relationship was also predicted to increase as a function of White participants' racial ingroup identification.The findings from two experimental investigations offered limited support for the mediated model. The independent variables had weak and qualified effects on the prototypicality ratings. In addition, most of these effects worked in favor of, rather than to the disadvantage of the African American candidate. However, as hypothesized, prototypicality was a consistent predictor of electoral support, candidate affect, and, less so, policy performance expectations. Overall, these findings suggest that race matters in mass mediated political processes, both as a contextual factor and as a characteristic of electoral contenders.
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Peifer, Jason Todd. "Perceived News Media Importance: News Parody, Valuations of the News Media, and Their Influence on Perceptions of Journalism." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1431071432.

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Beam, Michael A. "Personalized News: How Filters Shape Online News Reading Behavior." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1315716858.

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Amazeen, Michelle A. "Blind Spots: Examining Political Advertising Misinformation and How U.S. News Media Hold Political Actors Accountable." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2012. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/180370.

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Mass Media and Communication
Ph.D.
While conventional wisdom suggests political ads are often misleading, this is the first known study to quantify the prevalence of inaccuracies in political advertising. This study also examines how and explains why the U.S. news media provide coverage of political advertising in the manner that they do. A multi-method research design includes a content analysis of the television ads from the 2008 presidential election, secondary data analysis of the National Annenberg Election Survey 2008, semantic network analysis of press coverage of political television ads from the 2008 election, as well as in-depth interviews with scholars, practitioners, journalists and lawyers having expertise in the issues surrounding political advertising. Of all the English-language paid political ads that aired on television during the 2008 general election, just under 30% contained at least one inaccuracy based upon the ratings of FactCheck.org and PolitiFact.com. This figure, however, is likely a gross under representation of the prevalence of inaccuracies in political ads from 2008 because most of the ads (70%) were never evaluated by these purportedly elite fact-checkers. Among ads assessed, however, more than three out of four of the evaluated claims had some degree of inaccuracy. Furthermore, ads containing at least one inaccuracy aired twice as often on television as the ads that were never evaluated. To the degree inaccurate ads air on television more frequently, then, there is cause for concern particularly given the broadcasters' mandate to serve the public interest. Moreover, while political interest supporters were one of the groups most likely to have inaccuracies in their ads, nearly half of their spending was in the last weeks of the election contributing to most of their ads going without evaluation. Thus, in a post-Citizens United world, attempts by fact-checkers to review the onslaught of PAC ads during the final weeks of the 2012 election (and the final weeks of future elections) will be crucial in combating inaccuracies. This study also extends the work of Geer (2006) who offered an organized review of negativity in political advertising. Rather than finding support for the hypothesis that negative attack ads are more accurate than advocacy ads, the evidence challenges Geer's defense of negativity. Among the ads evaluated by the fact-checkers, inaccuracies were significantly more likely to be present in attack rather than either advocacy or contrast ads. While Geer may have demonstrated that negative ads offer more substantive evidence, simply because evidence is presented does not mean the evidence is accurate. In the more provocative ads of 2008 designed to gain attention, inaccuracies were rife. Moreover, rather than the mainstream news media fixation on political ad negativity, the evidence in the forthcoming pages suggests attention is more warranted concerning the accuracy of the claims within the ads regardless of the ad's tone. A first step toward a theory of strategic misinformation is also offered by demonstrating that it is possible to predict which political ads were more likely to draw an inaccurate rating from the fact-checkers. Holding all other variables constant, it was attack ads that had the highest odds of being evaluated as inaccurate with contrast ads also having a high likelihood. These predictions also confirmed that as the campaign progressed, the odds of an ad being rated inaccurate declined which was a function of ads not being evaluated. Furthermore, it was revealed that a loss of momentum or a decline in public perceptions of candidate characteristics increased the odds of candidates drawing inaccurate ratings in their attack ads. In extending understanding of how news media cover candidate campaigns when political advertising is referenced, a plurality of media outlets from the over two dozen in the study were characterized foremost by their focus on campaign strategy rather than fact-checking. One cluster, however, emerged as AdWatchers - those committed to using political ads to scrutinize the accuracy of what candidates and their surrogates were claiming. Nonetheless, the economic realities of adwatching are that there is a so called "chilling effect" because it is expensive, time-consuming, and divisive. Furthermore, the dearth of watchdog ad reporting enables broadcast stations to continue airing ads that may be false while preserving their ability to claim ignorance about the content when faced with regulatory compliance issues. Thus, the political ads most likely to air are the ones with inaccuracies. Chances are the ads will go unscrutinized by the mainstream news media while television stations profit from their proliferation.
Temple University--Theses
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Cooper, Ian David. "Networks, news and communication : political elites and community relations in Elizabethan Devon, 1588-1603." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/1469.

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Focusing on the ‘second reign’ of Queen Elizabeth I (1588-1603), this thesis constitutes the first significant socio-political examination of Elizabethan Devon – a geographically peripheral county, yet strategically central in matters pertaining to national defence and security. A complex web of personal associations and informal alliances underpinned politics and governance in Tudor England; but whereas a great deal is now understood about relations between both the political elite and the organs of government at the centre of affairs, many questions still remain unanswered about how networks of political actors functioned at a provincial and neighbourhood level, and how these networks kept in touch with one another, central government and the court. Consequently, this study is primarily concerned with power and communication. In particular, it investigates and models the interconnected networks of government within late-Elizabethan Devon and explains precisely how the county’s officials (at every level) shared information with the Crown and each other. The raison d’être of this study is, therefore, to probe the character and articulation of the power geometries at the south-western fringe of Elizabethan England. The closing years of the reign of Queen Elizabeth I represent a decisive phase in the evolution of the English nation state, one that saw the appointment of lord lieutenants on a more widespread and long-standing basis, the consistent training of certain sections of the county militias, the expansion of the pre-existing government post-stage service, a heightened degree of dealings between every echelon of administration and an obvious increase in the amount of information that flowed from the localities into the capital. The primary causes of each of these developments were the Elizabethan war with Spain (1585-1604) and the rebellion in Ireland (1594-1603), and it is demonstrated throughout this thesis that Devon, a strategically essential county during this period of political turmoil, provides an excellent case study for evaluating the impact that each had on the Crown’s ability to control the periphery whilst being spatially anchored at the court. Furthermore, by examining each of these developments the thesis fundamentally undercuts the tenacious assertion that geographically marginal regions of Tudor territory were inward-looking, remote and disconnected from events that were unfolding on a national and international level.
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Books on the topic "Political news and communication"

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Abbas, Malek, and Kavoori Anandam P, eds. The global dynamics of news: Studies in international news coverage and news agenda. Stamford, Conn: Ablex Pub., 2000.

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Presidential communication and news media: How do news media flatter or criticize the president? Sŏul: N-Book, 2005.

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Alleyne, Mark D. News revolution: Political and economic decisions about global information. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1997.

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Alleyne, Mark D. News revolution: Political and economic decisions about global information. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1997.

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Hachten, William A. The world news prism: Challenges of digital communication. 8th ed. Chichester, West Sussex ; Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011.

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Hachten, William A. The world news prism: Changing media of international communication. 5th ed. Ames: Iowa State University Press., 1999.

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Harva, Hachten, ed. The world news prism: Changing media of international communication. 3rd ed. Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1992.

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News in Europe, Europe on news. Berlin: Logos, 2011.

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Stępińska, Agnieszka. News in Europe, Europe on news. Berlin: Logos, 2011.

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Hachten, William A. The world news prism: Changing media of international communication. 4th ed. Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political news and communication"

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Savigny, Heather. "How is News Communicated Politically?" In Political Communication, 86–102. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-01139-8_6.

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Savigny, Heather. "How is Politics Communicated beyond the News?" In Political Communication, 103–19. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-01139-8_7.

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Perloff, Richard M. "Unpacking Political News Bias." In The Dynamics of Political Communication, 295–315. 3rd ed. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429298851-14.

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Cook, Timothy. "Governing with the News." In The Political Communication Reader, 54–58. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003416654-13.

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Buckingham, David. "Talking News, Talking Politics." In The Political Communication Reader, 214–19. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003416654-46.

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Perloff, Richard M. "Gender Bias in Political News." In The Dynamics of Political Communication, 316–34. 3rd ed. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429298851-15.

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Glaister, Isla. "Election Night: The View from Sky News." In Political Communication in Britain, 65–81. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-00822-2_5.

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Perloff, Richard M. "Political News, Polls, and the Presidential Campaign." In The Dynamics of Political Communication, 288–317. Second edition. | New York : Routledge, 2017.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315624426-10.

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Perloff, Richard M. "Examining the Conundrums of Political News Bias." In The Dynamics of Political Communication, 258–87. Second edition. | New York : Routledge, 2017.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315624426-9.

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Perloff, Richard M. "Political News, Polls, and the Presidential Campaign." In The Dynamics of Political Communication, 335–58. 3rd ed. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429298851-16.

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Conference papers on the topic "Political news and communication"

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Miletskiy, Vladimir P., Dmitry N. Cherezov, and Elena V. Strogetskaya. "Transformations of Professional Political Communications in the Digital Society (by the Example of the Fake News Communication Strategy)." In 2019 Communication Strategies in Digital Society Workshop (ComSDS). IEEE, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/comsds.2019.8709404.

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Nurdin, Ali. "The Online Islamic Media Journalism in Indonesia: The Trend Analysis of Political News." In International Conference of Communication Science Research (ICCSR 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iccsr-18.2018.30.

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SHAMMARI, Shaalan Najem Abdullah. "CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF DONALD TRUMP’S POLITICAL SPEECH VIA TWITTER." In Synergies in Communication. Editura ASE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24818/sic/2021/03.04.

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Although social media was used in the 2008 presidential campaign, it became increasingly important in the 2016 election. Presidents have had to adopt and adapt to new technology in the past as well, and this has had a long-term effect on political discourse. Politicians now have new tools for communicating with the public, thanks to the internet and social media. An important goal of this paper is to examine how political speech has evolved over time, particularly in light of social media's role in political campaigning, and how Donald Trump used social media as a means of political communications. A discourse-historical approach of critical discourse analysis (CDA), has been applied in this study to carry out the analysis that would determine Trump's speech techniques. The results of this study demonstrate how President Trump's used language to influence his audience. Overall, this research paper will focus on Trump’s discourse strategies and how he employed them to create positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation.
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Oliveira, Lucas Santos de, and Pedro Olmo Stancioli Vaz de Melo. "Large-Scale And Long-Term Characterization Of Political Communications On Social Media." In Simpósio Brasileiro de Sistemas Multimídia e Web. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/webmedia_estendido.2022.225803.

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Social media play an important role in shaping political discourse, creating a public sphere that enables discussions, debates, and deliberations. Aware of this importance, politicians use social media for self-promotion and as a means of influencing people and votes. As an example of this assertion, in 2018, Brazilians democratically elected for president the far-right candidate Jair Bolsonaro. One of the most surprising feats of this outcome is that his party, PSL, had almost no television time. His victory was only possible because of his supporters’ engagement and activism on social media platforms, such as Twitter, Facebook, and WhatsApp. In this context, politicians need to decide how to communicate with their voters to build their reputations. While some politicians only share professional communications about their political agenda and activities, others prefer a more non-political and informal approach, sharing communications about the most varied subjects, such as religion, sports, and their families. Others, however, misuse platforms by spreading political messages that violate policies and circumvent electoral laws. Aware of these problems, I propose the LOCPOC a methodology to characterize the communication of Brazilian politicians over years in terms of the amount of political and non-political messages they post. The methodology is robust to concept drifts over time, requiring few new labeled messages each year. From the classified messages, I was able to characterize the communication of politicians over time and identified new findings: (i) Brazilian congresspeople changed their communication behavior over time; (ii) concept drifts occurred during important events in Brazilian politics; (iii) the explosive rise of the right seen just before the 2018 elections; (iv) a broader and more evenly distributed right-wing participation than the left-wing, and, finally, (v) the increase of public engagement over time.
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Bali, Ahmed, Kurdistan Saeed, and Kanaan Abdullah. "The role of communication technology in political change and the freedom of digital media." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp192-202.

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This study examines the nature of the relationship between journalists and politicians in the age of media entrepreneurship, with emphasis on the factors and challenges faced by both media entrepreneurs and politicians while using digital media. This study relies on an inductive approach through using the qualitative method, this involves conducting interviews (N: 41) with journalists to discover whether they work in traditional media organizations or/and own and manage digital media enterprises, it also brings to lights new information about politicians, especially those who have media inclinations. This study reveals that digital media provide journalists with opportunities to achieve professional and financial independence. However, their work in the context of Iraqi scope does not go beyond spreading propaganda and promoting various agenda of political parties and politicians. In terms of the content of media entrepreneurship, this study unveils anonymous social media which are affiliated with/ or supported by politicians which work as piracy for trolling political opponents and activists. It is assumed that such social media have serious repercussions for freedom and privacy. This worries activists and journalists that they are unable to express their opinions freely for fear of being attacked by anonymous social media working on behalf of politicians. Therefore, the ethics of social media and their ownership seems to be a major concern in the Iraqi political media space, and it should be taken into consideration in future research.
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Abdullah, Ahmed, Kurdistan Saeed, and Kanaan Abdullah. "The role of communication technology in political change and the freedom of digital media." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp115-125.

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This study examines the nature of the relationship between journalists and politicians in the age of media entrepreneurship, with emphasis on the factors and challenges faced by both media entrepreneurs and politicians while using digital media. This study relies on an inductive approach through using the qualitative method, this involves conducting interviews (N: 41) with journalists to discover whether they work in traditional media organizations or/and own and manage digital media enterprises, it also brings to lights new information about politicians, especially those who have media inclinations. This study reveals that digital media provide journalists with opportunities to achieve professional and financial independence. However, their work in the context of Iraqi scope does not go beyond spreading propaganda and promoting various agenda of political parties and politicians. In terms of the content of media entrepreneurship, this study unveils anonymous social media which are affiliated with/ or supported by politicians which work as piracy for trolling political opponents and activists. It is assumed that such social media have serious repercussions for freedom and privacy. This worries activists and journalists that they are unable to express their opinions freely for fear of being attacked by anonymous social media working on behalf of politicians. Therefore, the ethics of social media and their ownership seems to be a major concern in the Iraqi political media space, and it should be taken into consideration in future research.
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Zhu, Wenzhe. "The Impacts of Social Media on Political Communication: a Case Study of News on Chinese Officials' Corruption." In 2017 3rd International Conference on Economics, Social Science, Arts, Education and Management Engineering (ESSAEME 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/essaeme-17.2017.72.

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Syarif, Z. "Social Media and the New Face of Santri’s Political Communication." In Proceedings of the 19th Annual International Conference on Islamic Studies, AICIS 2019, 1-4 October 2019, Jakarta, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.1-10-2019.2291736.

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Wang, Yihan. "On the Chinese-English Translation of Current Political Culture-loaded Words in News from the Perspective of Intercultural Communication." In 2021 5th International Seminar on Education, Management and Social Sciences (ISEMSS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210806.066.

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Zhou, LI. "The Influence of Political Communication Channels on the Political Socialization of College Students in the New Media Era." In ICEMT 2021: 2021 5th International Conference on Education and Multimedia Technology. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3481056.3481058.

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Reports on the topic "Political news and communication"

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Silva E Souza, Cibele. Convergence between Corruption and the Coronavirus Pandemic in Brazil. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.e-2020.96.

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In the context of the global pandemic, news platforms have started to play a fundamental role in Brazilian politics. It is in the communication environment that political disputes develop, placing the media in the focus of political disputes for their ability to destroy career policies or conversely, to enhance the democratic development of a country. Therefore, the present work provides a narrative framework for corruption in Brazilian news portals during the first months of the Covid-19 pandemic. The empirical analysis is based on the content analysis of texts published in May in Brazilian newspapers. The objective of the research is to observe how the political dialogue on corruption and the pandemic was translated in the media at a time of crisis in various sectors of the country. It is observed that in this context corruption intersected with the pandemic narrative, displaying three narrative tendencies: as a contributor to government instability, as a way to reinforce the country’s crisis, and as a way to increase the perception of corruption.
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Semotiuk, Orest. RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN MILITARY CONFLICT: TERMINOLOGICAL AND DISCURSIVE DIMENSIONS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11399.

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The paper is devoted to terminological, typological and discursive dimension of concepts describing modern conflicts. Historical development of concept “war” is retraced including four generations of warfare. Difficulties in establishing a methodological framework for analyzing the media coverage of military conflicts are analyzed and an interdisciplinary approach to the media coverage of military conflicts is proposed. This enables the integration of different theories - international relations, conflict studies, political communication and journalism. Two dimensions of the Russian-Ukrainian military conflict (physical and discursive) are desribed. In the physical dimension, the conflict is localized. The discursive dimension of the conflict is implemented at the global, interstate (Russian-Ukrainian) and local (intra-Ukrainian) levels. Discursive understanding of the Russian-Ukrainian military conflict was investigated on local level. The object of analysis was coverage of the conflict in 4 Ukrainian online news portals. The need of new methodological approaches to analysis of the relationship between the media and security issues is emphasized.
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Berganza Conde, MR, C. Arcila Calderón, and R. de Miguel Pascual. Negativity in Political News of Spanish News Media. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, February 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-2016-1089en.

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Yatsymirska, Mariya. MODERN MEDIA TEXT: POLITICAL NARRATIVES, MEANINGS AND SENSES, EMOTIONAL MARKERS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11411.

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The article examines modern media texts in the field of political journalism; the role of information narratives and emotional markers in media doctrine is clarified; verbal expression of rational meanings in the articles of famous Ukrainian analysts is shown. Popular theories of emotions in the process of cognition are considered, their relationship with the author’s personality, reader psychology and gonzo journalism is shown. Since the media text, in contrast to the text, is a product of social communication, the main narrative is information with the intention of influencing public opinion. Media text implies the presence of the author as a creator of meanings. In addition, media texts have universal features: word, sound, visuality (stills, photos, videos). They are traditionally divided into radio, TV, newspaper and Internet texts. The concepts of multimedia and hypertext are related to online texts. Web combinations, especially in political journalism, have intensified the interactive branching of nonlinear texts that cannot be published in traditional media. The Internet as a medium has created the conditions for the exchange of ideas in the most emotional way. Hence Gonzo’s interest in journalism, which expresses impressions of certain events in words and epithets, regardless of their stylistic affiliation. There are many such examples on social media in connection with the events surrounding the Wagnerians, the Poroshenko case, Russia’s new aggression against Ukraine, and others. Thus, the study of new features of media text in the context of modern political narratives and emotional markers is important in media research. The article focuses review of etymology, origin and features of using lexemes “cмисл (meaning)” and “сенс (sense)” in linguistic practice of Ukrainians results in the development of meanings and functional stylistic coloring in the usage of these units. Lexemes “cмисл (meaning)” and “сенс (sense)” are used as synonyms, but there are specific fields of meanings where they cannot be interchanged: lexeme “сенс (sense)” should be used when it comes to reasonable grounds for something, lexeme “cмисл (meaning)” should be used when it comes to notion, concept, understanding. Modern political texts are most prominent in genres such as interviews with politicians, political commentaries, analytical articles by media experts and journalists, political reviews, political portraits, political talk shows, and conversations about recent events, accompanied by effective emotional narratives. Etymologically, the concept of “narrative” is associated with the Latin adjective “gnarus” – expert. Speakers, philosophers, and literary critics considered narrative an “example of the human mind.” In modern media texts it is not only “story”, “explanation”, “message techniques”, “chronological reproduction of events”, but first of all the semantic load and what subjective meanings the author voices; it is a process of logical presentation of arguments (narration). The highly professional narrator uses narration as a “method of organizing discourse” around facts and impressions, impresses with his political erudition, extraordinary intelligence and creativity. Some of the above theses are reflected in the following illustrations from the Ukrainian media: “Culture outside politics” – a pro-Russian narrative…” (MP Gabibullayeva); “The next will be Russia – in the post-Soviet space is the Arab Spring…” (journalist Vitaly Portnikov); “In Russia, only the collapse of Ukraine will be perceived as success” (Pavel Klimkin); “Our army is fighting, hiding from the leadership” (Yuri Butusov).
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Kenes, Bulent. CasaPound Italy: The Sui Generis Fascists of the New Millennium. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/op0010.

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CasaPound Italy is one of the most interesting and ambiguous populist right-wing extremist groups emerged in Europe. Its supporters say they are not ‘racist’ but are against immigration because of its impact on wages and houses; not antisemitic, but anti-Israel vis-à-vis Palestine; not homophobic, but supporters of the ‘traditional family’. Never before there was in Italy an explicitly neo-fascist group enjoying the strategic viability and the marge of political manoeuvre that was secured today by the CasaPound. Although CasaPound remains substantially marginal from an electoral point of view, its visibility in the Italian system is symptomatic of the ability of the extreme right to assimilate populist and alternative agendas in order to increase the attractiveness of their communication campaigns.
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Cieslak, Anna, and Andreas Schrimpf. Non-Monetary News in Central Bank Communication. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, September 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w25032.

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Pilgun, M., and G. Gradoselskaya. Political Communication on Facebook: Russian Сase. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, November 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-2015-1068en.

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Wang, Tianyi. The Electric Telegraph, News Coverage and Political Participation. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, July 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w31468.

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Hrytsenko, Olena. Sociocultural and informational and communication transformations of a new type of society (problems of preserving national identity and national media space). Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11406.

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The problems of the correlation of cosmopolitan and national identities are too complex to be unambiguous assessment, let alone alternative values (related to the ecological paradigm and the spiritual traditions of other cultures). However, it is obvious that without preserving the national identity, the integrity and independence of the national state becomes problematic. On the other hand, without taking into account the consequences of information wars and aggressive cosmopolitan tendencies of global media culture, there is a threat of losing the national information space and displacing it to the periphery of socio-political and economic life in Ukraine and in the modern world. In the process of working on research issues, the author of the article came out on the principles of objectivity, systematic and determinism, which in combination of their observance made it possible to determine the influence of the post-industrial information society on the formation of a new type of mass consciousness. As a result of the influence of globalization processes, there was a filling of the domestic information space with a supernational mass culture of entertainment, which in most cases leads to the spread of a primitive world outlook based on the ideology of consumption society, without leaving places to preserve sociocultural traditions and national identity. Therefore, given the problems of preserving national identity, it is necessary should be mentioned the information security of the state, which occupies one of the most important places, among various aspects of information security, since the unresolved problem of protection of the national information space significantly complicates the processes of formation of national identity.
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Bano, Masooda, and Zeena Oberoi. Embedding Innovation in State Systems: Lessons from Pratham in India. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2020/058.

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The learning crisis in many developing countries has led to searches for innovative teaching models. Adoption of innovation, however, disrupts routine and breaks institutional inertia, requiring government employees to change their way of working. Introducing and embedding innovative methods for improving learning outcomes within state institutions is thus a major challenge. For NGO-led innovation to have largescale impact, we need to understand: (1) what factors facilitate its adoption by senior bureaucracy and political elites; and (2) how to incentivise district-level field staff and school principals and teachers, who have to change their ways of working, to implement the innovation? This paper presents an ethnographic study of Pratham, one of the most influential NGOs in the domain of education in India today, which has attracted growing attention for introducing an innovative teaching methodology— Teaching at the Right Level (TaRL) – with evidence of improved learning outcomes among primary-school students and adoption by a number of states in India. The case study suggests that while a combination of factors, including evidence of success, ease of method, the presence of a committed bureaucrat, and political opportunity are key to state adoption of an innovation, exposure to ground realities, hand holding and confidence building, informal interactions, provision of new teaching resources, and using existing lines of communication are core to ensuring the co-operation of those responsible for actual implementation. The Pratham case, however, also confirms existing concerns that even when NGO-led innovations are successfully implemented at a large scale, their replication across the state and their sustainability remain a challenge. Embedding good practice takes time; the political commitment leading to adoption of an innovation is often, however, tied to an immediate political opportunity being exploited by the political elites. Thus, when political opportunity rather than a genuine political will creates space for adoption of an innovation, state support for that innovation fades away before the new ways of working can replace the old habits. In contexts where states lack political will to improve learning outcomes, NGOs can only hope to make systematic change in state systems if, as in the case of Pratham, they operate as semi-social movements with large cadres of volunteers. The network of volunteers enables them to slow down and pick up again in response to changing political contexts, instead of quitting when state actors withdraw. Involving the community itself does not automatically lead to greater political accountability. Time-bound donor-funded NGO projects aiming to introduce innovation, however large in scale, simply cannot succeed in bringing about systematic change, because embedding change in state institutions lacking political will requires years of sustained engagement.
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