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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political lobbying'
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Lewis, Barbara Bolt. "Ohio Lobbying /." The Ohio State University, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487776210796785.
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Jaatinen, Miia. "Lobbying political issues : a contingency model of effective lobbying strategies /." Helsinki : Inforviestintä, 1999. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/311360769.pdf.
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You, Hye Young. "Three Essays on Lobbying." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11455.
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My dissertation consists of three essays on lobbying activities by special interest groups. The first paper, "Ex Post Lobbying," systematically documents ex post lobbying, the process by which firms allocate resources during the implementation stage after congressional authorization. Previous theories assume all lobbying is done ex ante, where lobbying activities occur before Congress votes. However, my analysis of over 633,731 lobbying reports demonstrates that almost half of lobbying activity from 1998 to 2012, that targeted specific bills, occurred ex post. I argue that the goal of ex post lobbying is to allow firms to bargain over private benefits that will arise from legislation by targeting regulatory rule-making processes that clarify non-specific parts of bills. Ex post lobbying provides a chance for non-participants in the ex ante lobbying stage to claim their share from government policy.
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Jaffard, Pierre(Pierre J. ). "Lobbying as a hedge on political risk : when size matters." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/126971.
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Thesis: S.M. in Management Research, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Sloan School of Management, May, 2020Cataloged from the official PDF of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 51-53).
I develop a three-period asset pricing model with heterogeneity in firms size and a government that introduces a policy distortion. I find that large firms can better hedge the political uncertainty associated with this policy change through lobbying, which leads them to earn lower expected returns. I provide two strands of empirical evidence consistent with the model predictions. The first one looks at the behavior of a blue versus red industries around the unexpected results of the 2016 US Presidential election. The second one uses portfolio sorting and double-sorting to reach consistent conclusions.
by Pierre Jaffard.
S.M. in Management Research
S.M.inManagementResearch Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Sloan School of Management
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Dinan, William. "Lobbying and devolution : policy and political communication in Scotland, 1997-2003." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/26826.
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This thesis examines the growth of commercial lobbying in Scotland with the devolution of political power to Edinburgh in 1999. The study analyses the nascent public affairs community in Edinburgh in the lead up to, and during, the first session of the Scottish Parliament. This period covers the public debate at Holyrood over the registration and regulation of outside interests, and examines both the public and private political communication of those actors involved. The evidence base for this thesis is drawn from archival and documentary research, extended observational fieldwork in Edinburgh, and in depth interviews with informants from lobbying consultancies, corporations, voluntary sector organisations, elected representatives and public servants. A key focus of this study is the role of commercial and corporate lobbyists in Scottish public affairs and the Scottish public sphere. The analysis concludes that the Scottish Parliament's founding principles of openness, equality and accountability could be served through the regulation of lobbying.
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Unsal, Omer. "Political Contributions and Firm Performance: Evidence from Lobbying and Campaign Donations." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2017. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2361.
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The following dissertation contains two distinct empirical essays which contribute to the overall field of Financial Economics. Chapter 1 titles as “Corporate Lobbying, CEO Political Ideology and Firm Performance”. We investigate the influence of CEO political orientation on corporate lobbying efforts. Specifically, we study whether CEO political ideology, in terms of manager-level campaign donations, determines the choice and amount of firm lobbying involvement and the impact of lobbying on firm value. We find a generous engagement in lobbying efforts by firms with Republican leaning-managers, which lobby a larger number of bills and have higher lobbying expenditures. However, the cost of lobbying offsets the benefit for firms with Republican CEOs. We report higher agency costs of free cash flow, lower Tobin’s Q, and smaller increases in buy and hold abnormal returns following lobbying activities for firms with Republican managers, compared to Democratic and Apolitical rivals. Overall, our results suggest that the effects of lobbying on firm performance vary across firms with different managerial political orientations. Chapter 2 titled as “Corporate Lobbying and Labor Relations: Evidence from Employee” Litigations. We utilize employee litigations and other work-related complaints to examine if lobbying firms are favored in judicial process. We gather 27,794 employee lawsuits (after initial court hearing) between 2000 and 2014 and test the relationship between employee allegations and firms’ lobbying strategies. We find that employee litigations increase the number of labor-related bills in our sample. We document that the increase in employee lawsuits may drive firms into lobbying to change policy proposals. We also find robust evidence that the case outcome is different for lobbying firms compared to non-lobbying rivals, which may protect the shareholder wealth in the long run. Our results present that lobbying activities may make a significant difference in employee allegations. Our findings highlight the benefit of building political capital to obtain a biased outcome in favor of politically-connected firms.
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Nielsen, Fredrik. "Lobbying and democratic policymaking : A study on the impacts of lobbying on democratic policymaking in the European Union." Thesis, Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-943.
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The overreaching purpose of this study is to examine in what ways lobbying contributes to democratic policymaking in the European Union. Having limited amount of time, a case study has been conducted with the main purpose to examine what impacts lobbying have on the proposed EU-legislation to lower CO2 emissions from newly produced cars, in terms of democratic policymaking. The lobby groups in this case being ACEA and T&E. In order to fulfill the purpose a comprehensive research question is formulated: What impacts do ACEA and T&E have on the proposed EU-legislation to lower the CO2 emissions from newly produced cars, in terms of democratic policymaking?
The theory and definitions of democratic policymaking were drawn from Rinus van Schendelen´s book “Machiavelli in Brussels; The Art of Lobbying the EU”. Definitions of different components essential to democratic policymaking were given here and used together with the material on ACEA and T&E to answer the research question.
The material was based on documents, press-statements, speeches and publications from the European Union, ACEA and T&E to find out how ACEA and T&E lobbied the proposed legislation.
The study has shown mostly positive impacts from ACEA and T&E on the proposed EU-legislation to lower the CO2 emissions from newly produced cars, in terms of democratic policymaking. For the overreaching purpose the conclusion is that lobbying therefore contributes mostly in a positive way to democratic policymaking in the European Union.
This study can in the future be used in further studies to see what impacts lobby groups have on democratic policymaking in the European Union and also in studies concerning how lobby groups carry out their lobbying.
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Wilson, John Kyle. "Essays in public policy : rent seeking, compliance and indirect lobbying /." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw7463.pdf.
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Cheng, I.-Hui. "Three essays on political economy, trade and international economic integration." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.314295.
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Tien, Hung-Hua. "Strategic lobbying and taxation choice : a political economy of trade policy analysis." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1999. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/59196/.
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In this thesis, I use a political economy of trade policy approach to analyze the issues of strategic lobbying and taxation choice. The thesis contains 4 papers together with an introduction, literature review and conclusion. In Chapter 3, a lobbying-influence model is presented to discuss how the outcomes of trade policy is influenced by lobbying activities during the policymaking process. A comparison of the welfare-maximizing model and the lobbying-influence model under a game theory framework is undertaken. Chapter 4 provides a new explanation on the issue of asymmetric lobbying from the view point of the impact of external environment. Since the incentive of the domestic firm to engage in lobbying activities varies with its marginal costs, the outcomes of lobbying performance are different. This argument holds for both complete and incomplete information settings. Chapter 5 considers whether there is a positive role for lobbying activities in an incomplete information setting when the foreign entry is incorporated. The results suggest that the social welfare under the pooling equilibrium is higher than that under the separating equilibrium. As a result, there is no positive role for lobbying activities in this two-period model. Chapter 6 provides a political economy model to explain why trade taxes rather than more efficient income taxes might be adopted and what links the taxation choice and the economic development. In general, people prefers to pay less tax to the government. In a democratic society, a policy, which yields a higher utility to the majority of voters, is supported through majority voting. Therefore, the choice of taxation instruments depends on the tax payments, which are determined by the tax method, the income level, and the movement of income distribution over time.
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Harris, Charles Phillip. "Lobbying and public affairs in the UK : the relationship to political marketing." Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302626.
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Kollmar, Laura. "On the threshold of political corruption : the case against lobbying in Germany." University of the Western Cape, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5144.
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Magister Legum - LLMPolitical lobbying is a recent and widespread phenomenon that arises in countries where many big and economically important companies are located. It is a relatively new phenomenon and the term 'lobbying' has featured in political science literature only since the 1990s.¹ Lobbying groups are ubiquitous and are located in the centres of competence where political decision-making takes place.² One can distinguish two main aims of lobbying: lobbying for a government contract (Beschaffungslobbyismus) and lobbying with regard to laws (Gesetzeslobbyismus).³ The focus of this paper is on the latter. It is concerned to analyse how lobbyists influence the lawmaking process and what the consequences are for society. Lobbying is the influence on decision makers and decision-making processes through the provision of information.⁴ Politicians need information to contribute to ministerial or 1 parliamentary discussions and for their decisions in elections and votes. They often do not have the capacity to collect enough information. That is when the lobbying groups become important. They provide the politicians with information needed and thus ensure that their point of view ends up in the draft law and later in the law.⁵ There is also lobbying in the private sector. Representatives of the pharmaceutical industry, for instance, try to influence doctors by giving them free specimens and computer programmes, paying for education workshops and other benefits with the aim that the doctors prescribe the products of the pharmaceutical companies.⁶ To analyse this aspect of lobbying as well would exceed the scope of this paper and will not be attempted. An interesting aspect is that lobbying has become more integrated and international. Lobbyists do not work exclusively in their countries of origin. In the EU it is as important to lobby decision makers in the European institutions as to lobby them in the national institutions because a significant part of politics is decided now in Brussels.⁷ Furthermore, lobbyists from different countries meet to harmonise their lobbying strategies. In Brussels, for example, American and German lobbyists meet regarding restrictive export rules into the US and the EU. The American Chamber of Commerce (AMCHAM) is an American interest group that works in Brussels to ensure the effective representation of US businesses in Europe.⁸ Nevertheless, the national level remains important for lobbyists. The policy of the EU relies always on national policy and through the Council of Ministers - as the most powerful part of the EU - national interests are represented strongly in Brussels. Directives, moreover, have to be implemented on a national level. One can see that national lobbying is also an important tool to influence European policy.⁹ The scope of this paper, however, is to shed light on lobbying activities in the Federal Republic of Germany. Therefore, lobbying in the EU will play a lesser role.
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Massengill, William. "The Political and Economic Roots of Corporate Political Activity." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1553961091240596.
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Fedorochko, Nicholas R. "Money and Power: Industry Concentration as a Determinant of Corporate Lobbying Activity." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2145.
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Amid increasing trends of market concentration and corporate political activity in the United States, this thesis takes a quantitative approach to evaluating Luigi Zingales’ political theory of the firm. Using data from the Economic Census and from the Center for Responsive Politics, I find that concentration as measured by four and eight largest firms’ share of establishments exhibits a significant positive relationship to corporate lobbying at the intensive margin. On the other hand, concentration as measured by four and eight largest firms’ share of employment exhibits a significant negative relationship on politically active firms’ decision to lobby at the extensive margin. Through drawing upon existing quantitative literature on this subject, I conclude that Zingales’ theory remains sound and its implications on the political economy of the United States are bleak. Further research should look into politically feasible policy solutions to this troubling relationship.
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Miller, Carol Ann. "Lobbying the League : women's international organizations and the League of Nations." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f517ac72-18b3-42b2-9728-31129462bf4a.
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This thesis is an account of women's international work at the League of Nations. While feminists' shift from the national to the international arena has been noted in studies on the inter-war women's movement, most often it has been interpreted as a reflection of the heightened salience of peace work in the aftermath of the First World War. This is an important observation but it overlooks the fact that women's activities at the League embraced the full spectrum of feminist causes: social reform, women's rights and peace. This thesis gives prominence to inter-war feminist activity played against the backdrop of institutional developments at the League which encouraged women to believe their goals could be advanced under its auspices. One of the major goals of the Women's International Organizations was to establish a political role for women in international affairs. The first chapter describes the efforts of women's organizations to secure the representation of women in the League of Nations. Many recently enfranchised women in Europe and North America identified the League as an institution toward which they should direct their newly won political influence. This is assessed in the context of ideas that emerged in the aftermath of the First World War about the transformation of the international sphere through the infusion of female values. The second, third and fourth chapters present a profile of the women's networks operating in and around the League. The study reveals a high level of interaction between the Women's International Organizations and women in official positions at the League. Chapter 2 examines the aims of the Women's International Organizations and exposes tensions between social feminist and equal rights feminist organizations that led to a struggle for influence at the League. The third and fourth chapters assess the impact of gender-stereotyping on patterns of appointments to the League. However much appointments to Assembly delegations and League advisory committees should have carried with them national allegiances, women delegates were often seen to represent women and this both positively and negatively affected women's participation. The remaining chapters assess women's impact on the development of League activities with particular attention to the implications of the idea that women as women had a special contribution to make at the international level. Chapter 5 explores the extent to which the assertion of difference enhanced women's influence with regard to the League's social and humanitarian work in the 1920s and enabled them to have several gender-specific concerns placed on the agenda. The Depression and the rise of reactionary ideologies influenced feminists to call for more decisive League action on the status of women in the 1930s. Most member states of the League, however, did not view the status of women as a subject for international consideration. Chapter 6 looks at the conflict between social and equal rights feminists over what League initiatives would prove most effective for advancing the status of women and traces developments that ultimately led to the League sponsored Inquiry on the Legal Status of Women in 1937. The seventh chapter assesses the impact of traditional associations between women and peace on women's peace activities at the League. Cultural representations of women as peace-loving had political relevance in the context of League activities and the League attempted to bolster support in the 1930s by intensifying collaboration with women. Significantly, the Women's International Organizations responded by asserting that only with equality would women's influence for peace be fully available. The interplay between equality and difference permeated women's international work at every level and the conclusion evaluates the way in which this tension influenced women's participation in and contribution to the activities of the League of Nations.
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Cananão, Inês Castanheira. "O lobbying como alavanca nas estratégias de marketing político : o caso de António Guterres." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/19036.
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Mestrado em MarketingA questão do lobbying tem ganho cada vez maior importância na União Europeia. No entanto, e apesar de ser uma atividade legítima continua a ser em Portugal e noutros tantos países um assunto taboo. As sociedades menos abertas a adaptações têm dificuldade em evoluir. As ferramentas que temos ao nosso dispor para gerir a vida democrática são transversais à manifestação humana, e ainda assim, mal compreendidas. A necessidade de transparência subjacente à temática é o que trava a sua regulamentação em Portugal. A palavra-chave que liga os dois conceitos, é pressão. Enraizada na natureza do lobbying e circunscrita ao marketing. O exercício de lobbying é visto como o conjunto de atividades que procuram exercer pressão, direta ou indiretamente, sobre os poderes políticos. O marketing, é visto como uma perigosa tecnologia, tornando possível a venda de algo a uma pessoa que não o queira, e que até possa vir a ser prejudicial para a mesma. Das duas formas, o interesse subentendido na ação de quem exerce o poder é satisfeito através de persuasão. Posto isto, o presente estudo tem como propósito a compreensão do movimento sinérgico entre a áreas de marketing político e lobbying. Para a recolha de dados primários escolheu-se a plataforma digital: páginas web de Jornais Nacionais e Internacionais. Através da construção e análise do case study referente à ascensão do Eng. António Guterres ao cargo de secretário-geral das Nações Unidas e entrevistas em profundidade, os resultados deste estudo comprovam as proposições conjeturadas, e respondem à questão de investigação.
The issue of lobbying is gaining more and more ground in the European Union. However, despite being a legitimate activity, it is still a taboo subject in Portugal and other countries. The truth is, societies that are less open to adaptations have difficulty evolving. The tools we have available to regulate democratic life cut across must human social activities, yet they are often poorly understood or even misunderstood. The need for transparency underlying the theme is what hinders its regulation in Portugal. A keyword that connects the two concepts is pressure. Rooted in the nature of lobbying and circumscribed to marketing. Lobbying is seen as the set of activities that aim to put pressure, directly or indirectly, on political powers. Marketing, viewed as a dangerous technology, makes it possible to sell something to a person who doesn't want it, and that could even become harmful to them. Either way, the implied interest in the action of the power-taker is satisfied through persuasion. That being said, the purpose of this study is to understand the synergic movement between lobbying and political marketing. For the collection of primary data, the digital platform was chosen: national and international newspaper web pages. Through the construction and analysis of the case study regarding the rise of Eng. António Guterres to the post of Secretary-General of the United Nations and in-depth interviews, the results of this study confirm the conjectured propositions and answer the research question.
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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Kim, Byoung-Joo 1965. "Explaining the country patterns of foreign lobbying in the United States : issues, capabilities, and norms." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/36095.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1999.Includes bibliographical references.
This study proposes and tests three models of foreign lobbying in the United States. The "Reaction Model" assumes that the foreign lobbying results largely from countries' desire to act when issues related to them catch US public attention. The "Resource Model" assumes that the countries that can afford it do more foreign lobbying in order to cultivate friendly atmosphere in Washington. The "Norms Model" assumes that the foreign lobbying is a result of countries doing in Washington what they are used to doing at home. This research shows that the "Reaction Model" best explains and predicts the varying country patterns in foreign lobbying in the US, while the "Resource Model" and the "Norms Model" also show importance in determining how much foreign lobbying countries do. The research has produced country data sets as dependent variables, based on 2,034 records of foreign representation carried out on behalf of 53 countries between 1988 and 1991. The data have shown significant variations among different countries. In explaining the variations, the study has chosen three categories of independent variables. For the first group, the "issues" variables, several different measurements are used for measuring political and economic issues raised in the US with regard to each country. The "capabilities" variables are indicators of national wealth and measurements of countries' knowledge of and familiarity with-the US system. They reflect economic and knowledge resources that allow necessary actions to be implemented. The "norms" variables reflect the degree of pluralism in each country or the degree of similarity between the US and foreign country's business practices. They have been chosen based on the expectation that the norms would limit a country's set of options in lobbying. Multivariate regression has yielded various findings. Most importantly, the frequency of bilateral "issues" raised in the US has the most influence in determining how much foreign lobbying a country does. In addition, the countries that are more familiar with the US system ("capabilities") tend to focus more on advocacy lobbying to the Congress than other countries do. And, the countries where business cultures are similar to the US ("norms") are more active in the overall trade lobbies and in the advocacy lobbying to the Congress.
by Byoung-Joo Kim.
Ph.D.
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Moreira, Alves Amanda. "Corporate Political Activity in the European Union." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PSLED060.
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L’environnement politique dans lequel une entreprise exerce ses activités peut imposer plusieurs défis à sa performance, tels que de nouvelles taxes et législations qui encourageront leur engagement aux actions politiques (traduction du terme américain Corporate Political Activity – CPA). Ces actions ciblent les acteurs politiques et ont pour objectifs d’obtenir des avantages concurrentiels ou d’éviter des risques institutionnels liés à leur activité. Ces actions peuvent prendre la forme de lobbying, de contributions aux campagnes électorales et de poursuites judiciaires. Plusieurs résultats positifs des CPA sont documentés dans la littérature, mais la plupart d'entre eux font référence à l'environnement américain. Considérant que l'environnement institutionnel est essentiel pour le déploiement et les résultats des CPA, l'objectif principal de cette thèse est d'élargir l'analyse en étudiant l'environnement institutionnel européen. Dans ce but, cette thèse s’appuie sur trois axes de recherche liés au lobbying et aux poursuites judiciaires en utilisant une approche empirique dont l’objectif est d’explorer la dynamique de CPA et son impact sur l’environnement institutionnel européen. Le premier examine les facteurs déterminants de l'accès des entreprises aux représentants de la Commission européenne pour faire du lobbying. Le deuxième étudie l'élaboration de la réglementation du marché de gros d’itinérance afin de comprendre le déploiement des stratégies de lobbying et leurs résultats. Le troisième porte sur le processus décisionnel de la Commission européenne et de la Cour de Justice dans l'octroi des aides d'État dans l'Union européenneThe political environment where a firm operates can impose several challenges to its performance such as new taxes or legislation that will incentivize their engagement on Corporate Political Activities (CPA). These activities target political actors and intend to capture advantages or to avoid institutional risks in their own business environments. They can be deployed in the form of lobbying, campaign contributions, and litigation. The positive outcomes have been already documented in the literature, but most of them refer to the US environment. Taking into consideration that the institutional environment is essential for the deployment and outcomes of CPA, the main goal of this dissertation is to investigate CPA in the European Union level further using an empirical approach. Through three research projects related to lobbying and litigation in the EU, this dissertation explores the dynamics of CPA and how the institutional environment impacts on it. The first project examines the determinants of firms' access to the European Commission representatives. The second project studies the making of the wholesale roaming regulation to understand the deployment of lobbying strategies and their outcomes. The third project investigates the decision-making of the European Commission and the Court of the Justice in the processes of granting state aids in the European Union
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Ragab, M. A. "The Arab lobby in the United Kingdom." Thesis, City University London, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.379641.
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Becker, Kane Jenna. "Lobbying Justice: Exploring the Influence of Interest Groups in State High Courts." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2015. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/310221.
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Political SciencePh.D.
Despite well documented evidence that both the level and diversity of amicus participation in state high courts have been growing, we know little about whether or under what conditions amicus briefs have an impact on court outcomes. This dissertation investigates how interest groups attempt to influence state supreme courts through their participation as amicus curiae. Using an original dataset assembled from content analysis of more than 2300 state supreme court decisions handed down between 1995 and 2010 and spanning three distinct areas of law - products liability, environmental law, and free speech/expression - I find that amicus briefs submitted by interest groups have the most influence over judicial outcomes in areas of law where interest groups routinely make large-scale donations to judicial campaigns. These results raise serious concerns about the influence of big money in judicial elections. The second part of this dissertation tests two competing theories of amicus influence to determine how state high court judges utilize amicus brief information in judicial decision making. The informational theory assumes the influence of amicus brief information to be evenly distributed across judges. However, theories of confirmation bias and motivated reasoning suggest that the information in amicus briefs may be received and evaluated differently depending upon the ideological predispositions of individual judges. Using multi-level modeling, I analyze the votes of more than 12,000 individual state high court judges to determine whether judge ideology conditions the influence of amicus briefs such that judges are more receptive to pro-attitudinal information contained in briefs from interest groups that share their predispositions. Results suggest that method of judicial retention and area of case law structures the mechanism of amicus brief influence. Amicus briefs appear to play an informational role in complex areas of case law but the presence of competitive judicial elections appear to alter the mechanism of amicus brief influence such that judicial responsiveness to amicus briefs is more closely tied to the reelection and campaign fundraising considerations of individual judges. The final portion of this dissertation investigates the case-level and court-level factors that attract interest group participation as amicus curiae in state high courts in order to better our understanding of interest group strategies when engaging state judiciaries. This paper tests the hypothesis that groups strategically target cases that will best serve the policy and institutional interests of the group, while focusing group resources on cases and courts where they are most likely to be successful. Results indicate that both liberal and conservative groups target state high courts that are elected through competitive and retention election processes rather than those that are appointed, suggesting that interest groups believe their influence will be greater with judges who are accountable to the public. Results also show that both liberal and conservative groups target courts from states that are ideologically sympathetic, but not necessarily from courts that are ideologically similar.
Temple University--Theses
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Lagerlöf, Johan. "Essays on political economy, information, and welfare." Doctoral thesis, Handelshögskolan i Stockholm, Samhällsekonomi (S), 1997. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hhs:diva-847.
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This dissertation consists of three essays. Essay 1: Lobbying, Information, and Private and Social Welfare. Lobbying is potentially welfare improving if it is a form of information transmission. This essay studies when and for whom this is the case. In the model, a government (G) can redistribute income between two interest groups (A and B). Only one of them (A) has the opportunity to lobby. Lobbying is understood as A’s acquiring and strategically revealing policy-relevant information to G. Among the results is that A may be worse off as a consequence of lobbying while B is better off. It can also be the case that lobbying makes both the active and passive interest groups and the government all worse off. Essay 2: Are we better off if our politicians know how the economy works? This essay concerns public policy and welfare in a society where citizens’ preferences over public policy depend, in varying degrees, on some unknown state of the world. That is, people are heterogeneous with respect to their responsiveness to the unknown state. Public policy is decided on by a policymaker who is elected among the citizens by majority vote. Given this framework it is asked whether the citizens would be better off if the amount of uncertainty that the policymaker is facing were smaller. Among the results is that those who are sufficiently responsive to the unknown state may be worse off if the variance of the stochastic variable decreases. Essay 3: Incomplete information in the Samaritan’s dilemma: The dilemma (almost) vanishes. Suppose that an altruistic person, A, is willing to transfer resources to a second person, B, if B comes upon hard times. If B anticipates that A will act in this manner, B will save "too little" from both agents’ point of view. This is the Samaritan’s dilemma. The mechanism in the dilemma has been employed in an extensive literature, addressing a wide range of both normative and positive issues. However, this essay shows that the undersaving result is not robust to the assumption that information is complete: by adding an arbitrarily small amount of uncertainty one can sustain an equilibrium outcome that is arbitrarily close to ex post incentive efficiency. One may also sustain outcomes with oversaving.Diss. Stockholm : Handelshögsk., 1998
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Gold, Daniel. "Lobbying Regulation in Canada and the United States: Political Influence, Democratic Norms and Charter Rights." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/40908.
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Lobbying should be strictly regulated – that is the major finding of this thesis. The thesis presents many reasons to enact stricter regulations. The principle one being that, as lightly regulated as it is, lobbying is corroding democracy in both Canada and the United States.
The thesis opens with a deep investigation of how lobbying works in both countries. There are examples taken from the literature, as well as original qualitative interviews of Canadian lobbyists, former politicians, and officials. Together, these make it clear that there is an intimate relationship between lobbying and campaign financing. The link between the two is sufficiently tight that lobbying and campaign financing should be considered mirrors of each other for the purposes of regulatory design and constitutional jurisprudence. They both have large impacts on government decision-making. Left lightly regulated, lobbying and campaign financing erode the processes of democracy, damage policy-making, and feed an inequality spiral into plutocracy. These have become major challenges of our time.
The thesis examines the lobbying regulations currently in place. It finds the regulatory systems of both countries wanting. Since stricter regulation is required to protect democracy and equality, the thesis considers what constitutional constraints, if any, would stand in the way. This, primarily, is a study of how proposed stronger lobbying regulations would interact with the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, s. 2 (free expression and association rights) and s. 3 (democratic rights). The principal findings are that legislation which restricted lobbying as proposed would probably be upheld by the Canadian court, but struck down by the American court, due to differences in their constitutional jurisprudence. The thesis contends that robust lobbying regulations would align with Canadian Charter values, provide benefits to democracy, improve government decision-making, increase equality, and create more room for citizen voices.
The thesis concludes with a set of proposed principles for lobbying reform and an evaluation of two specific reforms: limits on business lobbying and funding for citizen groups. Although the thesis focuses on Canadian and American lobbying regulations, its lessons are broadly applicable to any jurisdiction that is considering regulating lobbying.
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Solaiman, Barry. "Evaluating lobbying in the United Kingdom : moving from a corruption framework to 'institutional diversion'." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/269394.
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The lobbying of Parliament and the Government in the United Kingdom by wealthy or influential groups and individuals raises concerns about corruption and political equality. Professional lobbying is available mainly to those with significant resources and is often the most effective means of influencing decision-makers. Unchecked, it corrodes public trust in core public institutions. This thesis argues that the problems attending the lobbying of Parliament and Government in the UK need to be identified and understood more clearly so that targeted regulatory solutions can be determined. Currently, lawmakers, organisations and academics have struggled to propose clear pathways for identifying the main issues and understanding them. This is due to a failure to agree on the nature and scope of the central problems associated with lobbying, the relationship between them, and how they are relevant to the model of democratic government in the UK. To overcome this, an analytical framework called ‘institutional diversion’ is developed, tested and evaluated. The framework is developed from institutional corruption literature in the United States and is divided into three parts. Part 1 provides elements which help to identify specific lobbying concerns and provide a rich account of the underlying issues. Part 2 articulates a test to determine whether the identified problem in Part 1 causes a diversion from the purpose of the relevant public institution. It is argued that the critical purpose of decision-makers in Parliament and the Government is to ‘act in the public interest’ and that a diversion from that purpose can be tested using the two criteria of ‘integrity’ and ‘objectivity’. Further, it is not sufficient for a framework to simply identify and help to understand the concerns with lobbying. The logical next step is to identify solutions, and that process must also be rationally guided. Therefore, guidelines are developed from an analysis of an interview with the Registrar of Consultant Lobbyists in the UK conducted specifically for this thesis. The guidelines are intended to help future reform analyses by highlighting the practical and political restrictions within which solutions must be developed otherwise they will be unlikely to succeed.
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Gordon, Steven A. "Essays on the Political Economy of Intergovernmental Grants." UKnowledge, 2017. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/economics_etds/28.
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This dissertation focuses on how distributive politics influences the geographic allocation of federal grants to state and local governments. A secondary focus is the role of social trust in the growth of government. In the first essay, I test the degree to which the earmark ban of 2011 prevented legislators from directing federal competitive grants to their home congressional districts and whether earmarking distorted equality in the distribution of federal grants across demographic groups. I find that earmarking skewed the distribution of federal grants toward wealthy congressional districts and away from poor congressional districts. This is a groundbreaking finding, considering that no literature has addressed the impact of earmarking on economic inequality. In the second essay, I estimate the returns to lobbying for local governments in terms of federal earmarked grants, and I find that local governments in counties with higher levels of income per capita were more likely to engage in lobbying. I also find evidence of a causal link between lobbying and federal earmarks to local governments. Given that local governments in wealthy areas tend to have larger tax bases, which allows them to more easily fund public infrastructure projects, my findings imply that lobbying and earmarking hampered the ability of federal grant programs to promote equality in the distribution of federal funds. The third essay utilizes time series econometrics to examine the relationship between government regulation, spending, interest group activity, and social trust in government.
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Johansson, Sanna. "Lobbying - sunt förnuft eller lagstiftad reglering? : En studie om politikers och PR-praktikers åsikter om lobbyreglering i Sverige." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-7158.
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Sweden currently has no legislated regulation of lobbying, but the professional lobbyist can voluntarily subscribe to, among others, the professional code of standars created by the trade association of Public Relations, Precis. There is an ongoing discussion in Sweden to regulate lobbying, both in mass media and in politics. This study examines this debate and focus on which arguments there are for and against lobbying regulation in Sweden. It also attempts to identify the differences, if there are any, between left and rights parties with regards to their views on regulation of lobbying. Tha main method used was document analysis of parliamentary bills which have been raised concerning a lobbying regulation in Sweden. In the theory section, I include four different types of requirements placed on democratic lobbying (se for example Jaatinen 1998, Kitchen 1999, Larsson 2005, Möller 2009 and Naurin 2001). The research showed the need for transparency to be the most prominent, followed by requirement of equal acces to diffrent social groups to lobby. The document analysis focus on the arguments that are given to regulate lobbying in Sweden. The arguments for regulating lobbying presented of the parliamentary bills include measures taken to prevent covert lobbying, to create more equal opportunities to lobby, to that the kind of self-regulation practiced by the proffesional lobbyists by Precis proffesional standars has shortcomings, to that the PR industry will expand and that lobbying is at least commom in Sweden as in other parlaments. Therefore, there is a need to review how other countries have regulated lobbying. The study shows that among the parliamentary bills, The European Parliament regulatory system is the largest role model of other parliaments regulating lobbying. Furtheremore it shows that a registration system is the type of regulation advocated by the most of the politicians behind the researched parliamentary bills. The counter-arguments to a lobbyng regulation in Sweden, identified trough the document analysis and interviews in this study, are that ethics and morality of the individual are more important than rules and laws and a skepticism that a registration system can record people's lifes, which from a democratic point of view is not desirable. Other counter-arguments are that the community allready has so many rules and laws and that a regulatory system can discriminate less economically affluent groups in society. The study has shown that one can devise some differences between left- and right-wing views concerning policies for regulating lobbying in Sweden. This because no parliamentary bills has brought on a lobbying regulation by any of the so- called red parties and the majority of the bills are raised by politicians from the right-wing Moderate Party. One can also see diffrences in the arguments of regulating lobbying by politicians. The bourgeous side seems tho think that the most important requirement of lobbying from a democratic perspective is transparency while the Swedish Green Party is focusing on the lack of equal access between different social groups to lobby.
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Benine, Renato Jaqueta. "Lobbying do terceiro setor na democracia: tratamento constitucional." Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie, 2011. http://tede.mackenzie.br/jspui/handle/tede/1035.
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Previous issue date: 2011-08-23Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie
Lobbying is an expression constantly associated with the defense of private and specific economic interests of a group and with the adoption of shady practices, influence peddling, corruption and exchange of favors. However, this practice which should not be understood from its pathology but from its physiology has become increasingly common, being used not only as a defense mechanism of an economic group, but also as an instrument to promote overall interests in a society. In this scenario, we also have organizations of the emerging Third Sector figuring as actors adopting lobbying strategies. In Brazil, the regulation of lobbying practice is still pending. However, its physiology has deserved a legal and constitutional treatment in the 1988 Federal Constitution. Its protection is observed with the recognition of citizenship and political pluralism as the foundation of the Democratic State ruled by the Law, as well as from the participatory democratic dimension, expressed by the 88 Constitution. The fundamental status of lobbying in the Third Sector also derives from the recognition of fundamental rights and guarantees, including: (a) freedom of assembly; (b) freedom of association; (c) the right to be informed; (d) the right to information ; (e) the right to freedom of opinion and expression of thought; (f) the freedom of intellectual, scientific expression and others; and (g) the right of petition. As to the limits of this practice, they are perceived in its own constitutional provisions to guarantee such protection. Concerning freedom of assembly and freedom of association, the lobbying carried out by Third Sector organizations is thought to be developed for lawful purposes. As to citizenship understood as a duty of solidarity with other members of society it is understood that the Third Sector, in an act of lobbying, must be aware of social concerns like those expressed among the fundamental objectives of our federal republic. Another limit to the Third Sector lobbying is the political equality to which all are endowed with equal rights and freedom in the development of a political action. Thus, no action developed by lobbying organizations of the Third Sector could be generated so as to eliminate or prevent the participation of other interest groups, opposed or not, because dissension is a vital component of our pluralist democracy.
O lobbying é uma expressão constantemente associada à defesa de interesses econômicos, particularistas e específicos de determinado grupo e à adoção de práticas escusas, tráfico de influência, corrupção e troca de favores. Entretanto, essa prática que não deve ser compreendida a partir de sua patologia, mas sim de sua fisiologia tem se tornado cada vez mais usual, sendo utilizada não só como um mecanismo de incidência política de grupos de natureza econômica, mas também como instrumento na promoção de interesses mais gerais de uma sociedade. Nesse cenário, figuram, ainda, como atores a adotar estratégias lobbying, as organizações do emergente Terceiro Setor. No Brasil, a prática de lobbying apresenta-se pendente de regulamentação. No entanto, sua fisiologia encontra, na Constituição Federal de 1988, tratamento jurídico-constitucional. Sua proteção é observada quando do reconhecimento da cidadania e do pluralismo político como fundamentos do Estado Democrático de Direito, bem como a partir da dimensão democrática participativa, expressa pela CF/88. A fundamentalidade do lobbying do Terceiro Setor decorre, ainda, da afirmação de direitos e garantias fundamentais, entre eles: (a) liberdade de reunião; (b) liberdade de associação; (c) direito de se informar; (d) direito à informação; (e) direito de opinião e liberdade de manifestação de pensamento; (f) liberdade de manifestação de atividade intelectual, científica e outras; e (g) direito de petição. Quanto aos limites a tal prática, eles são percebidos nos próprios dispositivos constitucionais a lhe garantirem a referida proteção. Das liberdades de reunião e associação, deduz-se que o lobbying desenvolvido por organizações do Terceiro Setor deve ser realizado para fins lícitos. Já da cidadania compreendida essa como um dever de solidariedade para com os demais membros da sociedade , decorre o entendimento de que o Terceiro Setor, em uma ação de lobbying, deve estar atento aos anseios da sociedade, como aqueles expressos entre os objetivos fundamentais da nossa república federativa. Outro limite ao lobbying do Terceiro Setor consiste na igualdade política para a qual todos são dotados de iguais direitos e liberdades no desenvolvimento de uma ação política. Assim, nenhuma ação de lobbying desenvolvida por organizações integrantes do Terceiro Setor poderia ser engendrada de maneira a eliminar ou impedir a participação de outros grupos de interesses, contrapostos ou não, pois o dissenso consiste em um elemento essencial da nossa democracia pluralista.
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Henin, Thibaud. "The Strategic Use of Transnational Private Standards: Strengthening or Weakening Government Regulation?" Thesis, University of Oregon, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/23112.
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Over the past two decades, transnational private standards such as “dolphin-safe,” “fair-trade,” and “sustainably produced timber,” have become ubiquitous. The regulatory landscape of many issue areas includes a mix of these private standards and government regulation. This is puzzling as firms adopting these standards voluntarily commit to exceeding government regulation, yet may not recoup the additional costs related to production changes and certification of their processes. To understand why firms adopt transnational private standards and how these standards affect government policies, this dissertation examines how the adoption of sustainable forestry standards changed the regulatory dynamics between firms and governments between 1997 and 2016.
The dissertation consists of three analyses of the interaction between standards’ adoption and government regulation. The first study quantitatively evaluates forest sector policies in 38 countries, and demonstrates that whether industries use their adoption of transnational private standards to gain competitive advantages over foreign rivals, or alternatively, to avert further government regulation depends on market conditions and the willingness of consumers to pay a premium for certification. The second study investigates the extent to which to which governments in Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom have included transnational private standards in regulation to provide producers in import-competing industries competitive benefits over foreign producers. It establishes that in most cases, governments calibrated forest sector policies to increase trade benefits in response to the trade orientation of sectors and their level of transnational private standards adoption. The third study examines lobbying across industries and finds that industries adopted lobbying strategies on different forest sector policies based on whether those policies would improve their competitiveness and the extent to which to which they believed they could influence government policy. In aggregate, these studies demonstrate that governments of more-developed countries incorporated transnational private standards into their forest sector policies to the extent that doing so would provide economic benefits to their industries, and that they did so due to corporate lobbying.10000-01-01
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Himango, Stephanie V. "The American Chamber of Commerce (Hong Kong) : an analysis of a dual purpose business and political organization /." Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B18061898.
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Voltolini, Benedetta. "Lobbying in EU foreign policy-making towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict : exploring the potential of a constructivist perspective." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/751/.
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This thesis explores how constructivist insights could help us to form a more complete picture of lobbying in EU foreign policy-making, with a special emphasis on EU foreign policy towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It demonstrates that non-state actors (NSAs) such as business groups, NGOs, solidarity movements and think tanks, are important players in the EU’s foreign policy-making. By sharing the constructivist views on the embeddedness of actors and assuming that actors interact with each other in order to make sense of the world, this thesis investigates lobbying on the basis of three analytical dimensions; namely roles, frames and levels. It is shown that NSAs lobbying the EU play a consensual role, which is based on mutually legitimising social interactions that do not challenge the EU’s actorness and policies towards Israel and Palestine. When combined with the use of legal or technical frames, these consensual forms of interaction are conducive to a re-framing of EU policies towards Israel and Palestine. In contrast, confrontational forms of social interactions, combined with the use of political frames are more recurrent at the national level. Finally, this thesis analyses how the national level is used, when NSAs lobby the EU. It concludes that there is a partial Europeanization of lobbying carried out by NSAs based in member states. The EU and national levels tend, however, to remain quite disentangled from each other. The argument presented in this thesis is tested in three case studies (EU-Israel trade relations, the UN Report following the war in Gaza in 2008-2009 and the EU-Israel Agreement on pharmaceutical products), which represent important aspects of EU foreign policy and were frequently mentioned by NSAs and officials. Moreover, the national level is analysed in the cases of France, the United Kingdom and Germany, which are the three big member states of the EU and crucial players in EU foreign policy.
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Sokhey, Sarah Elizabeth Wilson. "The Politics of Post-Communist Pension Reform: The Influence of Business Lobbying on Policy Outcomes." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1290999096.
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Lindblad, Amanda, and Rebecca Moyo. "Tre miljöorganisationers lobbyingarbete i EU : Hur Världsnaturfonden WWF, Greenpeace Sverige och Jordens Vänner ser på sina förutsättningar att påverka EU." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-141007.
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The main purpose of our thesis is to describe how Swedish environmental organizations view their resources for lobbying towards the environmental and climate politics of the European Union (EU). Furthermore, we intend to describe how the Swedish environmental organizations lobby towards the EU, and what their views are on lobbying as a democratic method to influence politics. To obtain the material for this study we have interviewed Världsnaturfonden WWF, Greenpeace Sweden and Friends of the Earth Sweden. The results have been analysed by the Theory of Democracy by Robert Dahl, and by the democratic dilemma with lobbying.The result of the thesis is that the environmental organizations view their resources as being sufficient for lobbying towards the EU, and see themselves as being able to influence the EU. They do however experience difficulties in lobbying towards the EU, mainly because of deficient financial resources and competition with the influential industry lobbyists.Our conclusion is that the environmental organizations see democratic problems with lobbying, which are mainly unequal access to EU’s decision-making process and EU’s lack of transparency. The organizations do however value lobbying as a democratic method because of the benefits for decision-makers and citizens.
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Brown, Richard S. "Capabilities, Strategic Intent and Firm Performance: An Empirical Investigation." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2013. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/218602.
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Business Administration/Strategic ManagementPh.D.
This dissertation consists of three papers that are linked through the topic of organizational capabilities. The first paper, entitled "Organizational Core Capabilities, Strategic Intent and Performance: A Study of the Pharmaceutical Industry," looks at the association between capabilities, strategic intent and performance. Employing capabilities theory and the strategic intent literature, I model (i) the association of firm-level capabilities and rigidities on performance, (ii) the association of strategic intent and performance and (iii) the interaction effects of capabilities and strategic intent upon performance. Our sample consists of pharmaceutical firms during the years 1993 to 2003 and I find that both capabilities and strategic intent are negatively associated with firm performance. The interaction of the two main effects is positively related to performance conditional on firms having high strategic intent. The findings point to potential evidence of core rigidities theory as well as strategic intent theory, which has yet to be empirically tested by scholars. The second paper is entitled "The Impact of Political Capabilities on Firm Performance: An Empirical Investigation." In this paper, I integrate capabilities theory with the literature on corporate political activity (CPA). The CPA literature has been robust in addressing the determinants of a firm's choice to engage in political activities but has been less robust in modeling the CPA-performance link. I address this by first integrating capabilities theory and political action and then by testing a number of constructs on a sample of Fortune 500 firms from varying industries. Specifically, I find that political action committee (PAC) intensity and lobbying intensity is associated with higher firm performance. I then interact PAC intensity with lobbying intensity and also find positive association between this interaction and performance, denoting that these two activities are complements and not substitutes. Finally, I moderate these relationships with industry concentration and find that performance increases for politically active firms as industries become more concentrated. The third paper is titled "Political Capabilities and Rigidities: The Case of AT&T's Acquisition Attempt of T-Mobile USA." This paper studies, in an in-depth case study, the political capabilities of American Telephone and Telegraph (AT&T), focusing on the years 1984-2011. Using capabilities and rigidities theory from management, I provide detailed evidence of (i) AT&T's intent to compete on political capabilities, (ii) the success derived from these political capabilities and (iii) situational failure resulting from an over-reliance on these political capabilities. In the empirical section, I show how the firm failed to assess external information that it needed to adjust its competitive strategy and, as a result, failed to acquire a key competitor. This paper makes contributions to capabilities research, rigidities research and corporate political activity.
Temple University--Theses
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Viroleau, Franck. "Lobbying et politique commerciale : l'influence des groupes d'intérêt sur les modalités de l'ouverture commerciale." Thesis, Paris 10, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA100140.
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L'apparente résurgence du protectionnisme, suite à la crise de 2008, est paradoxale quand la théorie dominante plaide en faveur du libre échange. Il existe pourtant un tissu théorique large expliquant le protectionnisme. En son sein, une accumulation d’arguments mène à privilégier le cadre théorique de l’économie politique. L’objet de cette thèse est l’étude de l’influence des groupes d’intérêt sur les décisions de politique économique afférentes à l’ouverture commerciale.Pour mener cette analyse, (i) les modèles existants dans la littérature pour rendre compte de cette influence sont exposés et (ii) un modèle théorique complémentaire est proposé. Les bases théoriques de ce modèle sont ensuite mêlées aux apports de la littérature d'économie politique afin de mettre en œuvre (iii) un modèle d'équilibre général calculable (MEGC) appliqué à une économie fictive et (iv) un second appliqué à la Tunisie, dans l'objectif d'étudier l'influence du lobbying sur la manière dont s'ouvrent ces économies.Les principaux enseignements de cette thèse sont les suivants : (i) Il n’existerait pas de modèle intégrant les activités d'économie politique de manière satisfaisante au sein d’un MEGC. Un tel modèle montre que (ii) l’élasticité du coût politique aux subventions joue un rôle déterminant dans la limitation des distorsions créées par le lobbying. Il est révélé au moyen de MEGC que, dans un contexte de baisse des tarifs douaniers, (iii) le lobbying nuit à la progression de l'ouverture commerciale et qu'en Tunisie, (iv) une subvention sur les consommations intermédiaires obtenue par lobbying ne présente pas d'effets stables et significatifs sur l'évolution de l'ouverture commercialeThe seeming resurgence of protectionism, following the 2008 economic crisis, is paradoxical when the dominant economic theory argues for free trade. There is, however, a broad body of research that explains protectionism. Amongst this research, multiple arguments lead to privilege the theoretical framework of political economy.The purpose of this thesis is to study the influence of interest groups on economic policy decisions that deal with trade opening.To carry out this analysis, this thesis (i) outlines existing models to account for this influence and (ii) proposes a complementary model for this purpose. The theoretical bases of this model are then combined with contributions from the political economy literature in order to (iii) implement a computable general equilibrium model (CGEM) applied to a hypothetical economy and (iv) a second model applied to Tunisia, with the objective of studying the influence of lobbying on how these economies are opening up.The main lessons of this thesis are as follows: (i) No model would integrate these activities in a satisfactory manner into a CGEM. Such a model shows that (ii) the elasticity of political cost to subsidies plays a decisive role in limiting the distortions created by lobbying activities. It is revealed, by means of CGEM applied to a hypothetical economy, in a context of decreases in tariffs, that (iii) lobbying is detrimental to the growth of trade opening and that, in Tunisia, (iv) a subsidy on intermediate consumption attained by lobbying does not display stable and significant effects on the evolution of trade opening
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Saberianranjbar, Fatemeh. "Essays on Applied Economics." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/37540.
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Chapter 1. In the 1970s, competition policy in the United States banking sector changed from exempting competition to liberalization and deregulation. Competition not only plays an important role in allocational efficiency but it is also essential for long-term economic growth. This chapter develops a model of banking contributions to evaluate to what extent banks affect the level of competition in the banking sector, and tests the model's predictions using a novel detailed dataset which includes all contributions made by banks from 1993 to 2010 in the United States. Controlling for banks' characteristics, the results are consistent with the model's predictions and show show that a higher level of contributions increases the Lerner index (as a measure of competition) or in the other words, decreases the level of competition.
Chapter 2. This chapter provides the first empirical evidence that market structure affects the electoral power of firms as special interest groups. Firms not only affect the election outcomes by making contributions to their preferred candidates, they also enforce social norms among their members by encouraging them to vote for the candidate with the most closely-aligned interests. This chapter uses a linear probability model to analyze 574 open-seat races for the House of Representatives in the United States between 1990 and 2014. The results show that, even when controlling for the total value of contributions made to a candidate, political donations made by firms with high market power have a positive effect on the candidates' probability of winning. The findings are consistent with the idea from collective action theory that concentrated industries are more likely to behave as an organized interest group to advance their interests.
Chapter 3. Ethnic heterogeneity is an important factor in the formation of human sexual network and the prevalence of STDs. Racial and ethnic ties create closed social networks with rigid in-group boundaries and hampers the intra-group dissemination of information. Slow information flow among groups facilitates the spread of STDs by encouraging individuals to ethnically diversify their sexual partners in order to lower the chance of getting caught cheating. Analyzing a cross-province sample of 39,830 sexually active adults driven from the 2013-2014 Canadian Community Health Survey, we find that individuals who live in a highly ethnically diversified neighbourhood are more susceptible to STDs compared to ones who live in a ethnically homogenous neighbourhood. Evidence from several robustness checks suggests that the relationship is causal.
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Tire, Thabo Dennis. "Lobbying disability in South Africa, 1994-2001 : a description of the activities of the disabled people South Africa (DPSA) in the policy-making process." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53487.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research assignment is a detailed descriptive investigation of the lobbying role played by the Disabled People South Africa (DPSA) in the post-apartheid era in South Africa. The period under investigation is 1994-2001. The focus is on the DPSA as a lobbyist attempting to influence policy in favour of the disabled people in South Africa. In doing this, the study gives an overview of the three important concepts in this study, namely policy-making, disability and lobbying. The three concepts are analysed and looked at particularly from a South Africa perspective. The study utilises different methods of data collection. Disabled people have a history of being exposed to discrimination. After 1994 South Africa had a Constitution that outlawed such a practice against disabled people. South Africa in its democracy has new policies that are different from the ones that were governing the country during the apartheid era. The DPSA, as an umbrella body representing the disabled, now has to play a more effective role regarding the advocating for its members. Hence this study is conducted during the 1994-2001 period. The study mainly focuses on what and how the DPSA has tried to influence lobbying policy-making in favour of the disabled. The conclusion of the study is that the DPSA has achieved success directly and indirectly. The DPSA has managed to playa significant role in the improvement of the lives of disabled people in South Africa. However, it is recommended that the DPSA should make more efforts in addition to what has been done up to this far.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingsopdrag is 'n gedetailleerde beskrywende studie van die rol wat die werwing van steun deur die Gestremde Mense van Suid Afrika (DPSA) in die postapartheid era 1994-2001 in Suid-Afrika speel. Die fokus is op die DPSA as 'n steunwerwer om die beleid te beïnvloed ten gunste van gestremde mense in Suid-Afrika. Deur dit te doen gee hierdie studie 'n oorsig van drie belangrike konsepte, naamlik beleidvorming, gestremdheid en steunwerwing. Hierdie drie konsepte is spesifiek vanuit 'n Suid-Afrikaanse perspektief ontleed. Die studie gebruik verskillende metodes om data te versamel. Gestremde mense het 'n geskiedenis van blootstelling aan diskriminasie. Na 1994 het Suid-Afrika 'n grondwet wat diskriminasie teen gestremde mense onwettig verklaar het. 'n Demokratiese Suid-Afrika het nuwe beleide wat verskillend is van dié wat die land tydens die apartheid era gehad het. Die DPSA, as 'n sambreelorganisasie, verteenwoordigend van gestremdes, moes nou 'n meer effektiewe rol speel in die verdediging van sy lede. Die studie fokus hoofsaaklik op die voordele wat die DPSA gekry het ten gunste van die gestremdes. Die gevolgtrekking van die studie is dat die DPSA direkte en indirekte suksesse behaal het. Die DPSA het dit reggekry om 'n belangrike rol te speel in die verbetering van die lewe van gestremdes in Suid-Afrika. Daar is nietemin voorgestel dat die DPSA meer pogings moet aanwend, addisioneel tot dit wat reeds gedoen is.
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Tullock, Kalika A. "China's Soft Power Offensive in the United States: Cultural Diplomacy, Media Campaigning, and Congressional Lobbying." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/644.
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As China’s economic and military power develops and expands, it has been focusing recent efforts on upgrading its soft power in order to quell concerns and apprehensions about its rise. As the two most powerful nations in the world, China and the United States have both attached great importance to Sino-U.S. relations, recognizing that the structure of the future global community will be largely dependent upon these two countries effectively collaborating in shaping the global structure and improving global issues. Facing an American public that views China as a threat and competitor, as well as Western media that consistently paints China in a negative light, the Chinese Communist Party has realized the need to reach out to the American populace and facilitate people-to-people ties, increasing its soft power in the country and thus facilitating a stronger bilateral relationship. This thesis reviews three areas of China’s soft power push in the United States: cultural diplomacy, which includes creating more educational opportunities, building Confucius Institutes, organizing cultural events, and increasing diplomatic outreach; media campaigning and propaganda through news, television, radio, and the internet; and congressional lobbying.
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Johnson, Sofie. "En fallstudie om Endometriosföreningen och dess möjlighetatt påverka landstingspolitiker i Stockholms län." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-153950.
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Endometrios är en kronisk sjukdom som drabbar personer med livmoder. Endometriosvården ansesav många vara bristfällig. Patienter blir runtslussade och har svårt att få en tidig diagnos.Endometriosföreningen är en ideell förening som förutom att stötta drabbade patienter verkar för attpåverka beslutsfattare.Syftet med denna studie är att kartlägga Endometriosföreningens försök att påverkalandstingspolitiker i Stockholm. Studien, som är en fallstudie, ämnar att åskådliggöra hurEndometriosföreningen tar kontakt med landstingspolitiker och hur kontakten ter sig. Dettaanalyseras utifrån tre tematiker — Endometriosföreningens professionaliseringsgrad, hur kontaktenmellan Endometriosföreningen och landstingspolitiker ter sig samt vilka potentiella utmaningar somfinns för Endometriosföreningen. Resultatet utgår primärt ifrån tre telefonintervjuer och tvåmailintervjuer. En aktör från Endometriosföreningen och fyra politiker inkluderas. Materialet haranalyserats utifrån ”the constant comparative method”.I resultatet kan ses att Endometriosföreningen har vissa problem gällande första tematiken,professionaliseringsgrad. Kontakt mellan parterna finns men är högst sporadisk och kräver specifikafrågeställningar. Enskilda politikers intressen styr hur delaktig föreningen blir i den politiskakontexten. Vidare har flertalet utmaningar för föreningen utrönats, såsom fåtaliga medlemmar,bristfällig forskning om endometrios och att den politiska miljön styr föreningens arbete.
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Edwards, Jesse. "Our Government is Perpetuating the Tobacco Crisis: An Analysis of the Relationship Between the Tobacco Industry and the Government." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1287.
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The following paper explores the relationship between the tobacco industry and the United States government. Through an extensive literature review, I conclude that the government is perpetuating the tobacco crisis in the United States by aligning their policymaking actions with the interests of the industry in exchange for receiving campaign support. I find that the primary method of support the industry provides is through monetary contributions, essentially bribing legislators to assist them on tobacco control regulations. I argue that this mode of persuasion is most effective because the tobacco industry is appealing to the egos of the legislators by bolstering their finances which in turn greatly enables them to sustain their power in office. For future research, I recommend analyzing this relationship regarding the rising trend of e-cigarettes and vaping, especially among adolescents.
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Sterud, Sommer Marie. "Tracing Framing Processes in the Abortion Debate: An Ethnographic Investigation of a Pro-Life Lobbying Organization." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1625059489273216.
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Mackley, Andrew. "The interest of 'North Britain' : Scottish lobbying, the Westminster Parliament, and the British Union-state, c.1760-c.1830." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c7324b32-96c2-4c02-8de7-c225d49d3065.
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This thesis is a study of the role of Scots and Scottish society in the politics of the Westminster Parliament and the British Union-state during the later Georgian period. Specifically, it analyses the lobbying activity of certain Scottish interests at Parliament and the central agencies of the British state in London during the period c.1760-c.1830. In doing so, this thesis is concerned with the developing efficacy of Scottish lobbies, as well as the extent to which they represented identifiably Scottish interests at Westminster and within the British Union-state over the course of this period. It aims to expand our understanding of how important elements within Scottish society gradually came to play an active role in the British political centre and argues that Scottish lobbying changed over this period from a position of nurturing and defending a separately constructed Scottish 'national' interest to becoming part of an integrated set of interests operating within a broader and more comprehensive British framework. This change was brought about by the need to represent Scottish interests more effectively within the British Union-state, particularly as the politics of Westminster became more important to certain parts of Scottish society from the 1780s onwards during the early industrial revolution. This process was, at times, uneven, and there was often tension between ongoing convergence and persistent distinction. Nevertheless, Scottish interests became more closely integrated within the British political system over the course of this period through their lobbying activities at the Westminster Parliament and of ministers in Whitehall. They increasingly operated more effectively as part of the British political and legislative process, and did so in ways which no longer presented them as separate or different in what was becoming a more authentically 'British' political culture.
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Papandropoulos, Sylvie-Pénélope. "Issues in european competition policy: lobbying, reputation and R&D co-operation." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211988.
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Tsemo, Victor. "An investigation of CSR as a source of corporate political power." Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2436/621870.
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In political philosophy, power and responsibility are known to be two sides of the same coin. Yet surprisingly, corporate political power has not been strongly featured in the long-standing debate surrounding Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR), despite the parallel debate on the influence of business in policy-making. The political dimension of CSR and its intrinsic relationship with Corporate Political Power (CPP) has been under-researched. This thesis adds to the CSR debate by investigating the processes and mechanisms by which CSR activities contribute to the power of the firm in the political arena, in the context of the British construction industry. Drawing on the literature on power, political activity and extended corporate citizenship, a conceptual model of the relationship between CSR and CPP was developed. The model was underpinned by insights from the Institutional Theory, the Resource Dependence Theory, and the Resource-Based View of the firm. Using a hybrid constructivist-realism epistemology and a processbased analysis, three exploratory case studies were carried out in construction companies operating in the UK. Data were collected through archival research and semi-structured interviews, and analysed by means of within and cross-case analyses. The results revealed that the political environment of the firm was analogous to a marketplace where companies traded political goods with policy-makers. CSR activities produced four political goods, namely public image, technical expertise, social capital and indebtedness, which were identified as the mechanisms by which CSR contributed to CPP. The impacts of CSR activities on CPP were three-fold: CSR strengthened the privileged structural position of companies; helped them gain easier access to policy-makers; and this privileged access gave companies more opportunities to influence regulatory outcomes. The key theoretical contribution of the thesis is a processual model that illustrates how CSR contributes to CPP. There are also implications for practice. CSR activities are velvet curtains that hide the operationalisation of political power. The social and political implications call for the attention of government officials who favour a neoliberal doctrine for the promotion of CSR to business.
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Rittau, Yasmin. "Regional Labour Councils and Local Government Employment Generation: The South Coast Labour Council 1981-1996." University of Sydney. Business, Discipline of Work and Organisational Studies, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/574.
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The thesis examines the role of regional labour councils in local employment generation. It specifically analyses the case of an Australian regional labour council, the South Coast Labour Council (SCLC), between 1981 and 1996. The Illawarra region was the centre of SCLC activity. It was an industrialised region that experienced high levels of unemployment in the period. These were greater than the State and national averages, which reflected a geographical concentration of unemployment in certain regions in Australia. The SCLC attempted to address this issue, as it was part of the union structure that was specifically focused on the regional level and on regional concerns. The study argues that the SCLC developed a local employment generation strategy and it examines how and why this was adopted and pursued. It finds that the SCLC was well placed at the regional level and was well resourced with a capacity to influence the external environment through its utilisation of both political and industrial methods in a period of agreeable internal relations. The research identifies the development of its local employment generation strategy. Sometimes the SCLC pursued its strategy in a manner of ad hoc decision-making and muddling through, while at other times it involved characteristic and distinctive regular patterns. The thesis concludes by evaluating the SCLC�s strategy of local employment generation and by exploring the applicability of the general trade union literature on methods and strategy to regional labour councils.
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Rittau, Yasmin. "Regional Labour Councils and Local Government Employment Generation: The South Coast Labour Council 1981-1996." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/574.
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The thesis examines the role of regional labour councils in local employment generation. It specifically analyses the case of an Australian regional labour council, the South Coast Labour Council (SCLC), between 1981 and 1996. The Illawarra region was the centre of SCLC activity. It was an industrialised region that experienced high levels of unemployment in the period. These were greater than the State and national averages, which reflected a geographical concentration of unemployment in certain regions in Australia. The SCLC attempted to address this issue, as it was part of the union structure that was specifically focused on the regional level and on regional concerns. The study argues that the SCLC developed a local employment generation strategy and it examines how and why this was adopted and pursued. It finds that the SCLC was well placed at the regional level and was well resourced with a capacity to influence the external environment through its utilisation of both political and industrial methods in a period of agreeable internal relations. The research identifies the development of its local employment generation strategy. Sometimes the SCLC pursued its strategy in a manner of ad hoc decision-making and muddling through, while at other times it involved characteristic and distinctive regular patterns. The thesis concludes by evaluating the SCLC�s strategy of local employment generation and by exploring the applicability of the general trade union literature on methods and strategy to regional labour councils.
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Horst, Deena L. "Understanding the influence of lobbying on decisions made by the Kansas House Education Committee, 1995 - 2006." Diss., Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/1355.
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Duso, Tomaso. "The political economy of the regulatory process." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Wirtschaftswissenschaftliche Fakultät, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/14789.
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Die Regulierung eines Marktes ist das Ergebnis eines komplexen Prozesses, der sowohl von politischen als auch wirtschaftlichen Kräften beeinflusst wird. In drei sich ergänzenden Essays wird die Frage ökonometrisch untersucht, wie die Wirkungen und die Leistungsfähigkeit von Regulierungen neu zu bewerten sind, wenn die betroffenen Unternehmen ihrerseits die Regulierung beeinflussen können. Der erste Teil behandelt die Liberalisierung des Markteintritts im Mobilfunkmarkt in OECD Ländern in den neunziger Jahren. Insbesondere wird analysiert, wie politische und bürokratische Institutionen und die politische Umgebung im Deregulierungsprozess gewirkt haben. Hier werden relevante, "stilisierte Fakten" herausgearbeitet: Länder mit Mehrheitswahlsystemen, rechenschaftspflichtigen Regulierungsbehörden und rechtsorientierten Regierungen haben den Liberalisierungsprozess stärker vorangetrieben, während Länder mit einer Consensus-Demokratie, einem Präsidialregime, einer Koalitionsregierung und einem starken ex-monopolistischen Anbieter eher weniger oder langsamer dereguliert haben. Der zweite Teil der Arbeit konzentriert sich auf das strategische Verhalten der Unternehmen und auf die Frage, inwieweit dieses Verhalten von der politischen und bürokratischen Umgebung beeinflusst wird, in der die Unternehmen operieren. Diese Problematik wird anhand des US-amerikanischen Mobilfunkmarkts am Ende der achtziger Jahre empirisch untersucht, wobei die Beziehung zwischen der Entscheidung über das Regulierungssystem und die Preisentscheidungen der Unternehmen im Mittelpunkt der Betrachtung steht. Es wird gezeigt, dass es den Unternehmen durch Ihre Lobbyingaktivitäten gelang, die Wahl des Regulierungssystems zu beeinflussen. Überprüft man die so getroffene Selektion, dann zeigt es sich, dass die Regulierung zwar im allgemeinen in die gewünschte Richtung gearbeitet hat, aber nicht sehr signifikant wirkte. Das Lobbying mancher Unternehmen war hierbei so erfolgreich, dass gerade solche Märkte nicht reguliert wurden, in denen es am effektivsten gewesen wäre. Im dritten Essay zusammen mit Astrid Jung wird die Beziehung zwischen dem Marktverhalten von Unternehmen und ihren Spenden an politische Parteien untersucht. Die empirische Analyse findet eine signifikante, starke und negative Verbindung zwischen Lobbyingausgaben und der Fähigkeit der Unternehmen Marktabsprachen abzuschließen. Das Ergebnis ist ein Hinweis darauf, dass geheime Absprachen auf dem Produktmarkt eine stärkere Gleichschaltung der politischen Ziele unter den Unternehmen fördert und damit weniger Lobbying nötig ist, um die so koordinierte Ziele zu erreichen.Regulation, like many other policy decisions, results out of a complex process that is shaped by political as well as economic forces. Therefore, regulatory decisions must be endogenized when studying their impact on the market outcome. This thesis offers various econometric approaches to study this issue. In the first contribution, I analyze how a country's political and bureaucratic institutions, as well as its political environment, affect the entry liberalization of the mobile telecommunications industry in OECD states during the 1990s. I found that majoritarian countries, countries with more accountable regulators, and countries with right-wing governments liberalized more intensely, whereas countries with consensus-type of democracies, a presidential regime, coalition rather than one-party governments, and a strong incumbent firm liberalized less. Next, I focus on the firms' strategic behavior and analyze how this is influenced by the political and regulatory environment. I use data from the U.S. mobile telecommunications industry in the late 1980's, which can be seen as a natural experiment because of its particular market and regulatory structure. The second essay studies the relation between the choice of a regulatory design and firms' pricing behavior. I show that, through their lobbying activities, firms endogenously influence the price-regulatory regime under which they operate. Accounting for this endogenous selection, price regulation is observed to decrease cellular tariffs. However, regulation is not particularly effective in reducing prices because firms prevent it from occurring where it would be mostly successful. In the final contribution together with Astrid Jung, we investigate the link between firms' political decision, i.e. their lobbying expenditures, and their product market conduct. The relationship between collusion and the industry's lobbying expenditures is strongly significant and negative: Higher lobbying expenditures foster a more competitive industry and collusive conduct reduces firms' contributions to the political system. The interpretation is that, if firms' political goals are not perfectly aligned, collusion in the product market reduces industry's total campaign contributions by enhancing firms' coordination in lobbying.
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Paltseva, Elena. "Essays on commitment and inefficiency in political economy." Doctoral thesis, Handelshögskolan i Stockholm, Samhällsekonomi (S), 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hhs:diva-488.
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This dissertation is devoted to the analysis of various aspects of inefficiency in the political economy. It consists of four self-containing theoretical essays. The first two chapters deal with the interplay between inefficiency and commitment. Chapter 1 studies the problem of commitment in autocratic regimes and its implications for growth. Chapter 2 argues that the absence of commitment undermines the validity of the Coase theorem. The next two chapters address alternative sources of inefficiency, abstracting from commitment-related problems. Chapter 3 discusses inefficiencies arising in organizations whose members possess veto power and suggests a way of mitigating the problem. Finally, Chapter 4 analyzes the impact of demand linkages on the efficiency of lobbying for trade policy. Chapter 1. “Autocracy, Devolution and Growth” Some autocracies have sustained high economic growth for many decades; others have stagnated at low levels of production. Paradoxically, the stagnating autocracies appear to possess more natural resources and be more resistant to political change than the growing autocracies. The paper argues that the scope for capital accumulation and growth in an autocracy is largely determined by the autocrat's incentive to cling to power. The main result of the paper is that there will be private capital accumulation only if the autocrat’s benefits from political control are not too high. The reason is that, as capital accumulates and growth slows down, the autocrat faces an increasing temptation to expropriate the capitalists. Since expropriation eliminates growth, the autocrat may voluntarily refrain from expropriating if future growth is sufficiently large; otherwise, the temptation to expropriate can only be resisted through a credible commitment, that is, by devolving some political power. For autocrats with large benefits of control, for example valuable natural resource rents, devolution of power may always be unattractive. As a result, capitalists realize that they will eventually be expropriated, and capital accumulation therefore never starts. On the other hand, autocrats with small resource rents will eventually devolve power, since this commitment is necessary to sustain growth. Therefore, capitalists are willing to start accumulating despite the autocratic regime. In other words, autocracies are vulnerable to the resource curse. Chapter 2. “The Coase Theorem Is False” (with Tore Ellingsen) The paper provides simple and robust counterexamples to the Coase Theorem. More precisely, we show that equilibrium investments in club goods can be suboptimally small despite the presence of well-defined and perfectly protected property rights and the absence of transaction costs and informational asymmetries. The reason is that, in equilibrium, a club of owners will typically not exercise their right to exclude outsiders, preferring instead to exercise their right to sell access. As long as the club of owners does not have all the bargaining power in such ex post access negotiations, strategic non-membership provides a valuable free-riding opportunity. Chapter 3. “Club-in-the-Club: Reform under Unanimity” (with Erik Berglöf, Mike Burkart and Guido Friebel) In many organizations, decisions are taken by unanimity. We analyze a model of an organization in which members with heterogeneous productivity privately contribute to a common good. Under unanimity, the least efficient member imposes her preferred effort choice on the entire organization. In the presence of externalities and an incomplete charter, the threat of forming an “inner organization” can undermine the veto power of the less efficient members and coerce them to exert more effort. We identify the conditions under which the threat of forming an inner organization is never executed, and under which inner organizations are equilibrium outcomes, and provide a rationale for the diversity of decision rules. Chapter 4. “Protection for Sale to Oligopolists” This paper modifies Grossman and Helpman’s "Protection for Sale" model by allowing demand linkages and oligopolistic competition. It shows that increased substitutability between products weakens interest groups’ incentives to lobby. For the case of two industries it obtains a particularly simple result: the protection of the organized industry’s product falls, whereas the protection of the unorganized industry’s product increases with product substitutability. The model suggests that empirical studies of the "Protection for Sale" may overstate the lobby groups’ desire for protection.Diss. Stockholm : Handelshögskolan, 2006
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Kilpatrick, Anne. "The Jewish Immigrant Aid Services : an ethnic lobby in the Canadian political system." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22598.
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The purpose of this study is to examine the Jewish Immigrant Aid Services (JIAS) as an example of an ethnic lobby in the Canadian political system. The research explores how in-group and external political factors influence the techniques and effectiveness of JIAS within the immigration policy arena. Specifically, this paper examines how JIAS' lobbying efforts are influenced as a result of issues emerging from within the organization (e.g. structure, hierarchy, leadership, etc), and those arising from within the organization's constituency: Canadian Jews as a whole, and other organizations within the Jewish polity. Further, the broader context of public opinion and the Canadian immigration system are explored to determine how each affects JIAS' advocacy efforts. The political system is examined from the perspective of the structure and agendas operating at three levels of government involved in the development and implementation of immigration policy (the Department of Immigration, Legislative and Senate committees on immigration and employment, and the Cabinet).
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Milne, John H. G. "The Political Processes and Role Of Gatekeepers in Setting Accounting Standards for Agriculture." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8793.
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Many accounting regulations are introduced in response to crises of some kind, arising from a corporate collapse or claims that published financial reports have been misleading. In contrast, the IASC’s IAS 41 Agriculture standard was developed from the mid-1990s and issued in 2000, two years after the Australian AASB 1037 Self-Generating and Regenerating Assets (SGARA) standard, followed in 2004 by New Zealand’s NZ IAS 41 Agriculture. There had been no prior crisis or public expression of concern about shortcomings in existing practice. This study considers the background to the emergence of accounting for agriculture onto the agenda of standard-setting bodies, and the role played by different insiders. Here, they are collectively termed ‘gatekeepers’, the key staff, expert technical advisers and decision-makers who were members of standard-setting boards. Examination of the development of these new standards extends beyond consideration of technical accounting issues. Several case studies identify the regulatory and political processes each standard-setting agency adopted to consider and then progress the topic through all rule-making stages and resulting lobbying activities by significant users. These political processes are examined using the Cobb and Elder (1972, 1983) agenda-building framework and the Cobb, Ross and Ross (1976) analysis of institutional dynamics. The history of accounting for agriculture, in Australia and New Zealand, is traversed to explain the historical background to the new omnibus agricultural standards promulgated in Australasia. Significant events described include the AASB staff recommendation to the IASB in 2003 to split IAS 41 in two before its designated 2005 commencement date – a recommendation which, so far, has been ignored. New research material includes unpublished documents relating to the initial AASB Project Brief and IASC Point Outline background proposals for each standard, the IASC’s Field Test Report prior to adopting its IAS 41 standard and the AASB 1037 standard post implementation review – possibly the first ever to be undertaken. The study found that the activities of key insiders were consistent with what Cobb et al. (1976) described as the inside access model, both in placement of the topic on the agenda and then subsequent incorporation of proposals for fair value accounting for agriculture. A feature of the events described in this study was the interaction between the different standard-setting bodies – a possibility little-described in the accounting literature, and arguably a significant element in the manner in which standards were considered and developed by the IASC, and latterly the IASB. Overall, a combination of intra- and inter-agency lobbying resulted in compromise reflected in the final text of IAS 41. This modified the full fair value accounting proposal. The study found that gatekeepers paid little regard to submissions from experienced industry representatives, accountants, academics and other commentators world-wide. Practical evidence from parties concerning the utility of the proposed new rules was requested too late to influence the content of the final IAS 41 standard. Not surprisingly, the standard is still controversial.
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Stephan, Andreas. "Essays on the contribution of public infrastructure to private production and its political economy." Doctoral thesis, [S.l. : s.n.], 2001. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=963574957.
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