Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political leadership – Africa, Sub-Saharan

Academic literature on the topic 'Political leadership – Africa, Sub-Saharan'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Political leadership – Africa, Sub-Saharan"

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NGWAKWE COLLINS, C. "Gender equality and extreme poverty alleviation in sub-Saharan Africa." Demography and social economy, no. 4 (December 4, 2020): 56–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/dse2020.04.056.

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This article assesses the link between the four pillars of gender equality and extreme poverty in sub-Saharan Africa. Accordingly, the objective of the paper is to empirically examine whether the four pillars of gender equality, namely women’s health, women education, political participation of women and economic participation facilitate extreme poverty alleviation in sub-Saharan Africa. Data were collected from the World Bank development indicators and World Economic Forum Global Gender Gap Index for 25 sub-Saharan African countries whose data appear on both indexes for three years into the SDGs era. Th e paper applied a quantitative approach with secondary data on poverty gap index drawn from the World Economic Forum Poverty Gap Index for sub-Saharan Africa. Data for twenty-fi ve sub-Saharan African countries were analysed using the fi xed-eff ect panel data regression approach using the Hauseman model selection test. Findings from the analysis indicate that, ceteris paribus, an increase in the threegender equity variables namely economic participation of women, education of women and political participation and leadership of women in sub-Saharan Africa has a signifi cant potential to reduce extreme poverty in sub-Saharan Africa within the sample of study. Since the fi ndings of this study have shown that extreme poverty can be reduced through increased women participation in economic activity, education and leadership, the SDG of poverty alleviation can be improved in sub-Saharan Africa through better government provision of economic, educational and leadership opportunities for women such as providing women with free-interest small business start-up funds, free education for women and supporting women to ascend and survive in political and leadership positions in sub-Saharan Africa through a balanced quota for female leadership positions. Given that the women’s health variable did not prove to be signifi cant on extreme poverty, further research is recommended to separate the health variable into rural health and urban health variables in order to examine the possibility that either of the health clusters might contribute signifi cantly to reducing extreme poverty. Th is paper contributes to existing literature by providing an empirical evidence to show that gender equality in sub-Saharan Africa is a viable policy strategy for achieving the SDGs 2030 Agenda of extreme poverty eradication in sub-Saharan Africa; the paper also provides empirical model for future study.
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Adamolekun, Ladipo. "Political Leadership in Sub-Saharan Africa: From Giants to Dwarfs." International Political Science Review 9, no. 2 (April 1988): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019251218800900202.

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Bräutigam, Deborah, Lise Rakner, and Scott Taylor. "Business associations and growth coalitions in Sub-Saharan Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 40, no. 4 (November 28, 2002): 519–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x02004056.

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Why are ‘growth coalitions’ involving business interest groups and governments so rare in Africa? How has democratisation affected the possibilities for growth coalitions? In three cases with varying degrees of democracy – Mauritius, Zambia, and Zimbabwe – we find that hypotheses about growth coalitions that place importance on the organisation of the business sector are generally borne out. Yet even when the business community is organised in an ‘ideal’ manner, growth coalitions still depend on factors within the state: leadership, ideas, and capacity. Democratisation has a mixed effect. We find that in the case of Zambia, business–state relations did not improve despite a pro-democracy stance by business and the pro-business agenda of the democratic government coming to power in 1991. In Zimbabwe, the erosion of democracy reduced business access to state elites, breaking up a growth coalition that initially showed considerable promise. In Mauritius, the strengthening of democracy has paralleled the deepening of the growth coalition, and both have been reinforced by a strong economy. Our study shows that growth coalitions are possible in Africa; the key lies in determining the conditions under which such coalitions can be sustained in Africa's fragile polities.
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Haruna, Peter Fuseini. "Revising the Leadership Paradigm in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Study of Community-Based Leadership." Public Administration Review 69, no. 5 (September 2009): 941–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6210.2009.02043.x.

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Karan, Abraar, Emily Hartford, and Thomas J. Coates. "The potential for political leadership in HIV/AIDS communication campaigns in Sub-Saharan Africa." Global Health Action 10, no. 1 (January 2017): 1270525. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/16549716.2017.1270525.

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Wiseman, John A. "Leadership and Personal Danger in African Politics." Journal of Modern African Studies 31, no. 4 (December 1993): 657–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00012295.

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To be a political leader in many parts of the world is to follow an extremely hazardous and insecure occupation. In addition, in sub-Saharan Africa, but elsewhere as well, the element of personal danger exists in a particularly acute form. Althought the extent to which this is true varies considerably not only from place to place but also over time, the evidence of the past 30 years clearly suggests that there are remarkably few states in which an individual could contemplate embarking on a career in politics free from the dauger of incurring severe personal penalties at some stage.
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Robert Kłosowicz. "The Problem of Bad Governance as a Determinant of State Dysfunctionality in Sub-Saharan Africa." Politeja 15, no. 56 (June 18, 2019): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.56.02.

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Bad governance can very quickly ruin the economic situation of the whole country. However, in the conditions of the Western world, even though they can cause a lot of damage, more or less developed administrative apparatus is able to minimize the effects of bad decisions, and the society has a chance to rebuff the rulers in the next elections. In so-called dysfunctional states bad governance can damage an already weak country’s economy. Most researchers dealing with the issue of the state in Sub-Saharan Africa believe that, once the decolonisation was over, the power in the region was mostly taken by people whose leadership must be evaluated negatively, represented by such dictators as Jean-Bédel Bokassa, Mobutu Sese Seko or Idi Amin. The paper is trying to explain the interconnection between bad governance experienced by Sub-Saharan African countries and state dysfunctionality phenomenon from which they suffer. The author formulated the analysis and assessment of bad governance presented in this article on the basis of his own field studies carried out in African countries and research of specialist literature related to African and political studies.
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Sunjo, Tata Emmanuel. "George Floyd, bad governance, and the silent violations of African human rights." Thinker 86, no. 1 (February 26, 2021): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/thethinker.v86i1.453.

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In 2020, George Floyd – a Black man in the United States – was brutally killed by a white police officer. The world was unequivocal in denouncing such an outrageous act, but Black people living in Sub-Saharan Africa continue to face multiple right violations. This can be attributed to fundamental governance crevices associated with poor leadership that characterise many of these African states. This article outlines a number of examples of the incessant suppression of the socio-economic, civil, political, and overall human rights of Africans in the face of dictatorship, anarchy, and bad governance. The clamour for good governance on the continent is critical for upholding the dignity of Black African lives.
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Atuahene, Daniel. "The status of the Church in Africa." Review & Expositor 115, no. 2 (May 2018): 182–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034637318759029.

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The Church in Africa is currently experiencing a surge in numerical growth, consequently making Christianity the leading religion in the continent. Just before the twentieth century, Africa was known to be a heartland of voodooist, witchcraft, and traditional religions. The continent is now emerging as the “center of gravity of Christianity.” Research predicts Africa to have the largest majority of Christian population by 2060, with four in ten Christians living in the region. Despite tremendous growth, however, the Church in Africa still lacks the influence and impact one would expect it to have. Poverty and hunger are still rampant, especially in the Sub-Saharan area, where children are malnourished and deprived. Although the cornerstone of Christianity is love, one would expect that the growth of the Church would affect the socio-economic state of Africa. Sadly, the current statistics show otherwise. Notable, too, is the contribution of missionaries to the global missionary effort, which is only 6%. Amid numerical growth, the African Church still faces major challenges, including but not limited to persecutions in certain regions by some governments and extremist groups, the lack of “African identity,” and low enthusiasm to participate in political leadership and community development.
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Salokoski, Märta. "Comments on Timo Kallinen’s “I now go to church, I am not under the chief.”." Suomen Antropologi: Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society 33, no. 3 (January 1, 2008): 18–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.30676/jfas.v33i3.116381.

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Traditional leaders and their role in current politics are hot topics in the analysis of contemporary African society. A recent book on the relations between state, traditional leaders and democracy in Africa (Buur and Kyed [eds] 2007) prophecies “a new dawn for traditional authorities”, and shows that the category of traditional leadership—reinvented at times, at others subjugated, often featuring new functions—is a novel and vigorous player in the political game both locally, nationally and on the global developmental scene. The persistence of the term ‘traditional leaders’—also applied to newly invented power-holders—conveys that the label carries particular weight in the rallying of popular local support. Very little attention has been given to where the appeal of traditional leaders has its root. Timo Kallinen’s paper, however, does just that. It highlights the basis of power of traditional leaders, using the example of Asante society in Ghana. He points out that political power in Asante was once intricately intertwined with religious power, and this is true for a majority of polities in Sub-Saharan Africa. There is, however, a persevering tradition of neglecting this reality which can be traced from early British anthropology down to political analysis of Africa in the present time.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political leadership – Africa, Sub-Saharan"

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JÜDE, Johannes. "Pathways to successful state formation." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/64328.

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Defence date: 26 September 2019
Examining Board: Professor Stefano Bartolini, European University Institute (EUI Supervisor); Professor Raffaella A. Del Sarto, Johns Hopkins University; Professor Nic Cheeseman, University of Birmingham; Professor Bernhard Zangl, Ludwig-Maximilians-University (LMU)
This dissertation analyzes and compares successful and unsuccessful trajectories of state formation in six states in Sub-Saharan Africa. My research has been primarily motivated by two observations: (i) the formation of states has generally been equated with Western statehood, and it has rarely been studied in a systematically theoretical way beyond this context; (ii) particularly in International Relations (IR), the discourse on states in the Global South has often been framed in terms of failure, thus making externally-led state-building an imperative. It is striking that this debate disregards the historical records of state formation (Chapter 1). For this reason, I have decided to shift the perspective by bringing a classical state formation perspective back in to analyze state-making in the Global South. To understand what makes state formation successful, I draw on, and re-engineer, theories of European state formation. I have isolated four mechanisms that are particularly significant for the emergence of statehood: warfare; social coalitions; the character of collective identities; and the mode to satisfy the revenue imperative — taxation or rents. Carefully weighing the explanatory power of the different mechanisms against each other, I define them as pathway mechanisms and intervening mechanisms and use them complementarily to identify pathways to successful state formation (Chapter 2). Based on this theoretical framework, I conduct several theory-guided pairwise case studies. Two of these paired comparisons consist of one relatively successful state formation and one failed state formation trajectory, and the last pair juxtaposes two cases which are inbetween success and failure but with sufficient variance regarding their degree of statehood to make a comparison worthwhile. All pairs have started from similar initial conditions. In total, I examine six attempts at state formation in three pairs: Somaliland/South-Central Somalia as of 1991; Namibia/Zimbabwe as of their respective dates of independence (1990/1980); and Ethiopia/Eritrea as of 1991 (Chapters 3-5). Having analyzed all cases, I transcend the pairwise perspective in the final chapter and revisit all six attempts at state formation. In particular, I compare the trajectories of those cases with a similar degree of success or failure to draw general conclusions on the pathways of successful and failing domestically-led state formation. Lastly, I address some questions raised by my current research in order to indicate avenues for further investigation.
Chapter 1 and 6 of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'The possibility of state formation and the limitations of liberal international state-building' (2018) in the journal 'Journal of international relations and development'
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Seriki, Hannah Titilayo. "Teamwork for innovation in sub-Saharan Africa." Wiesbaden : Deutscher Universitäts-Verlag, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-8350-9588-5.

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Marx, Benjamin. "Essays on political economy in Sub-Saharan Africa." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/118048.

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Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Economics, 2018.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 199-208).
The first chapter explores the disciplining effect of elections on national leaders in Sub-Saharan Africa. I first show that the completion of development projects funded by the World Bank and implemented by governments between 1995 and 2014 yields large electoral benefits for incumbent politicians. The causal effect of completion is identified from an instrumental variables strategy that exploits exogenous variation in the workload of project team leaders at the World Bank. Incumbents are rewarded for completing projects in visible sectors, namely projects providing basic infrastructure and social services, but not for completing projects in other sectors. I then show that governments expedite completion in response to electoral incentives, target their effort towards visible projects, and prioritize completing ongoing projects over initiating new projects before elections. Even in Africa's hybrid political regimes, elections incentivize politicians to deliver tangible policy outputs. In the second chapter, Tavneet Suri, Thomas Stoker and I provide evidence of ethnic patronage in the determination of rental prices and investments in one of Africa's largest informal settlements, the Kibera slum in Nairobi. Slum residents pay higher rents and live in lower quality housing (measured via satellite pictures) when their landlord and locality chief belong to the same ethnicity. We find opposite effects when residents and chiefs are co-ethnics. Our identification relies on the exogenous appointment of chiefs and is supported by several tests, including a regression discontinuity design. In the third chapter, Christopher Blattman, Horacio Larreguy, Otis Reid, and I study a large randomized controlled trial designed to combat vote-buying in the 2016 Ugandan elections. Our design allows us to estimate how the effects of the campaign against vote-buying vary with local treatment intensity. We find that the campaign did not reduce the extent to which voters accepted cash and gifts from politicians, but that it had large effects on vote shares received by candidates. Consistent with these effects, we show that the campaign diminished the effectiveness of vote-buying transactions by shifting local social norms against vote-selling.
by Benjamin Marx.
Ph. D.
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Lackovičová, Eva. "Religious Pluralism in Sub-Saharan Africa: Political Implications." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193894.

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The master's thesis 'Religious Pluralism in Sub-Saharan Africa: Political Implications' is divided into three chapters which aim at defining the region of Sub-Saharan Africa, and further introducing the concept of religious pluralism, religion and its impact on politics and security situation in general and in Nigeria, which was chosen for the case study. The aim was to find out how religion influences society, politics and conflicts in Nigeria. In a region where religion is very important, an analysis of all these factors is interesting and crucial for future developments.
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Dray, James Daniel. "Voter turnout in Sub-Saharan Africa." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b4889265-1bae-45cc-b12a-4fa92d441800.

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This thesis addresses the question of who votes in Africa and why. It uses three sets of quantitative data at three different levels to test its claims: an original compilation of national level institutional and socioeconomic indicators for over 700 elections from independence until 2006 compiled by the author; the Afrobarometer survey of almost 50 000 voters in 17 multiparty African regimes; and the first ever purpose-built survey aimed at testing rational choice turnout models in an African case study, which was designed, administered and analysed by the author in 2005 in Durban, South Africa. It uses a mixture of statistical methods to test comprehensively the determinants of voting in pooled and multilevel, logistic and linear, individual and national level models. It finds that the central claims of the rational choice model do not generally apply in African elections. Both the closeness of the election and the costs of participation are not found to be central to the voting calculus of African voters. Instead those citizens who face the highest barriers to participation in the West: the rural, poor and minimally educated, are the citizens who vote most in Africa. The thesis argues that this is because turnout in Africa is mobilised turnout and these are the groups of people targeted by mobilising agents. It further finds that three central institutions of African politics; ethnicity, clientelism and regime type further structure patterns of mobilisation in ways that have been entirely neglected in studies of turnout until now. Finally, it confirms that voting is habitual and that voters are socialised by formative experiences in their youth, especially the nature of the regime that they grow up in and how democratic they think the country is.
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Monyake, Moletsane. "Measuring generalised trust in sub-Saharan Africa : a critical note." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14272.

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"Generally speaking, would you say most people can be trusted or that one must be careful in dealing with others?" For the past 50 years this question has been used extensively and almost exclusively as a measure of generalised trust in both national and cross-national studies. However, it was not until very recently that scholars focused on the question's validity and reliability as a measure of generalised trust. Besides that these studies' findings are largely contradictory, few of them examine the validity and reliability of the trust data in the African context. This study is motivated by this research gap and the fact that the levels of trust from the Afrobarometer surveys seem to challenge what the literature suggests about the causes and consequences of trust. The study finds that the question is a reliable measure of trust in 'most people' since it obtains largely similar country level estimates when used alone over a period of time. However, African respondents do not consistently interpret 'most people' as 'non-co-ethnics' as previous studies have suggested. In addition, the question does not alternate very well with other measures of bridging trust. This measure is also weakly correlated with measures of civic engagement and associational membership than its alternative, the trust in non-co-ethnics question. However, both measures produce expected linkages with measures of ethnic diversity, economic development and democracy.
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Okwuchi, Dorothy N. "Nigerian political thought on military cooperation in sub-Saharan Africa." Thesis, University of Kent, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.335128.

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lemos, samy. "The Role of Conflict in Sub-Saharan Africa." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1940.

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Sub-Saharan Africa is the provider of many critical natural resources. With such resources, one would expect these countries to have thriving economies. Why is the opposite case true? To answer such a question, this paper examines a few critical causes that may justify the current economic situation these African countries are experiencing. Specifically, the paper observes the economic impact of civil war and terrorist conflict in sub-Saharan Africa from 1971 to 2016. To explore the changes in GDP per capita for all these years, this thesis sheds light on three independent variables: year of conflict, education level, and foreign direct investment for many of the 47 sub-Saharan African countries. Replicating Paul Collier’s Bottom Billion, this thesis will delve into more recent trends of the past two decades, and why the lack of economic advancement is pertinent to these countries. With the results obtained, this thesis proposes solutions to lowering the impact of civil conflict, and steadily advancing the economies across the African continent.
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Barreto, Montserrat Lleyda. "The Impact of Democracy on Economic Growth in sub-Saharan Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3800.

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This research will deal with regime dynamics (early interruption of democracies, early maintaining of democracies, late interruption of democracies, late maintaining of democracies, maintaining autocracies, and liberalizing autocracies), levels of democracy (liberal democracy, electoral democracy, and hybrid regimes) and their relationship with economic growth. Regime dynamics refers to the stability or interruption of democratic and authoritarian regime. The meaning of the regime dynamics categories are: maintaining autocracies (countries that have maintained their authoritarian regime over time), liberalizing autocracies (countries that are not considered close autocracies, having some democratic aspects, such as their electoral system with a set of minimal civil rights and freedom), late interruption democracies (countries that became democracies after 1997 but broke down), late maintaining democracies (countries that became democracies after 1997 and have maintained their democratic status), early interruption democracies (countries that became democracies before 1997 but broke down), early democratizers maintaining (countries that became democracies before 1997 and have maintained their democratic status). These categories are created based on how these countries score in the Freedom House. A total of 47 sub-Saharan African countries will be researched over time, from 1988 until 2008, in order to verify whether countries are included in which group of the regime dynamics' typologies. The variable of economic growth is affected by the regime dynamics. In this case, early maintaining democracy is positive correlated with economic growth. The maintenance of regime, being it a democracy or an autocracy has higher growth rates compared to countries that have democratic or autocratic interruptions. Therefore, regime stability over time is a key variable in order to understand economic growth in sub-Saharan Africa. The impact of regime dynamics and levels of democracy on economic growth has been tested by applying Time Series Analysis (statistical methodology) and Ordinary Least Square method.
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Fox, Sean. "The political economy of urbanisation and development in sub-Saharan Africa." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/807/.

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This thesis consists of a brief introduction, which situates the work within in the intellectual history of development theory, and three papers that address important gaps in our understanding about the dynamics of urbanisation and urban development in sub-Saharan Africa. The first provides an interdisciplinary, historical perspective on the dynamics of urbanisation and urban growth in the region from the colonial era to the present day. I argue that these processes are fundamentally driven by mortality decline set in motion by improvements in disease control and food security. Viewed through this lens, the widely noted phenomena of ‘urbanisation without growth’ and very rapid urban population growth in the late 20th century are not as unusual as they have often been portrayed by development economists and policymakers. The second addresses the question of why sub-Saharan Africa has the highest rate of slum incidence of any major world region. I argue that slums can be interpreted as a consequence of ‘disjointed modernization’ in which urban population growth outpaces economic and institutional development. I trace the origins of disjointed modernization in sub-Saharan Africa back to the colonial period and show that colonial era investments and institutions are reflected in contemporary variation in slum incidence. I argue that ‘status quo interests’ and the rise of an anti-urbanisation bias in development discourse have inhibited investment and reform in the post-colonial era. The final paper presents and tests an empirical model designed to account for variation in urban protest activity across countries in the region. The model is comprised of basic demographic, political and economic factors that theoretically influence the motives, means and opportunities of potential protestors. The results of a panel data analysis are consistent with the core hypotheses, but several unexpected results emerge. More research is required to confirm these results, clarify mechanisms and account for broader trends in contentious collective action in the region.
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Books on the topic "Political leadership – Africa, Sub-Saharan"

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B, Cruise O'Brien Donal, and Coulon Christian, eds. Charisma and brotherhood in African Islam. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988.

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Adu-Amanfoh, Francis. The roles of peace and security, political leadership, and entrepreneurship in the socio-economic development of emerging countries: A compendium of lessons learnt from sub-saharan Africa. Bloomington, IN: Authorhouse, 2014.

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Rwanda. Ministry of Local Government, Good Governance, Community Development and Social Affairs, United Nations. Department of Economic and Social Affairs, United Nations Capital Development Fund, and Municipal Development Programme for Eastern and Southern Africa, eds. Ministerial Conference on "Leadership Capacity Building for Decentralized Governance & Poverty Reduction for Sub-Saharan Africa": Proceedings report : Hotel Intercontinental, Kigali, Rwanda, 6th-8th June, 2005. Kigali?: s.n., 2005.

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Falola, Toyin. Hot spot: Sub-Saharan Africa. Santa Barbara, Calif: Greenwood, 2010.

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Political risk yearbook 1995: Sub-saharan africa. [Place of publication not identified]: Political Risk Service, 1995.

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A, Wiseman John, ed. Democracy and political change in Sub-Saharan Africa. London: Routledge, 1995.

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Stuppert, Wolfgang. Political Mobilizations and Democratization in Sub-Saharan Africa. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22792-0.

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Anglin, Douglas George. Conflict in Sub-Saharan Africa, 1997-1998. Bellville, South Africa: Centre for Southern African Studies, 1998.

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Gulde, Anne-Marie. Sub-Saharan Africa: Financial sector challenges. [Washington, D.C.]: International Monetary Fund, 2006.

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G, Cooke Jennifer, and Center for Strategic and International Studies (Washington, D.C.). Africa Program, eds. Assessing risks to stability in Sub-Saharan Africa. Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political leadership – Africa, Sub-Saharan"

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Daloz, Jean-Pascal. "Political Elites in Sub-Saharan Africa." In The Palgrave Handbook of Political Elites, 241–53. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-51904-7_17.

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Markham, William T., and Lotsmart Fonjong. "Economic, Political, and Social Context." In Saving the Environment in Sub-Saharan Africa, 61–87. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137507198_5.

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Parlar Dal, Emel, and Samiratou Dipama. "Assessing the Turkish “Trading State” in Sub-Saharan Africa." In International Political Economy Series, 239–70. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27632-4_10.

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Ogah, Marvel, and Gregory Asiegbu. "Sustainable Supply Chain Management in Sub-Saharan Africa." In Management and Leadership for a Sustainable Africa, Volume 2, 87–113. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04923-1_6.

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von Carlowitz, Philipp. "Political and Macroeconomic Situation in Sub-Saharan Africa." In SpringerBriefs in Business, 49–72. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-59068-0_4.

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Murshed, Syed Mansoob. "The Conflict-Growth Nexus in Sub-Saharan Africa." In Advances in African Economic, Social and Political Development, 215–32. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-30432-8_12.

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Schader, Miriam. "Migrants from sub-Saharan Africa in Berlin and Paris." In Religion as a Political Resource, 81–132. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-16788-2_4.

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Robinson, Mark. "Aid, Democracy and Political Conditionality in Sub-Saharan Africa." In Economic and Political Reform in Developing Countries, 81–96. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13460-1_5.

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Harrison, Graham. "Political Struggle as History." In Issues in the Contemporary Politics of Sub-Saharan Africa, 124–54. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502826_6.

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Rowley, Charles K. "Political Culture and Economic Performance in Sub-Saharan Africa." In Public Choice Essays in Honor of a Maverick Scholar: Gordon Tullock, 29–51. Boston, MA: Springer US, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-4563-7_3.

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Conference papers on the topic "Political leadership – Africa, Sub-Saharan"

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Omondi, Noah, and Leon Pretorius. "Infrastructure Projects in Sub Saharan Africa, Sensitivity to Political Risk." In 2022 IEEE 28th International Conference on Engineering, Technology and Innovation (ICE/ITMC) & 31st International Association For Management of Technology (IAMOT) Joint Conference. IEEE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ice/itmc-iamot55089.2022.10033184.

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Udofia, Emmanuel, and Buduka Stanley. "Change Management: A Game Changer for Effective Digital Transformation." In SPE Annual Technical Conference and Exhibition. SPE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/206331-ms.

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Abstract Change Management is a process of adopting appropriate guidelines on how to manage change and meet the set business objective. Change Management could be extended into the realm of providing leadership for a group of persons or organisation alongside the path of change and embed the needed framework in actualising the set business target. Conversely, Digital Transformation could be described as the deployment of technology in a business process to amplify business benefits realisation that include fast decision-making, efficient business processes and significant reduction in risk exposure through managing the operational risk foot print. Failures of many Digital Transformation initiatives around the world is traceable to poor framing or complete lack of change management process embedment in the implemented digital solution, this paper aims at proposing effective framework for embedding orchestrated change process. Several research works show that worldwide there are high rate of project failures in most digital oilfield implementations. The reasons for such high failure rate in the solution of Digital Transformation is poor or lack of experience in change management in such projects resulting in poor framing of the change process that will ultimately assist in orchestrating the disruptions that accompanies the implemented Digital Transformation in different assets. This research based project will be reviewing how effective change management process was implemented in a digital solution by an Oil and gas operator in a field offshore in sub-Saharan Africa. Elements such as proper engagement of the workforce, defined business processes, clear business objectives and experience of the change agents in managing previous projects will be evaluated because these are components that has been identified as key reasons for failure of the change management process implementation in most digital initiatives. What companies need to do is to be strategic with the approach of implementation of digital oilfields transformation to ensure that the disruption brought about by the digital oilfields solutions are orchestrated through effective change management embedment. The effective change management process, when applied, shows that orchestrated technology disruption process is embedded which will ultimately not just lead to benefit realisation of the solutions but will assure continuous business improvement process, overtime. The result of this study, has shown that effective change management processes are beneficial to the effective embedment of Digital Oilfields Transformation solutions. Outcome of this study could form a reference tool for similar robust digital oilfields transformation, elsewhere.
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Reports on the topic "Political leadership – Africa, Sub-Saharan"

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Richards, Robin. The Effect of Non-partisan Elections and Decentralisation on Local Government Performance. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.014.

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This rapid review focusses on whether there is international evidence on the role of non-partisan elections as a form of decentralised local government that improves performance of local government. The review provides examples of this from Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia. There are two reported examples in Sub-Saharan Africa of non-partisan elections that delink candidates from political parties during election campaigns. The use of non-partisan elections to improve performance and democratic accountability at the level of government is not common, for example, in southern Africa all local elections at the sub-national sphere follow the partisan model. Whilst there were no examples found where countries shifted from partisan to non-partisan elections at the local government level, the literature notes that decentralisation policies have the effect of democratising and transferring power and therefore few central governments implement it fully. In Africa decentralisation is favoured because it is often used as a cover for central control. Many post-colonial leaders in Africa continue to favour centralised government under the guise of decentralisation. These preferences emanated from their experiences under colonisation where power was maintained by colonial administrations through institutions such as traditional leadership. A review of the literature on non-partisan elections at the local government level came across three examples where this occurred. These countries were: Ghana, Uganda and Bangladesh. Although South Africa holds partisan elections at the sub-national sphere, the election of ward committee members and ward councillors, is on a non-partisan basis and therefore, the ward committee system in South Africa is included as an example of a non-partisan election process in the review.
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Bruns, Barbara, Maryam Akmal, and Nancy Birdsall. The Political Economy of Testing in Latin America and Sub-Saharan Africa. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), September 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2019/032.

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Chinsinga, Blessings, and Lars Otto Naess. The Political Economy of Agricultural Commercialisation: Insights from Crop Value Chain Studies in Sub-Saharan Africa. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/apra.2022.014.

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This paper is a synthesis of findings from 11 value chains case studies in six countries across sub- Saharan Africa, carried out as part of the APRA programme during 2020–21. The countries and their respective value chains case studies included: Ethiopia (rice), Ghana (oil palm and cocoa), Malawi (groundnuts), Nigeria (maize, cocoa and rice), Tanzania (rice and sunflower) and Zimbabwe (tobacco and maize). A political economy analysis (PEA) framework was used to examine the performance of the selected value chains in the six countries. The starting point for the studies was that the success of the value chains is driven by a combination of several factors, in particular related to the relative importance of a crop in the country’s political settlement, the relative influence of different actors, and, ultimately, its ability to generate and distribute rents. In this synthesis, we ask the following questions: (1) What are the drivers and obstacles to commercialisation in the value chains? (2) What are the key factors affecting rents and outcomes, and for whom? And, (3) what are the future prospects for the value chains?
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Rokhideh, Maryam. Leveraging the Peacebuilding Potential of Cross-border Trader Networks in Sub-Saharan Africa. RESOLVE Network, July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2021.17.lpbi.

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Cross-border trade plays a prominent role in economic, social, and political life in Sub-Saharan Africa, contributing significantly to development, poverty reduction, and job creation. Across the continent, cross-border trade accounts for 43 percent of the entire population’s income. As actors embedded in licit and illicit networks at local and regional levels, cross-border traders have the potential to fuel conflict or mitigate it. They can act as spoilers, supporting armed groups and war economies, or as peace intermediaries, negotiating peace deals and bridging conflict divides across communities. Given that most armed conflicts in Sub-Saharan Africa are shaped by cross-border dynamics, cross-border traders present an underexamined yet critical point of entry for analyzing and addressing conflicts and should be included in new and ongoing peacebuilding programming. This policy note provides recommendations on how policymakers can leverage the untapped peacebuilding potential of cross-border traders and decrease their spoiling power.
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Baker, Lucy. The Political Economy of South Africa’s Carbon Tax. Institute of Development Studies, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2022.017.

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The subject of carbon pricing is rising up the global policy agenda, as countries take action in the aftermath of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change’s Conference of the Parties 26 summit in November 2021. South Africa is the only country in sub-Saharan Africa to have enacted a carbon tax to date, and, globally speaking, was ahead of the curve when it started to consider its implementation at the start of 2010. With a historically energy-intensive and carbon-intensive economy as a core feature of its minerals-energy complex, South Africa is the world’s 14th largest emitter of greenhouse gases, and the largest emitter on the continent. Its electricity grid is the world’s most carbon-intensive, and its primary energy consumption is ranked 17th globally. While the country’s gross domestic product is the 30th highest in the world, it is also one of the most unequal. It has a legacy of socioeconomic and political exclusion, and marginalisation created by the apartheid history that has persisted in the decades since the democratic transition in 1994. This paper asks to what extent and in what way has South Africa’s political economy shaped the process and implementation of its carbon tax? In answering this question, the report explores and analyses the design and implementation of the tax; the key criticisms to which it has been subjected; the effectiveness of the tax, not least in light of the considerable allowances and exemptions that have been included in its design; the relationship between the carbon tax and other existing climate change policies; and the potential relevance of South Africa’s experience for other countries on the continent.
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Smit, Timo, Sofia Sacks Ferrari, and Jaïr van der Lijn. Trends in Multilateral Peace Operations, 2019. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, May 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/ixjs4170.

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Despite evidence of their positive impacts, United Nations peacekeeping operations continue to face budget cuts, cynicism in the political arena and concern over personnel physical safety. This context underpins the global and regional trends in multilateral peace operations in 2019. This SIPRI Fact Sheet gives a snapshot of multilateral peace operations in 2019, with statistics on personnel, country contributions and fatalities for operations conducted by the UN, regional organizations or alliances, and ad hoc coalitions of states. Global and regional trends in 2019 follow developments from recent years, including the downward trends associated with the reductions and closures of many UN peace operations since 2015. Sub-Saharan Africa continues to host the majority of operations and personnel, although these numbers have decreased, while the Middle East and North Africa is drawing attention for increasing numbers of operations and personnel. Hostile death rates for 2019 are largely attributed to the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali, the deadliest operation since its establishment in 2013, with all other operations demonstrating relatively low numbers of fatalities.
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Tull, Kerina. Social Inclusion and Immunisation. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.025.

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The current COVID-19 epidemic is both a health and societal issue; therefore, groups historically excluded and marginalised in terms of healthcare will suffer if COVID-19 vaccines, tests, and treatments are to be delivered equitably. This rapid review is exploring the social and cultural challenges related to the roll-out, distribution, and access of COVID-19 vaccines, tests, and treatments. It highlights how these challenges impact certain marginalised groups. Case studies are taken from sub-Saharan Africa (the Democratic Republic of Congo, South Africa), with some focus on South East Asia (Indonesia, India) as they have different at-risk groups. Lessons on this issue can be learned from previous pandemics and vaccine roll-out in low- and mid-income countries (LMICs). Key points to highlight include successful COVID-19 vaccine roll-out will only be achieved by ensuring effective community engagement, building local vaccine acceptability and confidence, and overcoming cultural, socio-economic, and political barriers that lead to mistrust and hinder uptake of vaccines. However, the literature notes that a lot of lessons learned about roll-out involve communication - including that the government should under-promise what it can do and then over-deliver. Any campaign must aim to create trust, and involve local communities in planning processes.
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Hall, Sarah, Mark Vincent Aranas, and Amber Parkes. Making Care Count: An Overview of the Women’s Economic Empowerment and Care Initiative. Oxfam, November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2020.6881.

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Across the globe, unpaid care and domestic work (UCDW) sustains communities and economies, provides essential care for children, sick and elderly people and those living with disabilities, and keeps households clean and families fed. Without unpaid care, the global economy as we know it would grind to a halt. Yet this work falls disproportionately on women and girls, limiting their opportunities to participate in decent paid employment, education, leisure and political life. Heavy and unequal UCDW traps women and girls in cycles of poverty and stops them from being part of solutions. To help address this, Oxfam, together with a number of partners, has been working in over 25 countries to deliver the Women’s Economic Empowerment and Care (WE-Care) programme since 2013. WE-Care aims to reignite progress on gender equality by addressing heavy and unequal UCDW. By recognizing, reducing and redistributing UCDW, WE-Care is promoting a just and inclusive society where women and girls have more choice at every stage of their lives, more opportunities to take part in economic, social and political activities, and where carers’ voices are heard in decision making about policies and budgets at all levels. This overview document aims to highlight the approaches taken and lessons learned on unpaid care that Oxfam has implemented in collaboration with partners in sub-Saharan Africa and Asia.
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Ayele, Seife, Wei Shen, Tadesse Kuma Worako, Lucy H. Baker, and Samson Hadush. Renewable Energy Procurement in Ethiopia: Overcoming Obstacles in Procurement from Independent Power Producers. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), December 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.064.

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Developing countries are increasingly using auctions for the procurement of utility-scale renewable electricity, due to the potential for attracting private investment. However, auction design and implementation can face serious obstacles due to complex context-specific factors. In 2017, Ethiopia launched its Public–Private Partnership (PPP) policy and procurement framework to promote infrastructure development, including electricity generation. Since 2018, it has organised renewable energy auctions to procure new capacity from independent power producers (IPPs). However, the new framework faces numerous challenges. Using a literature review and primary data from more than 70 interviews and from stakeholder consultations, this study explores the political economy challenges and opportunities facing IPP project preparation, decision-making, coordination and implementation, and risks to investors. To date, Ethiopia has held two rounds of tenders to procure 1,000 megawatts (MW) of electricity from eight projects; the first tender for two solar photovoltaic (PV) projects led to the signing of Power Purchase Agreements (PPAs) and was hailed as one of the cheapest tariff rates in sub-Saharan Africa, at US$2.526 cents/kilowatt hour (kWh) over 25 years. However, none of the projects have yet become operational. This study also finds fault lines impeding the implementation of IPP projects, including the risk of foreign currency availability and convertibility of Ethiopian birr to expatriate profits. It proposes measures to overcome these obstacles and mitigate risks, to put Ethiopia on course to achieve universal access to electricity by 2030.
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Who Owns the Land in Africa? Formal recognition of community-based land rights in Sub-Saharan Africa. Rights and Resources Initiative, October 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.53892/wlvi2246.

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The question of who owns the world’s lands and natural resources is a major source of contestation around the globe, affecting prospects for rural economic development, human rights and dignity, cultural survival, political stability, conservation of the environment, and efforts to combat climate change. To inform advocacy and action on community land rights, RRI has published Who Owns the World’s Land? A global baseline of formally recognized indigenous & community land rights (“the global baseline”), which identifies the amount of land national governments have formally recognized as owned or controlled by Indigenous Peoples and local communities across 64 countries constituting 82 percent of global land area. The report focuses on community-based tenure regimes, which include any system where formal rights to own or manage land or terrestrial resources are held at the community level, including lands held under customary tenure regimes. This brief summarizes findings on community ownership and control of lands in the 19 countries in Sub-Saharan Africa that were included in the global baseline.
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