Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political Intermediarie

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Political Intermediarie'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 9 March 2023
Last updated: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Political Intermediarie"

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Caillaud, B., and J. Tirole. "Parties as Political Intermediaries." Quarterly Journal of Economics 117, no. 4 (November 1, 2002): 1453–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/003355302320935070.

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Kordana, Kevin A. "Political Parties as Donative Intermediaries." Virginia Law Review 85, no. 8 (November 1999): 1683. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1073934.

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Tawakkal, George Towar Ikbal. "Integrating Social Values: Evidence from The Intermediary Institution in Indonesian Elections." Politika: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 13, no. 2 (October 15, 2022): 337–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/politika.13.2.2022.337-348.

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Many scholars called the intermediary institutions in elections as vote brokers. As a consequence of that, then they built an argument based on a transactional framework, especially about the motivation of the institution. On the other side, they agreed that vote brokerage was built based on a social network, especially when they tried to define the vote brokerage. It means, the intermediary institution occurred in social interactions. That is weird for explaining social interactions without considering other social values. It looks like social interaction is only about material value. Other scholars tried to be fairness by calling the intermediary as middlemen, but still very few literature built the argument based on a non-transactional framework. This study will certainly provide new insights into the intermediary institution studies, particularly related to the understanding of non-transactional amid transactional arguments that have been shown in many kinds of literature, as well as expanding the study of intermediary institutions which likely to focused on providing voters, to be focused on the establishment of intermediary institutions. We conducted a series of in-depth interviews with 45 people consisting of persons in the intermediary institutions, political party leaders, leaders of campaign teams, election organizers, and more than a hundred voters during 2017 – 2019 in Indonesian elections, consists of four Villages head elections, 2018 Governor election, and 2019 legislative elections. We found the transactional logic or material value was not the only one, even mostly was not the dominant value that generated the intermediary institutions.
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Singh, Rajkamal, and Rahul Hemrajani. "Concentric Clientelism: A Case Study of Rural Saharanpur." Studies in Indian Politics 6, no. 2 (September 23, 2018): 247–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023018797482.

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In this article, we examine the role of intermediaries in sustaining political clientelism in rural Saharanpur, Uttar Pradesh. Drawing from fieldwork and electoral data, we show that clientelism in Saharanpur is based around providing three specific guarantees to the voter—security from or by the police, facilitation in the tehsil and mediation in cases that would otherwise go to court—which we collectively refer to as guardianship. We explain how guardianship, more than most other forms of clientelistic exchange, requires intermediaries. In the case of Saharanpur, these intermediaries are usually individuals occupying formal positions of power within various circles of Panchayati Raj Institutions. Finally, we argue that it is the concentric nature of constituencies provided by the decentralized political structure which is ultimately responsible for the sustenance of intermediary networks as well as the perpetuation of clientelism in rural Saharanpur.
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Adams, Jacqueline. "When Art Loses its Sting: The Evolution of Protest Art in Authoritarian Contexts." Sociological Perspectives 48, no. 4 (December 2005): 531–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sop.2005.48.4.531.

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Change in art is an understudied topic in sociological research. This article examines protest artworks ( arpilleras) produced by shantytown women during and shortly after the dictatorship in Chile, to explore the question why political art that is for sale changes over time. This research is based on 136 semi-structured and in-depth interviews with various members of the art world in Chile, Europe, and the United States, a year's worth of participant observation of art groups in Santiago and over five hundred photographs of arpilleras, taken by the author and analyzed thematically. Political art that is for sale can change because the intermediary (the organization connecting producers and buyers) becomes less or more politically conservative, develops a precarious financial situation, grows more afraid of repression, and has the power to enforce the changes it desires; because the original buyers are replaced with new buyers with different motivations; and because new artists with new ideas begin making the art, one artist in the group produces something different and the idea spreads, artists censor themselves, and artists have new experiences or learn about new events. Through these sources of change, international social movements, local and international political and economic developments, and global institutions impact the art. Meanings attached to the art by the different parties (intermediaries, buyers, and artists) and class differences between artists and intermediaries are also important in facilitating change. These findings, based as they are on political art made in a repressive context, not only contribute to our understanding of artistic evolution but they help correct the bias in the sociology of art toward “art” made in democratic countries of the “First World.” They are not just applicable to authoritarian regimes but also to art by politicized minority groups in democratic contexts, and to other cultural products such as newspapers, magazines, documentaries, and books.
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Maggetti, Martino, Christian Ewert, and Philipp Trein. "Not Quite the Same." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 670, no. 1 (March 2017): 152–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716217691240.

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This article compares the role of regulatory intermediaries in the governance of pharmaceuticals and medical devices in Australia and Switzerland. We argue that the creation, selection, and activation of specific intermediaries depend on the organizational capacity of the regulator and on the potential of the intermediary to be captured by the target. To limit the risk of capture of intermediaries where the regulated industries are powerful, regulators tend to keep intermediaries under their control. To do so, the regulator must be well-funded and well-staffed, or supported by its political principal. However, when the target has limited capture potential, regulators will rely more heavily on externalized intermediaries. These intermediaries typically consist of transnational organizations in charge of multiple regulatory issues in several jurisdictions, and can provide unique expertise in an efficient way. Four case studies of the Australian and Swiss regulatory regimes for therapeutic products support this argument.
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Strimling, Andrea. "Stepping Out of the Tracks: Cooperation Between Official Diplomats and Private Facilitators." International Negotiation 11, no. 1 (2006): 91–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180606777835766.

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AbstractIntermediary cooperation – encompassing various levels of communication, coordination, and collaboration – is necessary to realize the inherent complementarity of many official and private intermediary efforts. Effective negotiation between the intermediaries is necessary to achieve such cooperation. Official and private intermediaries must be willing to "come to the table" and, once there, they must be able to negotiate effectively. The article builds on existing research on complementarity and cooperation by focusing explicitly on the communication and relationships between intermediaries and applying negotiation theory to analyze opportunities for and barriers to cooperation.
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Talbot, Cynthia. "Political intermediaries in Kakatiya Andhra, 1175-1325." Indian Economic & Social History Review 31, no. 3 (September 1994): 261–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001946469403100301.

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Jackman, David. "Violent Intermediaries and Political Order in Bangladesh." European Journal of Development Research 31, no. 4 (November 28, 2018): 705–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41287-018-0178-8.

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Acemoglu, Daron, Mikhail Golosov, and Aleh Tsyvinski. "Political Economy of Intermediate Goods Taxation." Journal of the European Economic Association 6, no. 2-3 (April 2008): 353–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jeea.2008.6.2-3.353.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political Intermediarie"

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MUNIR, MUDASSAR. "EVERYDAY IMAGES AND PRACTICES OF THE STATE IN RURAL PAKISTAN." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/878019.

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In my thesis project, I provide an analysis of the way the image and the perception of the state is formed in the context of everyday social and political life in rural Pakistan. I demonstrate how people in a rural locality understand the Pakistani state and its laws and how these understandings shape the way the people carry out everyday engagement with the state authorities. This research undertaking is guided by three principal questions: 1) what is the common conception of Pakistani state at the local level; 2) how do people interact and experience the state institutions at the micro level; 3) what role do different non-state actors who act as ‘intermediaries’ between their fellow villagers and the wider political world play in shaping local embodiment of the state and people’s experiences with it? My fieldwork in a village in Pakistani Punjab, which was reduced to six months from one year due to the COVID-19 pandemic, reveals that the images and perceptions of the Pakistani state are split between ‘sublime’ and ‘profane’ dimensions. On the one hand, the people imagine the state as a sublime entity that exists in far-off places. The state is somewhere else, geographically detached from their locality. It can only be seen on television sets, in major urban centers of the country, and it is a rich institute with enormous financial resources. On the other hand, the people also talk about the state as a profane entity associated with corruption, hierarchy, fraud, and lies. The state is where culture of corruption and mistreatment is deeply pervasive. Fearing of difficulties and complications, the state is something with which they want to have minimum interaction. They consider the state offices are full of lazy and biased employees who provide no service without sifarish (recommendation), taaluq wasta (relationship), or rishwat (bribery). I argue that the people at the local level attach sublime qualities to the national and provincial realm of the Pakistani state, while its local realm with which the people engage on everyday basis is seen as profane. My ethnographic material also illustrates that since everyday state administration is perceived to be riddled with corrupt practices and abuse of authority, this condition creates favorable atmosphere in rural Pakistan for different actors of patronage system to operate – where different political intermediaries assume leading role in variety of political spaces and social relations, acting as a conduit between the state and residents, as well as at times performing certain roles at the local level as they are free from the state's control or at other times acting as helping hand of the state.
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Carraro, Alessandro <1987&gt. "'Politica monetaria nell'Eurosistema ed eligibles'." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/1919.

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Cheng, Wai. "Development without slums : institutions, intermediaries and grassroots politics in urban China." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3244/.

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This thesis studies the institutional foundations and micro-mechanisms by which social order is regulated and public goods are delivered in China’s urban grassroots communities. This study is motivated by the seemingly deviant phenomenon that massive internal migration and rapid urbanisation during China’s market reforms have not resulted in chaotic and familiar third world urban diseases. Instead, relatively governed, less contentious, highly dynamic yet ultimately soft migrant enclaves contrast sharply with what often feature most developing countries. Based on the case studies of four urban villages – which categorically housed the majority of China’s 274 million rural migrants – I trace the interplay among the remaining socialist institutions, dominant market forces and various intermediaries in managing migrant contestation and serving state functions. I consider both objective criteria and migrants’ perceptions to explain why China’s migrant enclaves demonstrate distinct characteristics compared with the migrant enclaves in many developing countries. I also consider why China’s migrant enclaves share similar patterns of transformation with its formal cities. The findings contest the conventional approaches that are used to explain China’s structural stability and territorial cohesion despite local disturbances and conflicts, which are mainly attributable to the authoritarian regime, state corporatism or an underdeveloped civil society. Although China’s land, danwei and hukou systems are nationally configured, I argue that these institutions are also conducive to protecting an intermediate realm that comprises residential committees, joint-stock companies and clan associations by providing a safety valve and nurturing localised engagements. I then examine how these intermediaries have adopted coercion, patronage and exit-point mechanisms to deliver public goods, enforce communal order and broker urban renewal through less coercive and predatory means. I further assess the ways in which these engaging but parochial, resourceful but dependent, and exclusive rather than inclusive intermediaries have mediated the boundaries between despotic power and infrastructural power and among state agenda, market forces and grassroots interests. This thesis thus re-visits China’s authoritarian resilience concerning not only how migrant contestation is managed but also what institutions and mechanisms are most effective to articulate multiple interests and ensure social compliance during the processes of urbanisation and decentralisation in the absence of electoral politics.
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Ryholt, Kim S. B. "The political situation in Egypt during the Second intermediate period, c.1800-1550 B.C. /." Copenhagen : the Carsten Niebuhr institute of Near Eastern studies, University of Copenhagen : Museum Tusculanum press, 1997. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb375321597.

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Jabri, Vivienne. "Thir party deicision-making in response to conflict : the Western Contact Group as intermediary in the conflict over Namibia." Thesis, City University London, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.334620.

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Marcone, Giancarlo. "Lima political process and social reorganization from the perspective of Intermediate groups: the case of Lote B." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/113426.

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This article explores the case of an intermediate group inhabiting the Lurin Valley on the Central Coast of Peru and its role in the valley’s integration within the context of regional politics at the beginning of the Middle Horizon. Thisresearch presents and analyzes how political strategies were constructed in the valley, incorporating data from excavations at the site of Lote B. Additionally, evidence published about other domestic sites in Lurin is discussed in order to partially reconstruct the interaction between distinct segments of Lima society.This work contributes to a better understanding of the Lima culture, and to the reconstruction of its social organization. In a larger sense, we propose that the Lima culture was initially a tradition shared by a number of relatively independent groups that at the end of the Early Intermediate Period, entered into a process of progressive centralization, developing more rigid political organizations and reordering social structures. We posit that the existing intermediate groups in Lurin adopted strategies that permitted them to reformulate these new political contexts.
El presente artículo explora el caso de un grupo intermedio, que habitaba el valle de Lurín, en la Costa Central peruana, y el rol que este cumplió en la integración del valle dentro del contexto político regional, al comienzo del Horizonte Medio. Presentaremos y analizaremos cómo se construyeron las estrategias políticas en el valle, incorporando datos de nuestras excavaciones en el sitio Lote B. Se discute adicionalmente la evidencia publicada proveniente de otros sitios domésticos, para reconstruir parcialmente la interacción de los distintos segmentos de la sociedad Lima. De esta manera, contribuimos a un mejor entendimiento y a la reconstrucción de su organización social. En una manera más amplia proponemos que la cultura Lima inicialmente representó una tradición compartida por varios grupos relativamente independientes, que para el final del Intermedio Temprano, entraron en un proceso de progresiva centralización y desarrollo de una(s) organización(es) política más rígida y un reordenamiento de las estructuras sociales, donde los grupos intermedios existentes en Lurín, adoptaron estrategias que les permitieron reformular estos nuevos contextos políticos.
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Maldonado, Martin A. "The politics of poverty non governmental organizations (NGOs) as intermediaries in affordable housing programs in Argentina /." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0041069.

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Ascarrunz, Julio. "The national-departamental relation in Bolivia: a multilevel approach to the country’s new political arena." Politai, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/91596.

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This article focuses on party competition in Bolivia from a multilevel approach with department (intermediate level) as the territorial unit of analysis from 2005 to 2015. The objective is to demonstrate the (in)congruence of an institutional level overlooked by the literature on multilevel studies, for which two indices of measurement are used: Summary Measure of Congruence (Gibson and Suarez-Cao 2010) in a one version and Dissimilarity Index (Johnston 1980) in two versions, nationally aggregated and departmentally disaggregated, with voting data from all competing parties (DISa) and only from those with double competition (DISb). The argument handled is that if an institutional level is important enough to be introduced to the electoral framework of a country, it should also be important enough for academic interest, especially in their relation with the rest of the system. From this, the study concluded that the importance of this institutional level depends on the degree of autonomy it has and the interest of the partisan actors and regional elites.
El presente artículo aborda la competencia partidista en Bolivia desde un enfoque multinivel a partir del departamento (nivel intermedio) como unidad territorial de análisis de 2005 a 2015. El objetivo es dar cuenta de la (in)congruencia que presenta un nivel institucional soslayado por la literatura existente sobre los estudios multinivel. Con este propósito se utilizan dos herramientas de medición: la Medida de Congruencia (Gibson y Suárez-Cao 2010) en una sola versión y el Índice de Disimilitud (Johnston 1980) en dos versiones, agregada a nivel nacional y desagregada por departamentos, con la introducción de datos de todos los partidos (DISa) y de los partidos con doble competencia (DISb). El argumento que se maneja es que si un nivel institucional es lo suficientemente importante para ser introducido al ámbito electoral de un país, debería serlo también para el interés académico y más en su relación con el resto del sistema. A partir de esto, el estudio ha llegado a la conclusión de que la importancia de este nivel institucional depende del grado de autonomía que posea y del interés de los actores partidistas y las élites regionales.
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Hutson, Malo. "Politics, jobs and workforce development : the role of workforce intermediaries in building career pathways within Boston's health care industry." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/37874.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 2006.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 201-204).
This research study examines the role that workforce intermediaries within Boston play in creating career pathways for economically disadvantaged, under-skilled residents in the local health care industry. Using a case study analysis, this study compares the outcomes of two workforce intermediaries-one which is employer-led and the other which is led by a community development corporation. Despite the proliferation of new workforce intermediaries around the country and the increased amount of funding to support them from the private and public sectors, these institutions are limited in their ability to increase the supply of a skilled workforce and to change the demand-side of the labor market. However, given the current structural holes in the publicly funded workforce development system, workforce intermediaries play a critical role in serving populations who otherwise would have a difficult time entering into the regional labor market.
by Malo André Hutson.
Ph.D.
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MARTINI, MATTIA. "Flessibilità e ruolo degli intermediari nel mercato del lavoro. L'effetto delle agenzie di somministrazione sullo sviluppo dei percorsi lavorativi in Italia." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10281/197822.

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La tesi affronta il ruolo degli intermediari del mercato del lavoro nel sostenere i percorsi lavorativi dei lavoratori somministrati. Attraverso un analisi empirica e la ricostruzione dei percorsi intrapresi da un campione di lavoratori temporanei in Provincia di Milano, la ricerca mostra come l'agenzia, attraverso la quantità e qualità di servizi offerti ai lavoratori, svolge un ruolo significativo nell'influenzare i percorsi lavorativi di questi ultimi nel medio-lungo periodo.
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Books on the topic "Political Intermediarie"

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Mardones, Rodrigo, and Juan Pablo Luna. La columna vertebral fracturada: Revisitando intermediarios políticos en Chile. [Santiago de Chile]: Instituto de Ciencia Política, 2017.

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Santis, Hugh De. The INF treaty and its political-military implications for Western Europe. [Washington, D.C.]: Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1988.

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Santis, Hugh De. The INF treaty and its political-military implications for Western Europe. [Washington, D.C.]: Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1988.

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Álvarez Larrain, Alina, and Catriel Greco, eds. Political Landscapes of the Late Intermediate Period in the Southern Andes. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76729-1.

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Risse-Kappen, Thomas. Zero option: The global elimination of ground-launched intermediate-range missiles : a political assessment. Frankurt am Main: Peace Research Institute Frankfurt, 1988.

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Alison, Elliott, Jolly Vicki A, and Cooney Frank, eds. Intermediate modern studies. Paisley: Hodder Gibson, 2010.

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Carl, Schmitt. Theory of the partisan: Intermediate commentary on the concept of the political. New York: Telos Press Pub., 2007.

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Edwards, Arthur. De gefaciliteerde democratie: Internet, de burger en zijn intermediairen. Utrecht: LEMMA, 2003.

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Adam, Bülow-Jacobsen, ed. The political situation in Egypt during the second intermediate period, c. 1800-1550 B.C. Copenhagen: Carsten Niebuhr Institute of Near Eastern Studies, University of Copenhagen, 1997.

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Reunión "Mexico 2003, Elecciones Intermedias" (2003 Escuela Permanente de la UNAM en San Antonio, Texas). México 2003: Elecciones intermediarias, resultados y perspectivas. México: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 2004.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political Intermediarie"

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Duindam, Jeroen. "Pre-modern Power Elites: Princes, Courts, Intermediaries." In The Palgrave Handbook of Political Elites, 161–79. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-51904-7_13.

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Thesen, Gunnar. "An Intervening Intermediary: Making Political Sense of Media Influence." In How Political Actors Use the Media, 21–37. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-60249-3_2.

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Shinozaki, Tsuyoshi, and Mitsuyoshi Yanagihara. "Political Economics of Public Pricing of Final and Intermediate Goods." In New Frontiers in Regional Science: Asian Perspectives, 263–77. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-3107-7_15.

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Garzonio, Emma. "Performative Intermediaries Versus Digital Regulation. A Multidisciplinary Analysis of the Power of Algorithms." In Frontiers in Sociology and Social Research, 157–72. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11756-5_10.

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AbstractAs our economies, media, services and practices are becoming progressively more interconnected through and dependent on software and data-agile structures, efforts are being made worldwide to keep pace and to discipline this subject through regulatory frameworks. The ever-increasing pervasiveness of the role and power of digital platforms and intermediaries in our everyday lives has also broadened the scope of the reflection on their sociological, political, cultural and structural implications. Through a multidisciplinary approach, this contribution aims at defining and clarifying where algorithmic power and human regulation meet. To do so, both media studies and juridical discipline will come in handy in defining the theoretical framework of the first and the effectiveness of the second. Firstly, the theoretical background for understanding the “power of algorithms” will be outlined through a review of selected research literature on digital intermediaries, platform politics and algorithmic performance. Then, examination of the European digital regulation corpus will highlight the crucial issues that it aims to regulate, as well as the new perspectives that could impact and change the structure of the European digital space.
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Ebner, Alexander. "Collective Action and the Making of Economic Policy: Intellectual Lineages from the History of Political Economy." In The Evolution of Intermediary Institutions in Europe, 67–80. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137484529_5.

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Pridham, Geoffrey. "The Political Arena and Intermediary Actors in Candidate Countries: Political Parties, Opinion-makers and Public Impacts." In Designing Democracy, 145–90. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230504905_5.

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Frerichs, Sabine. "Taking Governance to Court: Politics, Economics, and a New Legal Realism." In The Evolution of Intermediary Institutions in Europe, 157–73. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137484529_10.

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Bakir, Vian, and Andrew McStay. "Defending the Civic Body from False Information Online." In Optimising Emotions, Incubating Falsehoods, 205–46. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13551-4_8.

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AbstractWe have established that false information online harms the civic body, driven by the economics of emotion and the politics of emotion. What should be done about this? Multi-stakeholder solutions have been proffered by various countries’ governmental inquiries into disinformation and fake news, and by supranational bodies including the United Nations, European Union and Commonwealth. This chapter assesses seven solution areas: namely, (1) coercive and non-coercive government action, (2) cybersecurity, (3) digital intermediaries/platforms, (4) advertisers, (5) professional political persuaders and public relations, (6) media organisations and (7) education. As well as being intrinsically difficult areas to solve individually, let alone in concert, the chapter concludes that such solutions merely tinker at the edges as they do not address a fundamental incubator for false information online: namely, the business model for social media platforms built on the economics of emotion.
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Álvarez Larrain, Alina, Catriel Greco, and Federico Wynveldt. "Introduction." In Political Landscapes of the Late Intermediate Period in the Southern Andes, 1–9. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76729-1_1.

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Nielsen, Axel E. "Agropastoral Taskscapes and Seasonal Warfare in the Southern Andes During the Regional Developments Period (Thirteenth–Fifteenth Centuries)." In Political Landscapes of the Late Intermediate Period in the Southern Andes, 247–68. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76729-1_10.

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Conference papers on the topic "Political Intermediarie"

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Brugger, Jerome, Marianne Fraefel, Reinhard Riedl, Hansjakob Fehr, Daniel Schoeneck, and Christoph Staehli Weissbrod. "Current Barriers to Open Government Data Use and Visualization by Political Intermediaries." In 2016 Conference for E-Democracy and Open Government (CeDEM). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/cedem.2016.18.

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Li, Lvcheng, and Guoping Cheng. "The Problems and Suggestions for the Development of Science and Technology Intermediaries in China." In 2017 2nd International Conference on Politics, Economics and Law (ICPEL 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icpel-17.2017.51.

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Kallenbach-Herbert, Beate. "Public Involvement on Closure of Asse II Radioactive Waste Repository in Germany." In ASME 2013 15th International Conference on Environmental Remediation and Radioactive Waste Management. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2013-96090.

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From 1967 to 1978, about 125,800 barrels of low- and intermediate level waste were disposed of — nominally for research purposes — in the former “Asse” salt mine which had before been used for the production of potash for many years. Since 1988 an inflow of brine is being observed which will cause dangers of flooding and of a collapse due to salt weakening and dissolution if it should increase. Since several years the closure of the Asse repository is planned with the objective to prevent the flooding and collapse of the mine and the release of radioactive substances to the biosphere. The first concept that was presented by the former operator, however, seemed completely unacceptable to regional representatives from politics and NGOs. Their activities against these plans made the project a top issue on the political agenda from the federal to the local level. The paper traces the main reasons which lead to the severe safety problems in the past as well as relevant changes in the governance system today. A focus is put on the process for public involvement in which the Citizens’ Advisory Group “A2B” forms the core measure. Its structure and framework, experience and results, expectations from inside and outside perspectives are presented. Furthermore the question is tackled how far this process can serve as an example for a participatory approach in a siting process for a geological repository for high active waste which can be expected to be highly contested in the affected regions.
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Wang, Zhao, and Xiaobing Liu. "Study on the influence of political connections on real estate firms' starting business ventures--with resource acquisition playing an intermediary role." In 2017 World Conference on Management Science and Human Social Development (MSHSD 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/mshsd-17.2018.8.

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Constantin, Mihai. "Management of the "Syrian Refugee Crisis" - Repercussions on European Security. Impact/Measures Analysis." In International Conference Innovative Business Management & Global Entrepreneurship. LUMEN Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/ibmage2020/17.

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The Syrian crisis is the most complex crisis (political, social, humanitarian, security) in the world, since World War II. In regards to the 1951 „Geneva Convention on the Status of Refugees”, states have an obligation to provide refugees with a form of primary protection, which is not intended to replace asylum, but rather to provide an intermediate and immediate protection measure. At European level, for asylum seekers and refugees, there are several programs (developed by international institutions such as "UN for refugees" and "UNHCR") for integration into the host country during the temporary stay and return to the country of origin, when there are safety conditions. If this solution is not viable, they can opt for relocation to a third country. Effective management of the crisis created by the refugees flow requires the adoption of a common political agenda for European states to eliminate inequalities between states and focus on building viable economic strategies. Therefore, it is necessary to develop policies or strategies designed to provide refugees with a sense of security in the host country and their social assimilation, without being forced to give up their cultural identities. This article aims to analyse the strategies of the European states involved in this phenomenon, applied in the "Syrian refugee crisis". At the moment, the biggest part of the effort of counter-terrorism is focused on the criminal justice system. This means focusing almost exclusively on those who already intend to commit a crime and not on prevention. The legal repercussions can further encourage radicalization, which can degenerate later.
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Mazaj, Jelena, Silvana Di Bono, and Arabella Mocciaro Li Destri. "THE ROLE OF LOCAL COMMUNITIES IN THE CO-CREATION OF INNOVATIONS FOR INCLUSIVE AND SUSTAINABLE TERRITORIAL DEVELOPMENT: THE MADONIE CASE." In Business and Management 2018. VGTU Technika, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/bm.2018.30.

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Rapid social, political, geographic and economic changes in the world, linked to technological revolution of the last century are followed by wide positive and negative changes in people lives and R&amp;I processes (open markets, digitalisation, resource scarcity, poverty, etc.). Looking for solutions for a better future, the EU policy agenda for 2030 promotes actions which foster co-creation of innovations, targets sustainability and Sustainable Development Goals. As such, EU regions are motivated to enhance and capitalise local competences and resources to achieve a social impact and tackle glocal challenges more effectively. Such reinforcement of local development is possible applying interdisciplinarity in R&amp;I processes, through the co-design of innovation by different stakeholders and the empowerment of informal innovation actors. This article presents a methodological framework applied to the co-creation of innovation involving local stakeholders in the Madonie region in Sicily, the results gained and the role of the intermediate body – a Competence Cell responsible for facilitation of such collaboration. This process has been implemented in the frame of the Horizon 2020 FoTRRIS project.
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Alekseeva, Natalya A., Zinaida A. Mironova, Elena V. Alexandrova, Vyacheslav A. Sokolov, and Marina V. Mironova. "Structural dynamic shifts in the Russian macroeconomics in the period of global challenges." In Sustainable and Innovative Development in the Global Digital Age. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcsebm.spjg4935.

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The Russian economy is one of the most influential economies in the world, since it is fully capable of self-sufficiency in basic foodstuffs, exporting food, being a global technological leader in many industries. In recent years, the Russian economy has been facing major external economic and political threats, which makes it necessary to restructure the macroeconomics in order to increase its financial stability and efficiency. The main provisions of the Decree of the President of Russia on the goals of national development until 2030 were considered. The research purpose is to study the transition period in the economy to its more progressive structure in 2016-2019 in terms of the most important components of the gross product: intermediate consumption, value added, exports, imports, trade and transport margins. The research objectives are related to the study of the influencing factors on the dynamics of macroeconomic indicators, forecasting further changes. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the assessment of progressive changes in the dynamics and structure of the Russian macroeconomics. The practical significance of the study lies in the possibility of predicting structural changes based on the identified trends. It is also possible to create a new methodology for assessing the contribution of Russia’s real economy to world trade, based on the presence of signs of its more progressive way of life, high financial stability and efficiency.
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Murray, Chris, David Wild, Ann McCall, John Mathieson, and Ben Russell. "Legitimacy as the Key: The Long-Term Management of Radioactive Waste in the UK." In ASME 2003 9th International Conference on Radioactive Waste Management and Environmental Remediation. ASMEDC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2003-4828.

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This paper provides an overview of the current status of radioactive waste management in the UK from the point of view of Nirex, the organisation responsible for providing safe, environmentally sound and publicly acceptable options for the long-term management of radioactive materials. Essentially, it argues that: • the waste exists and must be dealt with in an ethical manner; • legitimacy is the key to public acceptance of any attempt to solve the waste issue; and • credible options and a new political will allow, and indeed, compel this generation to deal with it. In doing this, the paper takes account of a number of recent announcements and ongoing developments in the UK nuclear industry, in particular: • the recent announcement that Nirex is to be made independent of industry; • the Department of Environment, Food and Rural Affairs and Devolved Administrations’ Managing Radioactive Waste Safely consultation exercise; • the creation of the Committee on Radioactive Waste Management to oversee the consultation; • the creation of the Nuclear Decommissioning Authority to manage the civil nuclear site clean-up programme; • proposals for improved regulation of Intermediate Level Waste conditioning and packaging; and • proposals by the European Commission for a new radioactive waste Directive. These institutional and policy changes amount to an evolution of the back-end of the fuel cycle that represents the most radical transformation in the UK nuclear industry for many years. In a large part, this is a transformation made necessary by past failures in trying to impose a solution on the general public. Therefore, in order for these changes to result in a successful long-term radioactive waste management programme, it is necessary to pay as much attention to political and social concerns as scientific and technical ones. Primarily it is crucial that all parties involved act in an open and transparent manner so that the decisions made achieve a high degree of legitimacy and thus public acceptance. Crucially too, the problem must be framed in the correct term — that the waste exists irrespective of the future of nuclear power and that this is an issue that must be addressed now. Thus there is a legitimacy of purpose and scope in moving forward that addresses the ethical imperative of this generation dealing with the waste. Put together with the action the government is taking to create the necessary institutional framework, Nirex believes that for the first time in a generation the UK has the building blocks in place to find a publicly acceptable, long-term solution for radioactive waste.
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Paiva, Isabel, Romão B. Trindade, Mário A. Gonçalves, and António Mateus. "Development of a Specific Methodology to Assess Suitable Sites to Receive a Repository for L/ILW Waste in the Portuguese Territory." In ASME 2013 15th International Conference on Environmental Remediation and Radioactive Waste Management. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2013-96144.

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Portugal does not have nuclear power plants but records an increasing production of radioactive waste from medical, industrial and research applications of radioactive materials in the form of sealed and unsealed sources; the country totals include also the spent fuel of one nuclear reactor for research purposes. Since radioactive waste management policies and practices in Portugal will have to comply with the Council Directive 2011/70/Euratom and the IAEA Joint Convention, the search for scientific and technological solutions to deal with radioactive wastes produced in the country started some years ago. The research carried out recently under the scope of a national funded project (KADRWaste, PTDC/CTE-GEX/82678/2006) represents a firm step in this commitment. Indeed, the transfer of methodologies tested and validated in this project allowed for improvement to a procedure to assess suitable sites to receive a near-surface repository for “Low and Intermediate Level Waste, Short Live and Long Live” (LILW-SL, LL) wastes in Portugal mainland. Although the main stages of the procedure can be of universal usage, details were designed according to the intrinsic geological, geomorphic and meteorological features of previously selected target-areas. All the requirements exhaustively listed in many reports of the IAEA were fulfilled and, in addition, the application of mineralogical, geochemical and textural criteria is strongly advised. The proposed procedure is based on a 5 key-steps approach preceded by clarification of the boundary conditions to be imposed, which are crucial to the inventory of various compulsory technical requirements. This analysis requires the adoption of stringent criteria, many of them of multi-disciplinary nature, including tests of vulnerability and assessment of uncertainty, besides the environmental impact risk. As a result, priority targets that are not excluded will integrate different classes and, depending on the existing knowledge, it will be possible to select locations suitable for the repository installation, taking into account also the political, social and administrative dimensions behind this decision.
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Ionita, Mirela, and Veronica Pastae. "OBSOLESCENCE AND THE E-LEARNING ELEMENT IN THE CONTEXT OF TEACHING AND ACQUIRING FOREIGN LANGUAGES." In eLSE 2012. Editura Universitara, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-12-081.

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The “lifespan” of a textbooks is dependent on a wide range of factors-of linguistic, social, psychological, technological and even political nature. These factors have implications in the selling process, in the socio-cultural impact, as well as in the erosion of a textbook. The e-learning element is the latest feature added to the process of teaching and acquiring foreign languages. However, it seems to be the subject of high-speed changes and reshaping. These complex phenomena are in connection with the rapid technological progress and evolution of the society itself. Hence some challenging questions arise: how should traditional way of learning blend with these new trends and how could the obsolescence factor affecting both textbooks and e-learning be best estimated and dealt with? 1.1. The lifespan of any textbook is limited to some extent. Both contents and graphics are perishable. Designed for teaching and learning purposes, any textbook is bound to become obsolete in the end. The viability of a textbook is in close connection with its usage - after this it becomes outdated. Quality is a dynamic feature constantly affected by the passage of time. 1.2. Language textbooks tailored for teaching and learning purposes are, in our opinion, a special kind of educational outcome. The market provides at least two types of products: school textbooks and independent methods, which are not restricted in any way by official curricula. Despite the fact that both these products are vulnerable and subject to change, school textbooks are the ones primarily altered by educational policies. 1.2.1. We will focus solely on those textbooks addressed to a public that is willing (not forced) to learn foreign languages. Regardless of the age group it targets (for instance, children, teenagers, adults) or their degree of proficiency (beginner, intermediate, advanced), such a textbook has to be accepted; it cannot be imposed. Consequently, its potential beneficiary can be extrapolated beyond borders, but not beyond time.
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Reports on the topic "Political Intermediarie"

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Maitra, Pushkar, Sandip Mitra, Dilip Mookherjee, and Sujata Visaria. Decentralized Targeting of Agricultural Credit Programs: Private versus Political Intermediaries. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w26730.

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Rokhideh, Maryam. Leveraging the Peacebuilding Potential of Cross-border Trader Networks in Sub-Saharan Africa. RESOLVE Network, July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2021.17.lpbi.

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Cross-border trade plays a prominent role in economic, social, and political life in Sub-Saharan Africa, contributing significantly to development, poverty reduction, and job creation. Across the continent, cross-border trade accounts for 43 percent of the entire population’s income. As actors embedded in licit and illicit networks at local and regional levels, cross-border traders have the potential to fuel conflict or mitigate it. They can act as spoilers, supporting armed groups and war economies, or as peace intermediaries, negotiating peace deals and bridging conflict divides across communities. Given that most armed conflicts in Sub-Saharan Africa are shaped by cross-border dynamics, cross-border traders present an underexamined yet critical point of entry for analyzing and addressing conflicts and should be included in new and ongoing peacebuilding programming. This policy note provides recommendations on how policymakers can leverage the untapped peacebuilding potential of cross-border traders and decrease their spoiling power.
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