To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Political interdependencies.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political interdependencies'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Political interdependencies.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Rutten, Koen. "Authoritarianism, capitalism and institutional interdependencies in the Chinese economy : implications for governance and innovation." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/827/.
Full textAbstract:
Recently, the field of comparative political economy has turned to the Chinese economy. Coherent interpretation of the drivers and fundamental institutions of China’s economic system had been frustrated by the coexistence of, on the one hand, continuously developing capitalist institutions and a burgeoning market economy, and on the other, the persisting and proliferating authoritarian system of economic administration. Therefore, commonplace dichotomous frameworks of capitalism/ socialism, or coordinated/market economies are but of little avail. Building on concepts from regulation theory, this thesis argues that the current system is one wherein state and market institutions support a distinctively industrialist orientation. The Leninist apparatus of bureaucratic controls has come to instill a dynamic wherein economic performance begets political influence, and political stature commands control of capital. Financial markets complement industrial demands for capital, while the ostensibly ‘liberalist’ reorganization of the public sector and welfare system have attenuated the financial pressures on enterprise exerted by labor. As a result of the common interest of political actors and industrialists in the continuous expansion of productive capital, growth has occurred predominantly through investments in fixed capital. Stringent limitations exist which undermine achievement of long-term sustainability of the current state-industrialist nexus. Lack of compensatory mechanisms for disenfranchised constituents and the dearth of indigenous innovation are pertinent problems, and moreover, mutually reinforcing. On the one hand, without a continuous increase in relative surplus value (i.e. output per worker) a more egalitarian distribution of income seems unlikely, while on the other, the lack of individual purchasing power subverts intentions to transition towards a model of growth premised on domestic consumption. Indeed, exceptions exist (for example within the telecommunications industry), but ultimately growth in upstream sectors requires commensurate growth in downstream industries. The Chinese ‘variety of capitalism’ is indeed an idiosyncratic one, but seems to have exhausted its potential.
2
Denoël, Mathilde. "Rapports de pouvoir dans l’activité minière, entre modèle néo-extractiviste et variations territoriales : le cas des provinces de Jujuy, San Juan et Mendoza en Argentine." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019TOU20039.
Full textAbstract:
En Argentine, l’activité minière métallifère de grande envergure s’est implantée dans les années 1990, à la suite des recommandations des institutions internationales et sous l’égide du gouvernement néolibéral de Carlos Menem. C’est le début de l’extractivisme, qui favorise l’expansion de la logique capitaliste d’accumulation par dépossession dans de nouvelles provinces, désormais gestionnaires de leurs ressources. Avec l’arrivée d’un gouvernement progressiste au début des années 2000, le déploiement du secteur ne ralentit pas et devient politique d’État. C’est le passage au néo-extractivisme, qui s’accompagne d’une importante multiplication des instances et de la mise en place d’un dispositif de consensus visant à légitimer, naturaliser et institutionnaliser l’activité, de plus en plus décriée, dans les territoires.Dans ce contexte, cette recherche questionne les conditions de l’adaptation locale d’un modèle globalisé. Quelles interdépendances, quels rapports de pouvoir existent entre les acteurs partisans du secteur et les territoires locaux ? Quel rôle jouent les élites locales dans l’hybridation des logiques public-privé que sous-tend le néo-extractivisme ? Comment les représentations qui forment les territoires évoluent-elles face à cette activité qui porte une définition hégémonique de la « ressource » ? Pour répondre à ces interrogations, une approche qualitative et pluridisciplinaire ainsi qu’un dispositif multisitué, polymorphe et multimodal ont été adoptés. Cette triangulation méthodologique a été pensée afin de confronter les discours et les pratiques des acteurs du secteur à l’échelle infranationale et de dégager les variations territoriales d’un modèle globalisé. Face à l’implantation d’une activité gourmande en « produits de la nature », nous invitons ainsi le lecteur à considérer le poids du local dans les relations de pouvoir multiscalaires et hybrides déployées par les acteurs de l’activité minière métallifère de grande envergureIn Argentina, large-scale metal mining activity began in the 1990s, following the recommendations of international institutions and under the aegis of Carlos Menem’s neoliberal government. It is the beginning of extractivism that encouraged the expansion of capitalist logic of accumulation by dispossession into new provinces, wich are now managing their resources. With the arrival of a progressive government in the early 2000s, the deployment of the sector did not slow down and became a state policy. It is the transition to neo-extractivism, which is accompanied by a significant increase in the number of organizations and the establishment of a consensus apparatus aimed at legitimizing, naturalizing and institutionalizing the increasingly criticized activity in the territories.In this context, this research questions the conditions for the local adaptation of a globalized model. What interdependencies, what power relations exist between the partisan actors of the sector and local territories? What role do local elites play in the hybridization of public-private logic underpinned by neo-extractivism? How do the representations that make territories evolve in the face of this activity, which has a hegemonic definition of “resource”? To answer these questions, qualitative and multidisciplinary approach as well as multi-site, polymorphic and multimodal methods have been adopted. This methodological triangulation was designed to compare the discourses and practices of the sector’s actors at the subnational level and to identify the territorial variations of a globalized model. Faced with the establishment of an activity that is greedy for “natural products”, we invite the reader to consider the weight of the local in the multiscalar and hybrid power relations deployed by the actors of large-scale metal mining activity
En Argentina, la actividad mega-minera comenzó en la década de los 1990 en sintonía las recomendaciones de las instituciones internacionales y bajo la égida del gobierno neoliberal de Carlos Menem. Este fue el comienzo del extractivismo, que alentó la expansión de la lógica capitalista de acumulación por desposesión en nuevas provincias, ahora manejando sus recursos. Con la llegada de un gobierno progresista a principios de la década de 2000, el despliegue del sector no se ralentizó y se convirtió en una política de Estado. Se trata de la transición al neoextractivismo, caracterizado por un aumento significativo del número de organismos involucrados y por el establecimiento de un dispositivo de consenso destinado a legitimar, naturalizar e institucionalizar la actividad mega-minera, cada vez más desprestigiada, en los territorios.En este contexto, esta investigación cuestiona las condiciones para la adaptación local de un modelo globalizado. ¿Qué interdependencias, qué relaciones de poder existen entre los actores partidarios del sector y los territorios locales? ¿Qué papel juegan las élites locales en la hibridación de la lógica público-privada sustentada en el neoextractivismo? ¿Cómo evolucionan las representaciones que conforman los territorios frente a esta actividad, que tiene una definición hegemónica de “recurso”? Para responder a estas preguntas, se ha adoptado un enfoque cualitativo y multidisciplinario, así como un sistema multisitio, polimórfico y multimodal. Esta triangulación metodológica fue diseñada para comparar los discursos y prácticas de los actores del sector a nivel subnacional e identificar las variaciones territoriales de un modelo globalizado. Ante el establecimiento de una actividad ávida de “productos naturales”, invitamos al lector a considerar el peso de lo local en las relaciones de poder multiescalares e híbridas desplegadas por los actores de la mega-minería metalífera
3
Johansson, Viktor. "How to study the Occurrence of Cascading Effects in Critical Infrastructure : Evaluating and Developing a Method for gathering data on critical infrastructure dependencies." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-160656.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis evaluates and develops a method for studying the occurrence of cascading effects between critical infrastructures. The thesis also analyzes how the results of previous research using the method may have been affected by certain aspects of the method. Applying different inclusion thresholds and exploring how material could be gathered differently, the thesis provides some tentative answers to the value of using newspaper articles when studying cascading effects. In addition, the thesis offers recommendations for future research and policy on the protection of critical infrastructures.
4
Morales, Giraldo Juan Francisco. "Political effects of economic interdependence among South American members of the Alliance of the Pacific." Politai, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/92324.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this paper is to analyze the unintended political effects of economic interdependence among South American members of the Alliance of the Pacific by tracing the evolution of their mutual trade in relation to the intensity of their military competitive dynamics from 2001 to 2015. Two measurement instruments are use: an intra-regional trade index based on commerce data, and a coordination index based on arms purchases. The question is if the formation of the Alliance and trade relations now embedded in it have had any effect on the cooperation-conflict political balance. Issues concerning the method are discuss as well as the implications of the research for the intertheory debate. Last section is dedicate to discuss briefly the historical understanding of regional conflicts and normative aims of regional integration.El texto aborda los posibles efectos políticos no intencionados de la interdependencia económica entre los miembros sudamericanos de la Alianza del Pacífico examinando el desarrollo de sus relaciones comerciales en relación con la intensidad de sus dinámicas militares de competencia entre 2001 y 2015. Se emplean dos instrumentos de medición: un índice de comercio intragrupal basado en datos de comercio exterior y un índice de coordinación basado en datos de compras militares. Los resultados permiten observar si la creación de la Alianza del Pacífico y el comercio intragrupal han tenido efecto en el carácter de las relaciones políticas. Se discuten los alcances y limitaciones del método y las implicancias de la investigación para el debate inter-teórico. Finalmente, se discuten brevemente el carácter histórico de la conflictividad y los rasgos normativos del integracionismo regional.
5
Costalli, Stefano. "Politics behind globalization: the influence of political and security variables on economic interdependence among States." Thesis, IMT Alti Studi Lucca, 2008. http://e-theses.imtlucca.it/71/1/Costalli_phdthesis.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
The dissertation investigates the influence of domestic and international politics on economic interdependence among states in the age of globalization. On the one hand it aims at updating the studies on the influence of political variables on international trade taking into consideration the post-Cold War years. On the other hand it aims at expanding the operational definition of economic interdependence performing the first empirical of the influence of politics on bilateral flows of FDI. Through an extensive use of panel data analysis, I find that both domestic and international politics have a relevant impact on economic interdependence even in the context of globalization. However, none of the classic theories of international relations on the causes and consequences of interdependence can fully explain the current dynamics. The system is increasingly complex and the realist and liberal seem to work together accounting for different phenomena that happen contemporaneously.
6
Mistree, Dinsha (Dinsha Farrokh Allen). "Dependence, independence, and interdependence in world politics." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/37196.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (S.M. and S.B.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2006.Includes bibliographical references (p. 150-156).
We implement techniques of graph theory to international trade in order to empirically inspect the international system of trade. Examining macro and submacro levels of the international system of trade from 1962-2003, we find the presence of a Scale-Free Network with a Multiscalar Hierarchy. Such structures are resilient to bottom-up economic collapse, but are susceptible to top-down and horizontal economic failures. Our findings are based upon an especially novel approach for examining submacro systems, applying latent community identification analysis to identify trading communities that are not necessarily formalized or institutionalized as trading blocs. Following this analysis, we examine the role of international institutions in the international trade network, specifically considering macro level institutions for stability solutions and examining the effects of joining a trade bloc. We find evidence that supports the intergovernmentalist framework, whereby certain types of trade blocs seem to succeed while others fail, leading to different results in integration and unification.
by Dinsha Mistree.
S.M.and S.B.
7
Sesay, Max Ahmadu. "Interdependence and dependency in the political economy of Sierra Leone." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.357985.
Full text
8
Alleva, Diane Florence. "The Political Process of Interdependence between the U.S and Japan." W&M ScholarWorks, 1989. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625533.
Full text
9
Lailliau, Julie. "La fabrique d'une politique alimentaire locale intégrée : un éclairage par les interdépendances." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Bordeaux, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024BORD0150.
Full textAbstract:
Le récent développement de politiques alimentaires dans les territoires relève d’une innovation de l’action publique locale dont les modalités de construction et de mise en œuvre ont cependant peu été étudiées. En effet, les politiques alimentaires locales sous-tendent avant tout des choix politiques informant tant les changements poursuivis en termes de régulation locale de l’alimentation au sein des systèmes alimentaires territoriaux, que les stratégies de légitimation des acteurs publics qui en sont porteurs. Cette thèse analyse les coulisses de la construction et de la mise en œuvre d’une politique alimentaire intégrée départementale, en prenant comme cas d’étude celle du Conseil départemental de la Gironde (CD33). En appliquant une nouvelle grille d’analyse constituée au croisement de trois littératures - approche par les interdépendances, travail politique et intégration dans les politiques publiques, la thèse éclaire le travail politique mené par les acteurs départementaux dans les étapes de problématisation et d’instrumentation de la stratégie alimentaire girondine et interroge les effets de cette action publique locale sur le système alimentaire local ainsi qu’au sein du Département. Pour ce faire, ce travail s’appuie sur une immersion de plus de trois ans au sein de l’Agenda 21 départemental, du fait d’un conventionnement Cifre, ayant permis la constitution d’un matériau de recherche composite, constitué d’une observation participante, associée à l’analyse d’une littérature grise et complété par deux séries d’entretiens. L’analyse donne à voir les modalités et les processus de la fabrique de la politique alimentaire intégrée girondine sur quinze ans, entre 2008 et 2023. Elle met en lumière que le travail politique en termes d’interdépendances mené par les acteurs départementaux – dont l’influence varie – est sans cesse renouvelé, amenant à distinguer quatre cadrages cognitifs à travers quatre politiques alimentaires départementales avec leurs propres configurations d’acteurs, leurs propres arbitrages en termes d’interdépendances et leurs propres niveaux d’intégration. Autrement dit, durant ces quinze années, le CD33 ne s’est pas saisi de l’alimentation avec une vision constante et il n’y a pas associé les mêmes objectifs. A travers ces cadrages, la thèse éclaire de nombreux aspects de la « boîte noire » de la fabrique de la stratégie alimentaire intégrée girondine : les jeux d’acteurs entre sphères politique et administrative, les arbitrages faits entre domaines d’intervention publique, la variation des postures du CD33 lorsqu’il s’agit d’amener du changement dans le système alimentaire et sa régulation, et plus généralement, les stratégies du CD33 pour se légitimer au sein de l’échiquier politique. Finalement, l’analyse met en lumière des imbrications entre policy, politics et polity dans la fabrique de la stratégie alimentaire du CD33 et permet de conclure sur un mouvement perpétuel de bascule entre politisation et dépolitisation du fait alimentaire au gré de l’évolution des cadrages cognitifs, de la définition des objectifs (visée transformative ou affichage politique), des relations interterritoriales (relais ou opposant à l’Etat ; coopérations ou évitement), des reconfigurations d’acteur au sein même du Département (influence des acteurs administratifs et politiques) ou encore des évolutions dans la posture prise par le Département (logique de guichet, animateur, expérimentateur, etc.). Finalement, la thèse informe sur la construction d’une politique alimentaire intégrée instable, dont les éléments constitutifs sont sans cesse remodelés, et par laquelle il est donné à voir que la régulation locale de l’alimentation n’est pas tant l’objectif poursuivi par l’acteur public en tant que tel, mais plutôt un moyen participant d’une stratégie plus globale de légitimation d’un Département se positionnant continuellement comme un acteur intermédiaireDespite the fact that local food policies are seen as an innovation in local public action, nevertheless their construction and implementation have received little study. Indeed, local food policies underpin, above all, political choices that inform both the changes pursued in terms of local regulation of food within territorial food systems, and legitimisation strategies led by public actors which support them. This thesis takes a ‘behind-the-scenes’ look at the construction and implementation of an integrated departmental food policy, using the Gironde Departmental Council as a case study. Applying an original conceptual framework which brings together three literatures: i) an interdependency approach, ii) political work and iii) policy integration, the thesis sheds light on the political work carried out by departmental players during the problematisation and instrumentation stages of the Gironde food strategy, and examines the effects of this local public action on the local food system as well as within the department. To this end, this work is based on an immersion of more than three years within the departmental Agenda 21 mission, due to a Cifre thesis contract, which enabled the constitution of a composite research material made up of participatory observation, the analysis of grey literature, and two series of semi-structured interviews. An analysis based on interdependencies shows how the integrated food policy for the Gironde was developed over a fifteen-year period, between 2008 and 2023. It highlights the fact that the political work in terms of interdependencies carried out by departmental actors - whose influence varies - is constantly renewed. It also allowed us to distinguish four cognitive frameworks leading to four ‘types’ of departmental food policies, each with their own configurations of actors and their own arbitrations in terms of interdependencies - and hence their own levels of policy integration. In other words, over the last fifteen years, the Department of Gironde has not approached food with a consistent vision and has not associated the same objectives with it. Through identifying and exploring these different framings, the thesis sheds light on many aspects of the 'black box' of the Gironde integrated food strategy: the interplay of actors between political and administrative spheres, the trade-offs made between areas of public intervention, the variation in the Department's positions when it comes to bringing about change in the food system and its regulation, and more generally, the Department's strategies for legitimising itself within the political arena. Finally, the analysis of political work carried out by the players around different types of interdependency (e.g. territorial, public/private, knowledge) highlights the interweaving of policy, politics and polity in the creation of the Gironde Departmental Council's food strategy. We consequently conclude that there is a perpetual shift between politicisation and depoliticisation of the food issue as a result of changes in cognitive frameworks, the definition of objectives (transformative aim or political display), inter-territorial relations (in alliance with or opposing the State ; cooperation or avoidance), reconfigurations of players within the Department itself (influence of administrative and political players) or changes in the stance adopted by the Department (front-office approach, facilitator, experimenter, etc.). Finally, the thesis provides new knowledge on the construction of an unstable integrated food policy, whose constituent elements are constantly being reshaped, and through which it is shown that local regulation of food is not so much the objective pursued by the public actor as such, but rather a means of participating in a more global strategy of legitimisation of a Department continually positioning itself as an intermediary actor
10
BORETTO, MARCO FELICE. "Cournot oligopoly with preference interdependence." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10281/291150.
Full textAbstract:
Lo scopo di questa tesi `e di analizzare la presenza di una struttura sociale di preferenze interdipendenti in un oligopolio di Cournot. Per fare ci`o, in- troduciamo un gioco in cui la rete di interazioni si riflette nelle funzioni di utilit`a delle imprese. Considerando le preferenze interdipendenti, possiamo identificare un ulteriore canale di interazione tra le imprese, parallelamente all’ interazione di mercato, che stabilisce un’altra interazione, possibilmente locale o anche una forma di interazione one-to-one.
La modellizzazione proposta si rivela adatta per estendere i risultati sull’esistenza e unicit`a dell’equilibrio di Nash per modelli oligopolistici Cournotiani senza preferenze interdipendenti.
Studiamo il ruolo dell’interdipendenza delle preferenze sulle risultanti pro- priet`a dell’equilibrio di Nash, in termini di sostituibilit`a/complementarit`a strategica.
Caratterizziamo, inoltre, l’equilibrio di Nash attraverso i due canali di in- terazione tra imprese. Ci`o che emerge `e quindi il primato della sfera so- ciale su quella economica in particolari strutture economiche (es. oligopoli Cournotiani) con preferenze interdipendenti.
La caratterizzazione dell’equilibrio, il conseguente grado di competitivit`a derivante dall’interdipendenza delle preferenze sociali e la statica comparata possono essere tutte espresse in termini di misure che descrivono le propriet`a del network.
La statica comparativa ci consente di capire sia come un cambiamento nella struttura di interazione sociale di un singolo giocatore influenzi il risultato del giocatore stesso, in termini di aumento/diminuzione della sua quota di mercato, sia come un cambiamento nella struttura dell’interazione nel suo insieme influisca sul risultato collettivo, in termini di aumento/diminuzione dei profitti.The aim of this thesis is to analyze the presence of a structure of social in- teredependent preferences in a Cournot oligopoly. To do this, we introduce a game in which the network of interactions reflects on the utility functions of firms. Cconsidering interdependent preferences, we can identify an ad- ditional channel of interaction among firms, along with the usual market interaction that establish another, possibly local or even one-to-one form of interaction. The proposed modelling approach proves to be suitable to extend the re- sults about existence and uniqueness of the Nash equilibrium for Cournotian oligopoly models without interdependent preferences. We study the role of preference interdependence on the resulting properties of the Nash equilibrium of any game, in terms of strategic substitutabil- ity/complementarity. We characterize the Nash equilibrium through the two channels of interac- tion among firms. What emerges is then the primacy of the social sphere over the economic one in particular economic structures (i.e. Cournotian oligopolies) with interdependent preferences. The characterization of the equilibrium, the resulting degree of competitive- ness arising from the interdependence of social preferences and the compar- ative statics can be all expressed in terms of measures that describe the network properties. Comparative statics allows us to understand both how a change in the social interaction structure of a single player influences the outcome of the player itself, in terms of increased/decreased market share, and how a change in the interaction structure as a whole affects the collective outcome, in terms of increased/decreased profits.
11
McLaughlin, Danielle M. "Interdependence in Complex Polycentric Governance Systems." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin162766118206865.
Full text
12
Kardell, Amy Louise. "Modeling the determinants of industry political power: industry winners in the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981." Diss., Texas A&M University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/327.
Full textAbstract:
This study uses qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) to examine the basis of industry political power by assessing conditions of economic interdependence and political action associated with the passage of the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981 (ERTA), and the significant reduction in effective tax rates for eight of eighteen U.S. industries. Past research has focused on the simple passage of "pro-business" legislation, failing to provide adequate evidence as to who benefits or how they benefit from the legislation. The Boolean analysis used in this study indicates that a distinct combination of both political action and economic factors present a clear pattern of causal conditions associated with both tax winners and losers. Using three separate analyses, the theoretically exclusive explanations offered by both class dominance and structural theories fail to provide any clear explanations. Tax policy is associated with a set of conditions that are conjunctural in nature, supporting a combined model. Strong PAC contributions, number of registered lobbyists, and outside lobby firms in association with a strong federal relationship, and either total economic strength or strong inter-industry relations produced the specific conjunctural patterns associated with "winning' industries. Lack of significant PAC contributions to the House Ways and Means and Senate Finance Committees insured an industries failure to benefit from the legislative change. The results from this study indicate that a new theoretical model is needed that incorporates the complexity of the interdependent-relationships of political and economic conditions. Evolving from the mutually exclusive theoretical explanations of the past, class segmentation, political dominance, and structural economic explanations are brought back together in a manner that exposes the complexity of the relationships resulted in tangible benefits from the passage of ERTA.
13
Han, Xu. "Interdependence and the problems of adaptation : the case of China in the 1980s." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1993. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1328/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is concerned with certain characteristics of the development of global interdependence as they apply to the case of China. In particular it examines the processes and problems involved in the policies of "reform and opening-up" as they affected China's adaptation to the world economy during the 1980s. The thesis places this examination within a historical context and it considers the ways in which ideological and other legitimating institutions have been challenged as the reformers shifted from a Maoist self-reliant developmental strategy to a more interdependent and outward-looking one. This study is a systematic attempt to examine the problems involved in the pursuit of reformist policies that necessarily entail ever-deepening relations of interdependence with a largely capitalistic international economy on the one hand, and in the Chinese Communist leadership's attempt to maintain and develop a socialist political system on the other. Instead of focusing on the formation of policy, on the decision-making structures and processes at the higher levels of the system as numerous writings on China's reforms have done, this thesis draws heavily on the dynamic changes in the social base and focuses more on the lower levels, especially the enterprises level, and is based on my field research in China. This study shows that, after more than a decade of opening-up, China has markedly increased its interdependence with the world economy, which has not only helped China achieve its dramatic economic growth, but also played an important role in generating changes in cultural, political and perceptual areas. As a result, the possibility of China's further integration into the world community is greater than ever. However, the Communist Leadership's fundamentally flawed strategy of seeking to combine economic liberalism with political authoritarianism has caused a series of setbacks in China's development in the 1980s. Their continued refusal to consider fundamental changes in the political system means that China still faces an uncertain future.
14
Rhamey, Jon Patrick Jr. "Constrained to Cooperate: Domestic Political Capacity and Regional Order." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/223350.
Full textAbstract:
In this dissertation I develop a theory that seeks to account for the variation in order present across regions. I propose that the observed variation in regional order in the international system is rooted in the domestic politics of region members. Unlike other attempts at explaining regional order, I account for domestic politics in the political capacity of member states. Measured as the relative ability of states to extract resources from their domestic societies, political capacity provides a measure of institutional and cultural constraints upon the ability of states to engage in costly foreign policies, such as conflict. The more extensive these constraints, the more likely a state will engage in cooperative behavior, resulting in more extensive regional institutions or trade interdependence. I show that regions comprised of high capacity democracies, like Europe, are highly cooperative, while those comprised of high capacity autocracies, like the Middle East, are more conflictual. The more cooperative the region, the greater the degree of interdependence and institutional architecture that will emerge. Finally, because the presence of regional order is contingent upon the domestic characteristics of constituent states, I develop a novel means of identifying regions for the proper measurement and identification of regional variables of interest. Using an opportunity and willingness framework, I define regions as stable geographic spaces of interacting states behaving uniquely from the broader international system. The resulting empirical analysis is a new dataset that provides not only a necessary means of case selection for the regional level variables included in this dissertation, but a specification of regions broadly applicable to regionalist research.
15
Schilling, Emily Ursula. "Reassessing legislative relationships: capturing interdependence in legislative position taking and votes." Diss., University of Iowa, 2015. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1899.
Full textAbstract:
Since Woodrow Wilson's (1885) analysis of Congress, researchers assumed that members of Congress look to one another for information, cues, and advice on unfamiliar policy areas. The amount of time and effort that each legislator and their staffers would have to put in to make all of these voting decisions would be insurmountable. Fellow legislators are a resource to turn to for guidance or assistance. Legislators are able to influence their colleagues above and beyond each of their individual preferences. The members of Congress that are most influential will not necessarily be the same for every bill. The significant legislators may be one's co-partisans and the party leadership or they may be a group of legislators with whom they share a common interest. Spatial analysis allows researchers to look more explicitly at the relationships between legislators and their colleagues.
I use spatial probit and a spatial duration model to study these issues by examining the factors that influence voting decisions and the timing of position announcements. I look at a variety of different policy areas, including foreign policy, education, and agriculture, over an extensive time period (1933-2014) to test which relationships are most influential on their decisions. I study the interdependence between three different relationships, same party, state delegation, and ideological similarity, and hypothesize that these ties will lead legislators to behave more similarly. The use of the spatial analysis provides an opportunity to test these relationships and see if even after controlling for other influences there is dependence between legislators. In my research, I find that legislators are interdependent regardless of their individual characteristics. When I analyze voting behavior, legislators' behave similarly from one another across all three relationships above and beyond what we would expect given their personal preferences. These positive findings do not hold when I study the timing of position announcements where legislators behave dissimilarly from one another when interdependence exists. The study, overall, suggests that legislative ties are especially important in explaining voting behavior and that it is critical to account for these relationships.
16
Oates, John Gabriel. "The Constitution of Supranationalism: Interdependence, Sovereignty and International Organization." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1375452306.
Full text
17
Gerasimenko, Olga. "Security Rivalry between the US and China under Conditions of Economic Interdependence." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1366373816.
Full text
18
Madsen, Scott E. "An examination of three approaches to the study of the politics of interdependence." Thesis, This resource online, 1991. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-03172010-020352/.
Full text
19
Masterson, James R. "Economic Interdependence and Conflict: The Case of China and its Neighbors." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1258741002.
Full text
20
Morelli, Stefano <1995>. "Knocking out Giants: Size and Asymmetrical Interdependence in the US-Indonesian and the Italian-Libyan Negotiations." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/19718.
Full textAbstract:
Le dimensioni di uno Stato, intese come popolazione, PIL e spese militari, sono state per molto tempo ritenute un asset nelle negoziazioni. Il presente lavoro mira a capire se, come e fino a che punto le dimensioni siano state rilevanti nelle negoziazioni tra USA e Indonesia sugli aiuti economici (1951-1953) e tra Italia e Libia sul ‘grande gesto’ per la rottura col passato coloniale (2001-2008). A una prima parte teorica focalizzata sui concetti di dimensioni, potere e potere negoziale, segue l’analisi dei negoziati. Viene dimostrato, in primis, che le dimensioni erano una fonte di debolezza più che di potere negoziale, in quanto consentiva alle controparti di rincarare le richieste finanziarie. In secondo luogo, più che le dimensioni, era la relazione di interdipendenza asimmetrica a contare: chi possiede alternative e risorse agognate dalla controparte, e non lo Stato più grande, ha la mano vincente. L’Indonesia e la Libia, avendo più alternative e due beni ambiti da USA e Italia, rispettivamente neutralità e petrolio, tenevano in scacco le controparti. In terzo luogo, lo Stato più ‘piccolo’, che ha sfruttato competitivamente l’interdipendenza asimmetrica, ha visto i propri risultati annullarsi nel lungo termine: lo Stato più grande e insoddisfatto o non ha onorato l’accordo o ha preso ciò che voleva con la forza. Il ruolo delle dimensioni, benché ridotto, non deve essere totalmente trascurato: il negoziato non è l’unico mezzo per raggiungere i propri obiettivi.
21
Pillai, Anil Ph D. "Retreating from the Nuclear Path Testing the theory of Prudential Realism to explain Nuclear Forbearance." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1342103267.
Full text
22
Morey, Alistair William David. "'Interdependence' or 'common purpose'? : Anglo-American cooperation in the Middle East after Suez." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367624.
Full text
23
Leong, Chi Ian. "National power, international interdependence and state socialization : explaining China's diplomatic behaviour in climate change politics." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554612.
Full text
24
Callen, David J. "The Diversification of (In)Security in 21st Century UAE and Qatar: Cultivating Capital, Interdependence and Uncertainty." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/347189.
Full textAbstract:
Neoliberal preferences by the ruling families and elite of both the UAE and Qatar have informed their decision-making along the lines of investors or CEOs of country corporations. Therefore, 21st century development in these countries has followed the patterns of diversifying a portfolio. While the literature speaks to the diversification of the economy, this dissertation presents the diversification of security, wherein a neoliberal worldview shapes holistic approaches to security. Given the hard power weakness of these countries, built as it is upon the foundation of a temporary strength—resource wealth—that is rapidly becoming a future weakness, the leaders of these states have sought to maximize the efficient use of resource wealth by developing a broad array of capital and cooperation-producing activities that fill particular niche roles in the international community, thereby providing interdependence that contributes to maintaining the status quo and security. In the UAE this has followed the haven approach, a pattern that develops internally to offer a depth and breadth of activity that draws in the international community and its various forms of capital. Qatar has taken the broadcaster approach, building upon a haven-like foundation to project outward through media and diplomacy for the sake of producing interdependence. Interestingly, both countries leverage sport for the diversification of security in each approach. The UAE offers sheer numbers and scope of sport that contribute to and promote the sport capital of its haven while Qatar courts fewer but grander large-scale events that present a stage for projecting its sport power. Yet, as is the case with any strategy there are inherent risks to implementing these approaches for security purposes, chief among which is the exchange of one set of known risk—or insecurity—for another, below-the-surface set. Both countries have exacerbated or created internal sources of instability, from rapid, untenable development and the subsequent abuse of migrant workers to challenges to traditional values and identity. Ultimately, however, the UAE's haven approach has proven the most diverse and therefore most durable, especially in light of the Arab Spring. This is shown through the press profile measure, which uses keywords derived from the (in)security characteristics of each approach to ascertain the profile of each country based on articles in the international press. It, too, demonstrates that the depth and breadth of the UAE's diverse portfolio haven activities better situates it to present a profile of a viable partner for interdependence to the global community. In neoliberal and investment terms, during an economic downturn the UAE held cash and a wide assortment of bonds while Qatar doubled-down on high-risk, high-reward stocks like military and political engagement as well as the Muslim Brotherhood. On one hand, as the value of these stocks plummeted Qatar's portfolio has lost tremendous value and it continues to delay "realizing" its losses by cutting ties and rebalancing. On the other hand, the UAE now has the freedom to further rebalance and diversify its portfolio of security activities by selectively engaging in prestige-producing endeavors like using a female fighter pilot to spearhead the US-led coalition against ISIS.
25
Sung, Ki-Young. "Security crisis and economic interdependence : a case study of inter-Korean trade (2002-2006)." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2010. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/55779/.
Full textAbstract:
Modern security studies have demonstrated that military insecurity or confrontation create crucial obstacles in trade relationships between states. Unlike this widely accepted conclusion, the trade relationship between the ROK and the DPRK from 2002 to 2006 showed a stable growth despite increasingly hostile political confrontation and military tension caused by the North Korean nuclear program. This study analyzes under what conditions the security instability did not undermine economic interdependence and which factors predominantly affected the actors' behavior by focusing on South Korean SMEs. It will conclude that substantial change of inter-Korean relations after the summit talks in 2000 enabled the SMEs to continue to engage with the DPRK under the nuclear crisis. In terms of what actually motivated SMEs in these transactions, it will argue that South Korean businessmen's desperate desire to took for lower-cost production provided a key driving force for them to risk the military instability. This study will substantiate this argument by providing a result of structured survey of South Korean entrepreneurs who actually were involved in the inter-Korea trade in this particular period. By analyzing how security agenda and economic interest relates each other, this study will overcome either security-dominated or economy-centered bias in capturing the changed essence of inter-Korean relations.
26
McCormick, Hugh. "The futurity compact : anticipation, interdependence and contract : the possibility and circumstances of justice over time." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ce50e871-e80f-4d5d-9fcb-96d44aecfd65.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is about justice between people born at different times: the way in which they interact and the extent to which those interactions can be a matter of justice. Its principal aims are: to present certain theories that describe what justice over time might look like; to present certain theoretical problems for this subject; and to understand the impact of these problems upon these theories. The thesis draws mainly upon: the work of David Hume, John Rawls and David Gauthier as sources of certain social contract theories; and the work of Wilfred Beckerman, Gustaf Arrhenius and Derek Parfit for certain problems faced by these theories. The central argument of the thesis is that the theoretical obstacles to the application of justice thrown up by the temporal dimension are not as significant as they might appear. In particular, there are good reasons to believe that social contract theories are more susceptible to intertemporal extension and less encumbered by temporally-related problems than previously thought. The conclusion of the thesis is that, issuing from a clearer view of certain theoretical obstacles to their inclusion, there is significant potential for future people to be considered within the scope of justice over time as described by certain social contract theories and that present people have self-interested reasons to take this project seriously.
27
Urquhart, Ian Thomas. "Interdependence, state competition, and national policy : regulating the British Columbia and Washington Pacific salmon fisheries, 1957-1984." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/27555.
Full textAbstract:
This study explores the politics of regulating the British Columbia and Washington commercial salmon fisheries between 1937 and 1984. The principal focus of this comparative-historical study is upon one particularly striking exception to the tendency of regulators to tighten commercial salmon fishing restrictions over time - the persistence of liberal offshore trolling regulations. The dissertation argues that the anomalous treatment of the offshore troll fishery during this period may be ascribed to the competition between states for the right to harvest salmon - a common property resource.
In making this claim, the study questions the adequacy of the interest-group driven explanations of policy which figure prominently in the literature on regulation. Two pillars of interest group theory, the tendencies to explain national policy only through reference to domestic politics and to reduce state behaviour to little more than the product of the demands of private sector interests, are challenged in this comparative case study.
The challenge to the first tendency of interest group theory is sustained by examining the relations between national regulatory preferences and the foreign fishery policy goals of Canada and the United States. The pursuit of two goals - Asian exclusion and North American equity - in bilateral and multilateral negotiations demanded the adoption of particular regulatory profiles. Liberal offshore troll regulations may be explained according to the legitimacy and bargaining advantages they lent to Canadian and American efforts to incorporate these two goals into modifications to the traditional fishery regime.
The study also suggests that, in a setting characterized by intergovernmental competition, regulatory policies may not always be equated with the preferences of interested private parties. In this setting the state's ability or willingness to respond to even the most influential private sector interests may be limited by the state's evaluation of its bargaining resources and requirements. State competition created a context where government attitudes towards offshore salmon fishing could be understood in terms of state preferences, preferences derived from officials' perceptions of the legitimacy of various national regulatory policies in the context of valued international institutions.
While state competition is the centrepiece of the explanation of national fishery policy developed in this study its explanatory power is mediated by two intervening institutional variables - the capacities of states to formulate and implement policies and the structure of the international regime itself. The level of knowledge regarding the salmon resource played an instrumental role in the formulation of regime goals and of pertinent national policies. The extent to which state management in offshore waters was fragmented between different bureaus affected the ability of officials to adopt national policies which suited their international purposes. The redistribution of the American state's fishery management capacity in the 1970s was a catalyst for the severe restrictions visited upon Washington trailers at that time.
A second institutional factor, the structure of the international fishery regime, also mediated the competition between states. The series of reciprocal fishing privileges agreements between Canada and the United States was particularly important in maintaining established offshore regulatory preferences during the 1970s when the clash between American and Canadian salmon fishery perspectives was intensifying.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
28
Avramidis, Konstantinos. "Atlas of Athenian inscriptions : a book of drawings of writings and writings on drawings." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/29638.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis proposes a critical exchange between architecture and graffiti. Graffiti in Athens plays a key role in the expression of Greek tensions making this city an ideal place for developing such an exchange. The author acts in a three-fold manner in this research: as architectural designer, one with an impulse to survey by drawing and capable of grasping the matrix of the surfaces upon which graffiti finds an expression; as graffiti writer, somebody with some practical experience as graffitist hence partially equipped to decode the graffiti matrix placed on any given architectural matrix; and as writer on graffiti, who is interested in bringing together and working between the architectural and graffiti matrices to reveal their convergences, deviations and interdependences, and, in so doing, expose the hidden spatiality of graffiti writing. Stemming from this peculiar triple positioning, this book promotes a new situating of Athenian inscriptions. The thesis is presented as an Atlas of Athenian Inscriptions, a book of drawings of writings and writings on drawings. The Atlas offers, in both drawn and written form, a close study of four situations in which graffiti has been recorded. The thesis regards a recent significant graffiti Exhibition – in which the author is actively implicated by being invited into it as a graffiti writer and writer on graffiti – as a starting point, as its situation zero. By de-situating graffiti from its original urban and political context whilst placing it onto the gallery surfaces, this thesis argues that the Exhibition undermines graffiti’s critical potency and has transformed graffiti into an aesthetic object. However, perhaps paradoxically, presenting graffiti as an empty gesture, the Exhibition nonetheless raises questions concerning the situating role of graffiti. By including it in the Atlas together with the following more overt surface ruptures in political edifices, the Exhibition is framed as an equally political situation. The other three situations, all in Athens’ city centre, reflect three important periods in local political history and are emblematic in that they are the epicentres of historical ruptures during which they are extensively graffitied: the former Nazi Detention Centre which operates during the Axis occupation (1941-1944); the Athens Polytechnic that plays a pivotal role in the student uprising against the Greek Military Junta (1967-1974); and the Bank of Greece HQ building which is a site of recurring political expression in contemporary crisis (2010-2015). The Atlas indexes graffiti and related information from the city of Athens, the systematic organisation of which creates different graffiti-related matrices allowing us to make sense of, navigate in and reconstruct the Athenian graffiti landscape through characteristic surface environments. By placing different political situations in the same set with the Exhibition, the thesis aims to give critical voice to how graffiti is perceived. By resituating (graffiti) images, the Atlas restores broken and creates new links between them and their surfaces whilst revealing not only the spatiality of graffiti in Athens but also the spatiality of architecture of Athens as a recurring tension between the matrices of dissensus and consensus. The thesis deconstructs the mythology that architecture represents consensus and graffiti dissensus, since each is embedded in the other. Ultimately, by carefully considering graffiti’s situating character and graphic articulation, this research promotes rupture to the smoothing of its political asperity attempted by architecture, institutions and those writing on graffiti that seek to restrain it.
29
Diatlov, Vladimir. "Information technology in practice of organising : meeting fragmentation and interdependence by the incremental political delivery of information systems in financial services." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416507.
Full text
30
Kastner, Scott L. "Commerce in the shadow of conflict : domestic politics and the relationship between international conflict and economic interdependence /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3089468.
Full text
31
Nilsson, Simone. "Ömsesidighet som skapande av inflytande i EU? : En idéanalytisk fallstudie om småstaters inflytande över beslutsprocessen i GUSP." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-64940.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis studies the impact of small states in the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in EU. The organisation of EU contains an interdependent power relationship between all countries. The aim of this study is to examine how this interdependence affect the influence of small states. Two theoretical framework are used. The first by Robert Keohane och Joseph Nye that developed the theoretical definition of interdependence, while the second one by Søren Christensen and his definition of direct and indirect power. The analytical model contains four hypothesis concerning asymmetrical and vulnerable interdependence, as well as direct- and indirect power. Through a case study of Sweden and Finland the conclusion is that small states have influence in CFSP, but it is limited due to bigger states with much more resources and the geographical position of the countries that creats asymmetrical interdependence. However, Sweden and Finland have influence in the decision-making in CFSP through vulnerable interdependence because of their many international defence cooperations with different organizations that strengthen their national position in the international political system. Also, the formal process of decision-making in CFSP enable direct and indirect power of small states. Therefore, the final conclusion is that small states have influence in CFSP even though is its limited in some aspects.
32
Benovič, Jozef. "Politické aspekty nemecko ruských vzťahov v ére Putina a ich hlavné problémy." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-192493.
Full textAbstract:
German Russian relations are key partnership for European security and energy. Many European states, including Czech and Slovak republic, are dependent on the German-Russian economic cooperation. Russia is for Germany historically a strategic partner and the importance of their relationship is rising currently, as well. The cooperation extends and the traditional contradictions are ignored. However, the Ukrainian crisis has brought a change of German policy towards Russia. The thesis describes the character of the relation and problems following the methodology of the international relations theories with real reflection. It analyses the relation from the political and economic dimensions and their close interconnection.
33
Herrmann, Cilia. "Let us be the second body." Thesis, Stockholms konstnärliga högskola, Institutionen för dans, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uniarts:diva-911.
Full textAbstract:
The essay Let us be the second body is a written pensive and companion in the process of creating a performance with the same title performed in January 2021 at SKH in Stockholm. It describes the main task of the project which was about realizing interdependencies, in a search for political movement towards a non-violent way of relating with and within the world. In the essay, it is described how this can be imagined like crawling through a compost pile. What you find digesting in the pile are conversations and encounters with strangers on the street such as Blurry-Believes/ Pretend-Poems/ Slippery-Statements, and composed fragments of thoughts from thinkers like Maria Lugones, Judith Butler, Ta-Nehsi Coates, and Michael Ende. Composing those fragments within this essay is forming the sentence: “I cannot be out of violence until the system that I am living in is, even though I am not the target of that violence. The essay is longing to get into the muddy work of investigating the concepts of ‘transformation’ and ‘change’. A work that is meant to be, as the structure of the text, mirrored, messed up and ambiguous. (And through being honest in that ambiguity the essay regains a response-ability.) Concretely, the essay reflects on how I use this ambiguity as a tool for creating the performance Let us be the second body, in which textile art, scenography, sound design and dancing linger in interdependence with the realm of transformation. I will and I will not change the world with this essay. So, I guess you will and you will not be changed by this essay.This master work includes both a performing and a written part.
34
Ozola, Anete. "What impact can the economic potential of the Arctic region have on avoiding conflict?" Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-42783.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of the thesis is to look into the Arctic region and the relationship that the economic potential of the region has with the growing tension. The research question of the thesis is ‘what impact can the economic potential of the Arctic region have on avoiding conflict?’. The thesis uses the theoretical framework of Complex Interdependence as the base for Arctic state behavior and dependency. The used methods are content analysis for all eight Arctic state regions policy papers and after that case study of a smaller group of states. The thesis highlights, firstly, that Arctic states are deeply interdependent, which make the possibility of conflict unlikely. Secondly, the analysis showed that only two states prioritize the economic potential of the region in their policy papers. Therefore, while conflict is not inevitable, the priority interest areas of each Arctic region state show that cooperation is more beneficial for all involved sides and the economic potential is not the catalyst for military conflict in the region.
35
Lindregn, Gustaf. "Globalized development : The effect of economic globalization on human development in developing countries." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-162469.
Full textAbstract:
The main purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between economic globalization and human development in low to medium developed countries and to see if different aspects of economic globalization have different effects on human development. The theoretical starting point of this study assumes that an increased level of economic globalization will lead to increased human development as governments will create new regimes aimed to maximize economic growth and to increase the welfare of the citizens. This study uses a quantitative method where statistical testing is preferred in order to be able to examine how economic globalization affects human development. The results of this study indicate that economic globalization has a positive effect on human development and that it is mainly trade globalization that makes up that effect, while financial globalization has no significant effect. It also suggests that the effects of economic globalization are weaker for the countries with the lowest levels of human development compared to countries with higher development.
36
Merdad, Jamil M. (Jamil Mahmoud). "Saudi-American Bilateral Relations: a Case Study of the Consequences of Interdependence on International Relations." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331198/.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines the consequences of interdependence between Saudi Arabia and the United States from 1960 to 1978 as it relates to the concepts of cooperation and conflict. Research on interdependence focuses primarily on relations among Western countries and on whether interdependence is increasing or decreasing between them. It has rarely addressed relations between countries with different levels of economic development or the consequence of interdependence for international relations in terms of conflict and cooperation. Specifically, this study examines the following question: Does the level of interdependence between Saudi Arabia and the United States have any affect on the level of bilateral conflict and cooperation between the two countries? The hypotheses are tested using regression analysis. The primary conclusion is that increases in bilateral interdependence between Saudi Arabia and the United States from 1960 to 1978 produced increased cooperation as well as conflict.
37
Lopes, Maria Isabel Nunes. "A construção do fato político midiático na visão dos políticos : uma interdependência aparente." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/104364.
Full textAbstract:
Esta Pesquisa investiga como os meios de comunicação, entendidos como todas as tecnologias de media, são centrais na construção de um capital cultural simbólico para os atores políticos. A visibilidade que constrói a credibilidade e alavanca carreira é a mesma que as destrói através dos escândalos de poder. Numa era de cultura e visibilidade midiáticas, o ambiente de informação é menos controlável em face da proliferação das formas mediadas e das redes de comunicação, tornando-se difícil aos atores políticos encobrirem suas atividades, bem como prever as consequências da exposição midiática. A importância da credibilidade político-pessoal é uma das variantes do capital simbólico ancorado na confiança pública dos eleitores e no meio político. O objetivo principal desta pesquisa é demonstrar a relação entretida pelos meios de comunicação e pelos atores políticos na construção do fato político midiatizado, entendido este como o fato noticiado. Busca também identificar e analisar os fatos narrados nas entrevistas com Políticos das Esferas Federal, Estadual e Municipal, em exercício ou na expectativa de nova eleição. O intuito é fomentar a crítica sobre o fenômeno comunicacional enquanto poder dissociado dos demais poderes constituídos legitimamente. Para interpretação dos dados foi empregado o referencial metodológico da Hermenêutica de Profundidade, considerando o contexto sócio-histórico dos partidos políticos e da comunição, análise discursiva dos dados e a reinterpretação dos achados. Os resultados demonstram uma interdependência aparente, uma vez que as estratégias utilizadas convergem aos acordos de bastidores, excluindo o povo e o espaço público da possibilidade de participar. Encontraram-se relações assimétricas de poder para manutenção da dominação, o que caracteriza o uso estratégico da ideologia, tais como a legitimação, a reificação, a dissimulação. Afirma-se a necessidade de estudos ampliados das relações constitutivas do fato político midiatizado como forma de acesso, conhecimento e participação da esfera pública enquanto poder originário da política.This research investigates how the media, understood here as all its technologies, is central in the construction of a symbolic cultural capital for the politicians. The visibility that builds credibility and promotes political carreers is the same that destroys them with power scandals. In an era of culture and media visibility, the information enviroment is less controllable due to the proliferation of different forms of media and its communication networks, making it difficult for the politicians to both hide their activities and predict the consequences of media exposure. The significance of the personal and political credibility is one of the variables of the symbolic capital, which is based on both voters and other politicians’s trust. The main aim of this research is to demonstrate the relationship developed between media and politicians during the construction of the mediatized political fact, defined herein as the reported fact. It also aims at identifying and analyzing the facts narrated in interviews with politicians from the federal, state and municipal spheres, both in current assignment and expecting the next elections. The intention is to foster critical analysis on the communication phenomenon as a power that is decoupled from the other legitimately constituted branches of power. For the data interpretation, the methodological framework of Depth Hermeneutics was used, taking into consideration the historical and social context of the politicians and the media, discursive analysis and reinterpretation of the data. The results demonstrate an aparent interdependence, since the applied strategies converge to the backroom deals, excluding the people and the public sphere from any possibility of participation. The research detected assimetric power relationships to maintain dominance, which caracterizes a strategic use of ideologies, such as legitimation, reification and dissimulation. The results prove the necessity of broad studies on the relationships that compose the mediatized political fact as a way to create access, knowledge and participation of the public sphere while political originated power.
38
Kuhn, Tatjana. "The International Science Programme in Bangladesh : A case of self-interest, interdependence or social empowerment?" Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-81854.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this thesis is to analyze different forms of North-South development assistance with regard to its widespread critique and to examine whether the field of international research capacity building holds alternative development cooperation strategies that have the potential to reconcile some of the criticisms. The focus is on the International Science Programme (ISP) and the empirical research carried out in Bangladesh and Sweden on the ISP-Bangladesh collaboration in the form of semi-structured interviews constitutes the core case study evidence. Three theoretical perspectives – realism, interdependence liberalism and constructivism – provide the framework of the case study and serve as guiding tools to understand the ISP’s role and motivations as an actor in international relations. The main goal is to investigate whether the ISP can be best perceived as an instance of self-interest, interconnectedness or social empowerment.
39
Izosimova, Svetlana. "Understanding the Energy Interdependence Between the EU and Russia: Case of the Baltic Sea Region." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-124283.
Full textAbstract:
This study is conducted with the purpose to unfold hidden sides of the EU – Russian energy cooperation and to shed a light on possible reasons for existing problems that have rarely been voiced before. This study provides an alternative view on the role of the Baltic Sea region in the overall EU – Russian energy dialogue and its current situation. In this research the historical observation of the energy interdependence regime development is examined and the crucial turning points in the energy interdependence like the EU enlargement 2004, the gas cut offs 2006 and 2009, and crises 2014 are reconsidered. The energy security policies of the EU and Russia are analyzed by adopting the realist approach and applied to the case of the Baltic Sea region. Furthermore, based on the regional complex security theory and interdependence theory, the way how interstate gas relations in the Baltic Sea region affect the EU – Russian interdependence is discussed.
40
Sofic, Elvira. "The Role of the EU in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict : A Qualitative Case Study on the Role of the EU in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict approached through realism, liberalism and constructivism." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-90944.
Full textAbstract:
For over four decades, the EU has been an active external actor in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. However, the role that the EU has in the conflict, have many times been questioned. This thesis aims therefore to examine the role of the EU in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by using three international relations theories; realism, liberalism and constructivism. With the research question of how the role of the EU can be understood and explained, a qualitative case study is being done. The theories are being approached in a theory consuming way focusing on following concepts; collective EU interests, security and military resources, democracy promotion, international law, and identity and norms. Following the results and analysis of the concepts, the EU does have an important, yet laid back role in the conflict. The EU has been an influential actor in many ways, however, the role has mostly been diplomatic and economic rather that political. This indicates that, for the EU to become a stronger political actor, the Union needs to take on more effective measures when acting and also handle the occurring changes within the Union.
41
Peeva, Aleksandra. "Political Goals, Economic Constraints: Explaining the Motivation and Effects of Economic Sanctions." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/19473.
Full textAbstract:
Diese Dissertation untersucht ökonomische Sanktionen im Kontext der empirischen politischen Ökonomie. Obwohl sie aus drei unabhängigen Kapiteln besteht, ist das übergeordnete, verbindende Ziel dieser Forschungsarbeit ein Gesamtverständnis der Motivation und der Effekte von Sanktionen anzubieten, getragen von der generellen Idee der Wechselwirkungen zwischen ökonomischen Anreizen und politischen Zielen. Meine Forschung zeichnet die ökonomischen Restriktionen ab, mit denen sich die politischen Entscheidungsträger im Bereich der internationalen Beziehungen auseinandersetzen.This dissertation explores economic sanctions in an empirical political economy context. While consisting of three independent papers, it aims at providing a holistic understanding of the motivation and effects of sanctions in particular, and the interplay between economic incentives and political goals in general. My research delineates the economic constraints that policymakers encounter in the field of international relations.
42
Fráně, Luděk. "Potenciál Evropské politiky sousedství pro energetickou bezpečnost EU." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-76475.
Full textAbstract:
Relations between the EU and its neighbour countries and regions are very important for either side. One of the topics which joins them is the energy resource issue. Daily, millions of barrels of oil and billions of cubic meter of natural gas flow through this area into Europe. This diploma thesis deals exactly with this matter, e.i. European Union's energy security. It is a very topical, discussed but above all for the EU important theme. The purpose of this thesis is to connect the conception of EU's energy security through the European Neighbourhood Policy, e.i. the policy which the EU has established to create stability and prosperity with the neighbour regions of North Africa, Near East, Eastern Europe and the Caucasus states. The outcome of this paper should be to evaluate the potential of the countries in the European neighbourhood and the potential of the neighbourhood policy for strengthening the EU security policy, that means to summarize the possibilities for effective co-operation in the field of energy and to say if this co-operation could strengthen European Union's energy security.
43
Gergis, Faris Henry. "HAMMARBY: BETWEEN HAMMER AND ANVILA -case study over collaborative planning in the Swedish municipality of Västerås." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-94732.
Full textAbstract:
Collaborative planning is an often-debated approach in conjunction with attaining more sustainable cities. Many models were theorized to help implement a more collaborative planning process, such as when municipalities employ densification to grow the city sustainably. However, not all planning processes that are collaborative are also rational. Hence, this thesis is interested in comprehending Västerås Municipality’s planning process through performing a case study regarding DP-1858. To that end, this thesis will follow Innes & Booher (2018) Collaborative rationality theory and use its DIAD model as a lens to understand the positions of the stakeholders involved in the DP-1858 case. In the same vein, to probe for how the collaborative planning process regarding DP-1858 resonates with the DIAD model of Collaborative rationality.Nevertheless, the reaction of the Hammarby-residents raises the need for framing to understand if a concept such as insurgent citizenship is sensible to norms. Thus, it is essential to know how insurgent citizenship manifests itself in a Swedish context. The method used to collect primary data was semi-structured interviews with elite respondents. Among other conclusions, this study found enough evidence suggesting that the planning process in conjunction with DP-1858, even though having embedded collaborative mechanisms, has critical shortcomings when contrasted with the collaborative rationality DIAD model. In the same vein, insurgent citizenship can occur even when laws were respected while norms were not.
44
Mello, Natália Nóbrega de. "Os intelectuais saem da guerra: a intervenção no Vietnã, a Foreign Policy Magazine e a construção político-intelectual de novos paradigmas e estratégias." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-07022018-090456/.
Full textAbstract:
Esta tese aborda o tema do impacto político e intelectual da Guerra do Vietnã nos Estados Unidos a partir da história da fundação e dos primeiros anos de existência do periódico Foreign Policy (1970-1977). A intervenção no Vietnã desencadeou uma intensa contestação na sociedade norte-americana em relação às doutrinas e práticas de Guerra Fria que, até então, eram amplamente aceitas. A crise foi tão profunda que as principais organizações de política externa, o sistema político, os consagrados membros do establishment e as bases ideacionais e intelectuais que sustentavam as práticas intervencionistas se tornaram todos alvos de profundos questionamentos e, muitas vezes, violentos ataques. A história da Foreign Policy reconstrói este processo a partir de um ponto de vista privilegiado, uma vez que foi esta crise que motivou a fundação de um novo periódico com a intenção de revisar a política externa norte-americana e reformular os paradigmas analíticos em relações internacionais. Além disso, diversos membros da Foreign Policy participaram de decisões da intervenção no Vietnã, quando ainda eram mais jovens, e assumiram ao longo da década de 1970 posição de destaque na elaboração de uma política externa menos intervencionista e militarista (o que desencadeia na participação deles no governo Carter) ou na constituição de novos paradigmas intelectuais em política internacional que transcendiam o tema da Guerra Fria, abordando a crescente interdependência e as novas questões sociais globais. Esta tese retoma desde a Guerra do Vietnã até as propostas de governo do presidente Carter e os novos paradigmas analíticos em relações internacionais a partir da trajetória de membros da Foreign Policy (Samuel Huntington, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Richard Holbrooke, James C. Thomson, Joseph Nye, entre outros). A história deste periódico ajuda a compreender melhor uma conjuntura política decisiva nos Estados Unidos em que foram concebidos os germes da polarização política, da crise do establishment e de uma preocupação política com as consequências domésticas de uma economia cada vez mais interdependente e globalizada.This dissertation focuses on the political and intellectual impact of the Vietnam War in the United States, based on the founding and first years of the existence of Foreign Policy Magazine (1970-1977). Intervention in Vietnam set off an intense dispute in American society regarding the Cold War doctrines and practices, which had been widely accepted until then. The crisis was so deep that the major foreign policy organizations, the political system, respected members of the establishment, and the ideological and intellectual bases that had sustained the interventionist practices all became targets of profound questioning and, frequently violent attacks. The history of Foreign Policy reconstructs this process based on a privileged vantage point, since it was this crisis that motivated the rise of a new periodical with the intention of reviewing American foreign policy and reformulating the analytical paradigms regarding international relations. Moreover, various members of Foreign Policy had taken part in the decisions to intervene in Vietnam, when they were younger, and during the 1970s assumed a position of importance in developing a less interventionist and militaristic foreign policy (which led to their participation in the Carter government), or in the creation of new intellectual paradigms in international politics that transcend the theme of the Cold War, focusing on increasing interdependence and the new global social issues. This dissertation reexamines the period from the Vietnam War to the Carter president proposals and the new analytical paradigms with respect to international relations based on the trajectory of the Foreign Policy associates (Samuel Huntington, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Richard Holbrooke, James C. Thomson, Joseph Nye, and others). The history of this journal helps to better understand one decisive political juncture of the United States, wherein were conceived the seeds of political polarization, the crisis of the establishment, and of a political concern with the domestic consequences of an increasingly interdependent and globalized economy.
45
Saber, Hanna Youssef. "La politique étrangère égyptienne à l'égard des Etats-Unis : le rôle de l'Economie Politique dans la définition des enjeux réciproques." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020BORD0010.
Full textAbstract:
La thèse porte sur l'examen de l'influence de trois facteurs économiques majeurs, sur l'élaboration de la politique étrangère égyptienne vis-à-vis les Etats-Unis. Ces trois facteurs sont : l'aide américaine, le commerce extérieur et les investissements. A partir de ces trois pistes d'analyse, nous pouvons mesurer le degré d'asymétrie de l'économie égyptienne vis-à-vis les Etats-Unis. Cela se fait en introduisant des paramètres, plutôt quantitatifs, qui nous servent comme des indices au degré de réciprocité ou celui de dépendance unilatérale. Cette analyse sera complétée par l'élaboration d'autres indicateurs, plutôt politiques, qui reflètent le degré de subordination ou d'indépendance de la politique étrangère égyptienne à l'encontre des Etats-Unis. De plus, la thèse met l'accent sur les relations existantes entre les décideurs de la politique étrangère dans le champ interne. Cela comportera une analyse minutieuse des réseaux d'intérêts des acteurs de la politique étrangère égyptienne selon un modèle bureaucratique. Il s’agit plutôt d’approfondir ces questions à travers une combinaison de l’approche de l’économie politique internationale et les théories d'analyse de la politique étrangère, en démontrant jusqu’à quelle mesure l’aspect économique des relations égypto-américaines rend les pratiques d'interdépendance banalesThe thesis focuses on the examination of three major economic factors influencing Egyptian foreign policy towards the United States. These three factors are: US aid, foreign trade and investment. From these three axes of analysis, we can measure the degree of asymmetry of the Egyptian economy vis-à-vis the United States. This is done by introducing parameters, rather quantitative, which serve as indices to the degree of reciprocity or that of the unilateral dependence.This analysis will be complemented by other indicators, mostly political, which reflect the degree of subordination or independence of Egyptian foreign policy. Moreover, the thesis highlights the existing complex networks between the domestic actors of foreign policy in the internal field, by studying intrests' intersections of Egyptian foreign policy actors, according to a bureaucratic model. Accordingly, it is a matter of deepening these questions through combining the International Political Economy approach on one hand, and theories of Foreign Policy Analysis on the other hand, to prove to what extent the economic aspect of US-Egyptian relations makes interdependence practices mundane
46
Hermansson, Helena. "Centralized Disaster Management Collaboration in Turkey." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-319273.
Full textAbstract:
Following unprecedented earthquakes in 1999, highly centralized Turkey initiated reforms that aimed to improve disaster management collaboration and to empower local authorities. In 2011, two earthquakes hit the country anew affecting the city of Van and town of Erciş in Turkey’s southeast. In attempts to reduce disaster risk, global disaster risk reduction frameworks and disaster scholars and practitioners advocate collaborative and decentralized disaster management strategies. This thesis investigates how such strategies are received in a centralized and hierarchical national political-administrative system that largely is the anti-thesis of the prescribed solutions. More specifically, this research investigates the barriers and prerequisites for disaster management collaboration between both public and civil society actors in Turkey (during preparedness, response, and recovery) as well as how Turkey’s political-administrative system affects disaster management collaboration and its outcomes. The challenges to decentralization of disaster management are also investigated. Based on forty-four interviews with actors ranging from national to village level and NGOs, the findings suggest that the political-administrative system can alter the relative importance, validity, and applicability of previously established enabling or constraining conditions for collaboration. This may in turn challenge previous theoretical assumptions regarding collaboration. By adopting a mode of collaboration that fit the wider political-administrative system, collaborative disaster management progress was achieved in Turkey’s national level activities. Although there were exceptions, collaboration spanning sectors and/or administrative levels were generally less forthcoming, partly due to the disjoint character of the political-administrative system. Political divergence between local and central actors made central-local collaboration difficult but these barriers were partly trumped by other prerequisites enabling collaboration like interdependence and pre-existing relations. The findings suggest that the specific attributes of disasters may both help and hinder disaster management collaboration. Such collaboration generally improved disaster response. The findings also indicate that the decentralization attempts may have been premature as the conditions for ensuring a functional decentralization of disaster management are presently lacking. Decentralization attempts are commonly suggested to increase local capacity and local participation but the findings of this dissertation suggest that in Turkey, these commodities may currently have better chances of being increased by refraining from decentralization.
47
Yi-nain, Lin, and 林益年. "Interdependence Theory and Politics and Economy Cooperation in Southeast Asia." Thesis, 1999. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/62991876208040246203.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立中山大學
政治學研究所
87
Realism has dominated the development of international relations theory for a long time. Under the international anarchy, realism assumes the chance of international conflict is much higher than that of cooperation, and conflict is inevitable. However, as international politics is changing, the explanation and content of realism has been criticized. Interdependence theory stresses “absolute gains” as a basis for international cooperation, whereas realism emphasizes “relative gains” as a barrier for international cooperation. The theory of hegemonic stability modifies realism’s view, and it advocates that hegemony can facilitate a certain type of international cooperation. Interdependence theory thinks international regimes also can facilitate a certain type of international cooperation without hegemony. Interdependence theories, combining of integration theory, argue that created interdependence relation can increase the chance of international cooperation, and different interdependence types make different international cooperation. Those types include political interdependence and economic interdependence. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations‘ (ASEAN) founded more than 30 years ago, has success found a perception of a coherent emcee in Southeast Asian. ASEAN has a successful cooperation among Southeast Asian Nations. During the Cold War and Post-Cold War periods, international politics has changed quickly. ASEAN’s successful cooperation experience has attracted the attrition of other states. The 1997 financial crisis hit the economics and cooperation of Southeast Asian Nations. ASEAN is now facing makes some challenges on their cooperation. There are four parts in this thesis: the first section will introduce contest of the interdependence theory. Second, it will discuss interdependence theory, integration theory, realism, hegemonic stability theory, and discus international regimes in international cooperation. The third part examines the cooperation of Southeast Asian Countries in politics and economy. The final part explains the 1997 financial crisis and it’s impacts on Southeast Asian Nations.
48
Henry, Iain Donald. "Reliability and Alliance Politics: Interdependence and America’s Asian Alliance System." Phd thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/117147.
Full textAbstract:
Throughout the Cold War, US officials feared that
Washington’s disloyalty to one ally would automatically cause
other allies to doubt America’s security reliability. These
doubts could prompt allies to adopt policies of neutrality, or
even defect to the Communist bloc. This dissertation challenges
the conventional wisdom—that alliance interdependence is
underpinned by loyalty—by proposing the “alliance audience
effect”. The alliance audience effect framework shows that
discrete alliance commitments can be practically interdependent,
but that this interdependence is not underpinned by loyalty.
Through an investigation of Cold War case studies, using a
process tracing methodology and archival research, this
dissertation argues that US allies in Asia were unconcerned about
whether America was loyal to other allied states. Instead, they
monitored America’s behaviour in order to reassure themselves
that the US was reliable: that their own alliance did not pose
risks of either abandonment or entrapment. When allies feared
abandonment, they encouraged America to solidify its presence in
Asia and adopt a more aggressive posture. But when allies feared
entrapment, they encouraged conciliatory US policies and worked
to restrain Washington, thus reducing the risk of conflict. In
some cases, American disloyalty to one ally was welcomed, or even
encouraged, by other allies, as this disloyalty better served
their own interests. Like the adage that “one man’s terrorist
is another man’s freedom fighter”, this dissertation shows
that one state’s disloyal ally can be another state’s
reliable ally. Because US allies have different interests, they
will have different views of American behaviour: one ally might
praise an instance of US disloyalty as proof of reliability,
while another ally might condemn Washington for unreliability. In
short, reliability is not synonymous with loyalty, and America
does not have a collective alliance loyalty reputation. Beyond
the allied perspective, this research also demonstrates how the
United States managed its alliances and used alliance
interdependence to achieve its own ends. This dissertation’s
findings have relevance for the alliance politics literature,
theories about international reputation, and the practical
management of alliances.
49
Laurence, Henry Colin Wildman. "The politics of financial interdependence securities market reform in Britain and Japan /." 1996. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/38229443.html.
Full text
50
Chou, Ya-Ting, and 周雅婷. "The Political Economy Analysis of Cross-Strait industrial Interdependence - A Case Study of the Semiconductor industry." Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/2zrx5w.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立中正大學
戰略暨國際事務研究所
103
The mechanism of the society in both Taiwan and China has become more democratic in the 21th century. Although the decretal limit on policies existed based on the impact of political, historical, and cultural factors, the interdependent relationship between the two areas has been constructed on economic and trade issues prior to the two sides cross the straits signed the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA), a preferential trade agreement between the two governments. After ECFA has been signed, the bilateral trade has gotten more institutionalized protection and more overall import as well as export. Both the two governments, Taiwan and China, developed the industry of semiconductor actively by strengthening the related policies. In recent years, the trade between Taiwan and China has been more interdependent. China has become the largest trading partner country of Taiwan, and China has become the most attractive place to set up new factories for many Taiwanese companies. With the connection among the upstream, midstream and downstream in the supply chain, the manufacturers have developed closer links with each other. In this paper, we use “the cross-strait economic and trade industry and trade interaction” as an entry point to discuss the topic of corporate interdependence. Since the semiconductor industry is one of the well-developed fields in Taiwan and is one of the popular industries that the companies chose to set up their factories in China to make close connections cross the strait, we choose the industry as our main target. In this paper, we analyze the trade of semiconductor in the upstream, midstream and downstream of the supply chain by the SWOT analysis, a popular method to discuss a company or project by its strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and treats. The factors of the phenomenon of interdependence among Taiwan and China are also confirmed through the discussion.