Journal articles on the topic 'Political Intelligence Department'
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1
Goldstein, Erik. "The Foreign Office and political intelligence 1918–1920." Review of International Studies 14, no. 4 (October 1988): 275–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113154.
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In 1918 Harold Nicolson in discussing the problem of political intelligence observed that ‘any forecast of diplomatic development must inevitably deal, not with concentric forces, but with eccentric tendencies; such data as are available emerge only from a mass of heterogeneous phenomena, mutually conflicting, mutually overlapping, and striving each towards some distinct and often incompatible solution’. At the time Nicolson was writing the Foreign Office was embarking upon an early attempt to assist diplomacy through analysing these eccentric tendencies and coordinating the information emanating from the heterogeneous phenomena of foreign affairs. The vehicle for this experiment was the Political Intelligence Department (P.I.D.), and its experience contains elements common to intelligence activity throughout this century: the need for co-ordination which in turn leads to a struggle for control of the co-ordinating body, the suspicion aroused in traditional departments by any group involved in intelligence work, the pressure of the Treasury to cut costs even at the expense of useful intelligence operations, and the struggle between the prime minister's office and the Foreign Office for the control of policy. Since the turn of the century there had been a growing awareness of the need for foreign intelligence, a development which finally resulted in the creation of an espionage service in 1909 (the ancestor of the Secret Intelligence Service). This department, however, concentrated on military related intelligence. During the First World War it became evident, particularly to Lord Hardinge, the Permanent Under-Secretary at the Foreign Office, that while there were numerous sources of political intelligence, no systematic method had been established for collecting and collating this information, verifying it against collateral sources, and synthesizing the result in succinct reports which would be of value to the policy-makers. Military intelligence was clearly the preserve of the Admiralty and the War Office, and the Foreign Office decided to establish that political intelligence fell within its purview. In the process of establishing Foreign Office primacy in this sphere, Hardinge had to fend off attempts by Lord Beaverbrook who as Minister of Information tried to use his personal political clout to control such intelligence. This was, however, only one of several bureaucratic difficulties, the P.I.D. was forced to struggle with. Finally in 1920 the P.I.D. was closed through a combination of financial and bureaucratic pressures. During its brief existence, though, it was able to prove the utility of a centralized body concerned with political intelligence. In some ways it presaged the work of the Joint Intelligence Committee (J.I.C.), which in a more sophisticated and elaborate way is meant, to achieve the same ends.
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Fedorchenko, Sergey. "Artificial Intelligence in Politics, Media and Public Administration: Reflections on the Thematic Portfolio." Journal of Political Research 4, no. 2 (July 2, 2020): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2020-3-9.
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The issue «Artificial Intelligence in the Sphere of Politics, Media Space and Public Administration» was conceived after updating the topic of artificial intelligence in the socio-political and value sphere at several scientific events organized by the Department of History, Political Science and Law of Moscow Region State University: Scientific and Public Forum «Values and artificial intelligence» (10.11.2019) and the round table «Ethics and artificial intelligence» (04.16.2019). This issue includes works devoted to the issues of the practice of artificial intelligence in public administration, public policy and other fields. The authors also touched on the nuances of scientific discourse and futorology. The compiler of the issue is Candidate of Political Sciences, associate professor Fedorchenko Sergey Nikolaevich. Artificial intelligence technologies are a pretty debatable topic. Artificial intelligence technologies are a pretty debatable topic. Currently, political leaders, scientists and members of the public are actively discussing the problems of artificial intelligence related to the following aspects: new opportunities for political communication; media policy, mediation of the political sphere; axiological policy; social networks, bots; government departments; opportunities and limitations of new technologies in political analysis; the importance of intelligent systems for democracy and democratic procedures; threats of cyber autocracy; legitimacy of the political regime and national security; political values, political propaganda, frames, political myths, stereotypes, «soft power», «smart power»; digital diplomacy; the risks of media manipulation, information wars, the formation of a political agenda; experience of using intelligent systems in the organization of high-quality communication between society and the state. The theme of the issue is extremely relevant for modern academic political science. artificial intelligence, digitalization, political science, scientific discourse, futorology, state, democracy, manipulation, political communications. The issue is aimed at specialists, political scientists, graduate students and all those who are interested in this difficult issue in an interdisciplinary manner.
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Sharp, Alan. "Some Relevant Historians-the Political Intelligence Department of the Foreign Office, 1918-1920." Australian Journal of Politics & History 34, no. 3 (June 28, 2008): 359–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1988.tb01185.x.
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Greenberg, Harold M. "Is the Department of Homeland Security an Intelligence Agency?" Intelligence and National Security 24, no. 2 (April 2009): 216–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684520902819644.
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Guseva, J. N. "Soviet Intelligence Discourse about Caliphate Question in 1920s: Musa Bigiev, Eastern Department OGPU and Islamic political unity." Minbar. Islamic Studies 12, no. 2 (July 8, 2019): 421–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31162/2618-9569-2019-12-2-421-437.
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This article deals with the study of the views of the Soviet intelligence on the so-called short-lived “Caliphate movement”, which originates from the then British India. Even after its official abolition in 1924, this institution did not lose its symbolic appeal for Muslims across the world. As an idea it continued offering the Muslims a sense of the umma i.e. the global community of Muslims. The author offers the Soviet intelligence interpretation of the idea of the Caliphate movement in the context of the Soviet “eastern” foreign policy. The article describes this issue through the prism of interaction between the Eastern Department of the OGPU (USSR Secret service) and Musa Bigiyev, a prominent Russian Muslim leader of the 19th–20th cent. Based on hitherto unknown archival materials and the most recent Russian and foreign historical studies, the author offers a comparative analysis of the attitudes of various Soviet and Communist Party institutions to the Caliphate idea and the Caliphate movement in the context of anti-colonial, anti-European struggle. In conclusion article shows the discrepancy between the strategy and tactics of Soviet intelligence services as opposed to the views of European (in particular, British) intelligence services. As a result, these activities contributed to the restriction of independence of the Russian Muslim elite on one handside, strengthening the anti-Caliphate feelings and Islamophobic views among the Soviet management elite on the other.
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Evasco, Bagani FidelA. "The Effect of Emotional Intelligence on the Political and Work Skills of DENR Employee in the Post-Pandemic Era." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VII, no. VII (2023): 106–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2023.70708.
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This study investigates the impact of emotional intelligence on the political and work skills of Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) employees in Region XI during the post-pandemic era. The study objectives are to determine the levels of political skills, work engagement, and emotional intelligence among DENR employees in Region XI, and to examine whether emotional intelligence plays a mediating role in the relationship between political skills and work engagement during the COVID-19 pandemic. Using a descriptive-correlational analysis, data was collected from a sample of 282 DENR employees, with the sample size determined using Taro Yamane’s formula. The findings revealed that interpersonal influence had the highest mean among the indicators of political skills, indicating its frequent manifestation among DENR employees. Additionally, self-awareness exhibited the highest mean among the indicators of emotional intelligence, highlighting its significant presence. Moreover, emotional work engagement obtained the highest mean, demonstrating its consistent occurrence along with the other indicators. Significant correlations were observed between political skills and work engagement, emotional intelligence and political skills, and emotional intelligence and work engagement, rejecting the null hypothesis. Furthermore, the study uncovered a significant mediating effect of emotional intelligence on the relationship between political skills and work engagement, suggesting that employees with higher emotional intelligence are more likely to be actively engaged in their work. Such heightened emotional intelligence enables DENR employees to effectively manage their own emotions and understand the emotions of others, thereby facilitating the navigation of complex social and political dynamics through a deeper comprehension of diverse perspectives and motivations. Based on these findings, it is recommended that DENR employees engage in self-assessments of their emotional intelligence skills, reflecting on their behaviors, attitudes, and interactions with others. Furthermore, comprehensive training courses, seminars, and workshops led by professionals should be provided to actively enhance emotional intelligence competencies.
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Selyanin, Y. "Budget Funding Priorities and Development Prospects of the US Artificial Intelligence." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 3 (2021): 65–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2021-3-65-93.
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The US Government has initiated a large-scale activity on artificial intelligence (AI) development and implementation. Numerous departments and agencies including the Pentagon, intelligence community and citizen agencies take part in these efforts. Some of them are responsible for technology, materials and standards development. Others are customers of AI. State AI efforts receive significant budget funding. Moreover, Department of Defense costs on AI are comparable with the whole non-defense funding. American world-leading IT companies support state departments and agencies in organizing AI technologies development and implementation. The USA's highest military and political leadership supports such efforts. Congress provides significant requested funding. However leading specialists criticize the state's approach to creating and implementing AI. Firstly, they consider authorized assignments as not sufficient. Secondly, even this funding is used ineffectively. Therefore Congress created National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence (NSCAI) in 2018 for identifying problems in the AI area and developing solutions. This article looks at the stakeholders and participants of the state AI efforts, the budget funding authorization, the major existing problems and the NSCAI conclusions regarding the necessary AI funding in FYs 2021-2032.
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Jiang, Huajie, and Kazushi Minami. "The Eyes and Ears of the Dragon: Open-Source Intelligence and Chinese Foreign Policy during the Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 25, no. 2 (2023): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01141.
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Abstract Drawing on recently declassified Chinese sources, this article traces the history of open-source intelligence (OSINT) research in the PRC and discusses its impact on Chinese foreign policymaking during the Cold War. From the time the Fourth Bureau of the Central Investigation Department (CID) was founded, it was headed by veteran intelligence expert Xue Qiao, who collected and analyzed OSINT to produce intelligence estimates for Chinese political leaders. These intelligence estimates covered a host of global and regional topics crucial for Chinese foreign policy, including U.S. politics and foreign policy, decolonization movements in the Third World, and political and economic developments around the world. Available evidence shows that politics and ideology marred the quality of China's OSINT research. When Mao Zedong launched the Great Leap Forward in the late 1950s, the CID's intelligence estimates were distorted to advance his radical political agenda. Later on, China's intelligence research came under attack during Mao's Cultural Revolution. Kang Sheng and other radicals attacked OSINT analysts as traitors, and the CID ceased to function in the late 1960s and 1970s. After Mao's death, the CID was revived, but its intelligence estimates no longer served the new Chinese leader, Deng Xiaoping. Deng's personal tension with CID Director Luo Qingchang, who had criticized him during the Cultural Revolution, hindered the CID's estimates. This political schism in the post-Mao years contributed to the CID's dissolution in 1983.
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Goldstein, Erik. "British peace aims and the eastern question: the political intelligence department and the Eastern Committee, 1918." Middle Eastern Studies 23, no. 4 (October 1987): 419–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263208708700719.
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Protrka, Rikardo. "THE ROLE OF ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE IN TRIAGE AT THE EMERGENCY DEPARTMENT." International Journal of Integrated Care 21, S1 (September 1, 2021): 284. http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/ijic.icic20295.
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Isaac, Jeffrey C. "The Rule of Law, Democracy, and Intelligence." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 4 (December 2013): 1007–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759271300279x.
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I began drafting this Introduction on July 30, 2013, the day that Bradley (now Chelsea) Manning was convicted on 19 of 21 charges, including 6 counts of espionage, in a U.S. military court martial. Manning is a former U.S. Army intelligence analyst who covertly conveyed to WikiLeaks a massive file of over 700,000 classified documents—including battlefield reports from Iraq, reports from Afghanistan, and State Department cables—thereby publicly disclosing extensive information about U.S. military conduct, and misconduct, of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Manning was subjected to harsh treatment, including solitary confinement during the first nine months of his detention, sparking public outcry and leading a UN Special Rapporteur on Torture to hold that his detention represented cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment.
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Kolakowski, Piotr. "Intelligence Support Activity of Polish Military Intelligence in Subcarpathian Rus in the Late 1930s." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 44 (December 15, 2021): 116–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.116-126.
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The research goal is to discuss the organization and various aspects of Polish military intelligence in the second half of the 1930s in Subcarpatian Rus, which belonged to the Czechoslovak state in the interwar period. The research methodology: critical analysis of hitherto unpublished archival materials of Polish military intelligence and published scholarly works on the subject. In the present article the author systematizes and specifies the existing scholarly findings concerning the organization and little-known activity of Polish military intelligence in Subcarpatian Rus. Polish military secret services conducted intensive intelligence activity in Subcarpatian Rus in the second half of the 1930s. The beginnings of such activity date back to 1919. The interest of Polish intelligence in Subcarpatian Rus was primarily a consequence of plans to create a common Polish-Hungarian border and prevent the creation of a Ukrainian state there, which would pose a threat to the security of the Second Polish Republic. The Second Department of the Main Staff of the Polish Army kept the highest Polish authorities informed on the political and military situation as well as internal and economic situation in Subcarpatian Rus. Particular attention was paid to analyzing units of the Czechoslovak army as well as police, gendarmerie and border guards stationed there. In the second half of the 1930s, Polish intelligence reported any manifestations of Soviet presence in this area, which was a result of the cooperation between Prague and Moscow. In addition, attempts to penetrate various Ukrainian organizations were made, especially those of a military nature. The Second Department of the Main Staff of the Polish Army was very active in Subcarpatian Rus in the fall of 1938 and, first of all, in March 1939, when this region was taken over by the Hungarian army. It should be remembered, however, that Subcarpatian Rus and the whole Czechoslovakia played an important, but not a primary role in the activity of Polish military intelligence in the second half of the 1930s, because their main attention was focused on the threat from the two largest neighbors of Poland – Germany and the Soviet Union.
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Niyazov, Niyazi, and Galina Niyazova. "Wars and Regional Conflicts in Soviet Intelligence Reports of 1938." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 1 (March 2021): 82–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.1.8.
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Introduction. The objective of the research is to show that the activity of Soviet secret service on presenting intelligence information to USSR policymakers in the interwar period contributed to strengthening security of the Soviet Union and influenced the shaping of its foreign policy. Methods and materials. Taking into consideration the type of empiric material we chose the historic genetic method as a scientific method of the research, as it gives an opportunity to reveal the cause-effect link between the episodes and to study subjective and objective factors of historical events. The research is based on sources kept in the Central State Navy Archive and the Saint Petersburg Central State Archive of Historical-Political Documents. Analysis and results. This part deals with the documents sent to the USSR from zones of regional conflicts in Spain and China in the 1930s and after the beginning of the crisis in Czechoslovakia in 1938. It is noteworthy that the sources of the Soviet intelligence agency were close to Chiang Kaishek and his wife Soong May-ling, and got access to the reports of American attaché to the U.S. State Department. Conclusion. The authors state that the diversified information sent by the Soviet intelligence agency revealed wrong views of Soviet political leaders on the character of the future war, showing that potential allies were not willing to get rid of their interests to receive military and economic aid from the USSR.
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Mamedov, Zaur Imalverdi ogly. "The activity of G.M. Malenkov in the USA State Department evaluations." Samara Journal of Science 11, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): 209–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.55355/snv2022114208.
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This paper discusses the process of evaluating the activities of Georgy Maksimilianovich Malenkov by the USA State Department and people associated with it. On the basis of documents available to the American Foreign Office, an analysis is made of the perception of the personality of this Soviet leader. The paper traces the evolution of points of view regarding his position in the political hierarchy in the USSR, G.M. Malenkovs influence on the domestic and foreign policy of the state. The paper identifies the features of the analytical intelligence of the State Department on this issue. Telegrams, letters and memorandums provide an opportunity to trace the vision of diplomats, officials, politicians in contact with this department, the causes and consequences of G.M. Malenkovs elevation to the chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR and his final removal from the Soviet leaders. The sources allow us to explore a retrospective analysis of his activities based on the reports of American ambassadors. The overall body of evidence demonstrates the importance of a personal approach in assessing Soviet leaders, not only for the State Department, but also for the USA President, the National Security Council, the CIA, congressional committees and allied foreign diplomats. The results of the study can become a basis for scientific research on the topics of the Cold War, the political development of the USSR, and the assessment of the Soviet system by the American authorities.
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Pashin, Vasiliy P. "Political Sentiments of White Émigrés in the Far East in the 1920s." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 5 (November 15, 2021): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v126.
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Based on the documents from the Central Archives of the Foreign Intelligence Service of the Russian Federation and the State Archives of the Russian Federation, analysed in line with the anthropological approach, this article describes in broad outline the sentiments of white émigrés in the Far East during the 1920s. The archival documents include informant reports from the Beijing and Shanghai residencies of the Foreign Department of the Joint State Political Directorate (OGPU), summaries and analytical reports of the Counterintelligence Department of the OGPU, reports of operational officers of the Foreign Department of the OGPU, official and personal letters, reports and correspondence of top White Guard leaders, and reports from Chinese newspapers. The paper specifies the total number and location of exiles in the Far East. Further, it dwells on the reasons for Russian citizens’ emigration to China and mentions their peacetime occupations in Russia. Moreover, the article describes the attempts of foreign adversaries to involve white émigrés in anti-Soviet activities and the reasons for their failures. It is shown that white émigrés formed organizations for the purpose of cultural and other communication in a kindred environment and for mutual moral and material support. A conclusion is substantiated that the dogma of the irreconcilability of class interests influenced the tendentious selection of information about white émigrés, about their general “hostility” towards the Soviet Union. In addition, it is alleged here that the majority of white émigrés, including some of their leaders, wanted to return to their homeland. This conclusion is based not only on analytical information reports compiled by secret agents of the GPU-OGPU, but also on surveys initiated by top white émigré leaders and carried out abroad in the 1920s.
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Newkirk, Anthony Bolton. "The Rise of the Fusion-Intelligence Complex: A critique of political surveillance after 9/11." Surveillance & Society 8, no. 1 (July 22, 2010): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v8i1.3473.
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This paper argues that 'fusion centers' are byproducts of the privatization of state surveillance and assaults on civil liberties, at least in the United States, the nation on which the research is based, with special focus on the recent case of the Maryland State Police spying scandal. In fusion centers, members of local, state, and federal police and intelligence units, as well as private-sector organizations, share information with each other by means of computerized technology and store it in databases. While the official purpose is to protect public safety, the practice of 'data-mining' and unclear lines of authority lead to fusion centers being unaccountable to the public and, hence, a threat to the democratic process. These conditions are encapsulated in the case of official espionage in the state of Maryland at least between 2004 and 2006. Drawing on official documents, the history of 'homeland security' since World War II and the characteristics of fusion centers, the Department of Homeland Security, and events in Maryland are surveyed. Working within the contexts of social history, surveillance theory, and political economy, this paper is grounded in the work of Beck, Churchill and Wall, Donner, Fuchs, Graham, Lyon, McCulloch and Pickering, and Monahan.
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Dessants, Betty Abrahamsen. "Ambivalent allies: OSS’ USSR division, the state department, and the bureaucracy of intelligence analysis, 1941–1945." Intelligence and National Security 11, no. 4 (October 1996): 722–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684529608432388.
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Yungblud, V. T., and A. I. Sennikov. "The Kurdish Movement’s Factor in US Politics at the Peak of Iran and Afghanistan Crises, 1979 – January 1981." MGIMO Review of International Relations 16, no. 5 (November 13, 2023): 28–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-5-92-28-57.
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At the close of 1979, the United States encountered a critical need to realign its Middle East strategy in the wake of the capture of the American Embassy in Tehran by supporters of Iran's Supreme Leader, Ayatollah R. Khomeini on November 4, and the subsequent deployment of Soviet troops in Afghanistan on December 25. Faced with the challenges presented by the Iranian and Afghan crises, the United States' analytical, intelligence, and military bodies navigated various resources in search of viable solutions.This study delves into the consideration of the Kurdish factor as a potential instrument in shaping the regional landscape. The National Security Council (NSC), State Department, Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and the US Department of Defense all scrutinized the Kurdish movement, evaluating its prospects for advancing American interests. Drawing from documents obtained from the State Department, National Security Council, and CIA, this article tracks the evolution of US policy concerning the Kurdish movement and its utility in realizing Washington's strategic objectives during the most critical phases of the Iran and Afghanistan crises.The analysis underscores the fundamental flaw in the initial evaluation of events in Afghanistan and Iran, misinterpreting them as a calculated move within a Soviet strategy to extend influence into the Persian Gulf region. This misconception was the primary cause of the Carter administration's failure in utilizing the Kurds as a counterforce against the Khomeini regime and its erroneous perceptions of the Iranian political regime's vulnerabilities. Inconsistencies in Washington's relationship with Tehran hindered the formulation of a coherent approach toward the Afghan-Iranian direction.
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Bare, Duncan, and Siegfried Beer. "Being a “Solomon” in Washington: Evaluating and Processing OSS and SSU Intelligence from Austria, 1945–1946." Journal of Austrian-American History 7, no. 2 (October 2023): 169–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jaustamerhist.7.2.0169.
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Abstract This article discusses the processing, reporting, evaluation, and dissemination of intelligence from Office of Strategic Services (OSS) and Strategic Services Unit (SSU) missions in Austria both locally and in Washington, DC. We begin by briefly reviewing the organization of OSS Austria after which the question of who was evaluating intelligence from Austria locally and in Washington is addressed. Then, we compare the roles of the Secret Intelligence (SI) Reports (or Reporting) Board and, until October 1945, OSS Research and Analysis (R&A) both in Austria and Washington. This leads to our first major postulation, namely, that it was not R&A that evaluated field intelligence but, rather, the SI Reports Board. Coupled with their training, competence, and knowledge, when R&A was transferred to the State Department at the end of September 1945, it did not have a noticeable impact upon either Austrian-based reporting or its quality. Using both internal and external assessments, we instead suggest that the quality of intelligence from Austria improved after R&A and SSU parted in October 1945. Finally, we examine some of the external customer requests OSS/SSU Austria received, how these were acted upon, and what reaction(s) they generated.
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Kennedy, Padraic. "The secret service department: a British Intelligence Bureau in mid-Victorian London, September 1867 to April 1868." Intelligence and National Security 18, no. 3 (September 2003): 100–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684520412331306940.
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Yurdusev, Esin. "The British Ambassadors to Istanbul in the Mid-Nineteenth Century: Sources of Intelligence and Political Reporting." Belleten 73, no. 267 (August 1, 2009): 523–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2009.523.
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This article mainly seeks to illuminate the specific methods and main sources used by the British ambassadors in Istanbul to obtain accurate intelligence for their reports to the Foreign Office. It appears that the British ambassadors used different channels for different types of information. First and foremost, they had urgent demands to know what was going on in the city. The Dragomans played a principal role in meeting that need. Their ability to get intelligence in advance on specific events was undeniable. Similarly, the British citizens and newspaper correspondents supported the embassy from another spot with some other details of the matter. It was of the greatest value to the embassy to have information on a regular basis from all over the Ottoman territories. The extensive Consulate establishment in the East certainly served for this purpose. The consuls acted as de facto intelligence agents in their respective areas, notably, in places where they were close to the Empire's borders. The intercourse between the British embassy and the other friendly courts in Istanbul also produced valuable information. The reports of the British military officers sent to the embassy can be counted within this context as well. All these channels served to get information mainly by uncovered means. However, the British representatives also used more covert means which resembled the twentieth century forms of intelligence gathering. In this type of activities they used three mechanisms. In the first instance, the Ottoman high officials were the actors, and information in these cases was supplied in more devious ways. In the second model, there was an 'outlying' department required to be served by agents not recognised as belonging to the Embassy. The persons working in this can be categorised as secret agents. In the third formation, there were unofficial negotiators who acquired the sympathy and confidence of the Ottomans. In addition to their negotiating ability, and position as secret go-between the two sides, these people also furnished the embassy with very important information about the particular events and subjects. It is evident however that the British ambassadors used the covert means quite effectively. Many important documents obtained and events learned through these mechanisms.
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Knaus, John Kenneth. "Official Policies and Covert Programs: The U.S. State Department, the CIA, and the Tibetan Resistance." Journal of Cold War Studies 5, no. 3 (July 2003): 54–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039703322286773.
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The U.S. government's involvement in Tibetan affairs began over a half-century ago with a series of commitments—both overt and covert—to support the Tibetans in their resistance to the Chinese occupation of their country. The motivation for undertaking these commitments and the scorecard on their fulfillment are mixed. When the State Department and the Central Intelligence Agency abandoned any further efforts in Tibet in the mid-1970s, the Congress and private organizations took over the sponsorship of the Tibetan cause, helping to generate a worldwide movement. With this support and under the direction of Tibet's charismatic leader, the Dalai Lama, the status of Tibet became an internationally recognized human-rights issue and thereby survived the Cold War in which it was spawned.
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Vasiliev, Yuriy Albertovich. "The challenge of the times: the Comintern people in the face of growing military threats from the West (1920-1930s)." Uchenyy Sovet (Academic Council), no. 2 (January 22, 2022): 120–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/nik-02-2202-04.
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The materials of the article are based on the declassified papers of the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (RSASPH), constituting the documentary basis of the publication. The subjects related to the mechanism of functioning of the Comintern in the field of anti-war activities aimed at preventing a new world war are highlighted. The focus is on unknown pages of illegal activities of the specialist in military work Tuure Lehén (Alfred Langer), a military intelligence officer and an employee of the Executive Committee of the Comintern (ECCI), associated with ensuring the work of secret commissions created in the Organizational Department of the ECCI, in the 1920s-1930s.
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Schmidt, Jürgen W., and Anja Becker. "Against Russia: Department Illb of the Deputy General Staff, Berlin, and Intelligence, Counterintelligence and Newspaper Research, 1914–1918." Journal of Intelligence History 5, no. 2 (December 2005): 73–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/16161262.2005.10555118.
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CONSTANTINE, BRIAN J., and ADAM M. MCMAHON. "Diplomatic Security Failure in Benghazi, Libya, September 11, 2012." Journal of Policy History 35, no. 3 (July 2023): 414–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030623000106.
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AbstractTerrorists attacked the United States diplomatic compound and adjoining CIA Annex in Benghazi, Libya, on September 11, 2012. Despite repeated warnings from officials about the security risks in Tripoli and Benghazi, we argue that intelligence, security, and organizational deficiencies within the Department of State created vulnerabilities contributing to the deaths of four Americans, including Ambassador Christopher Stephens. Scholarly assessment of these failures has been precluded as a consequence of the incident’s use in partisan attacks. Republicans in Congress used investigations into the incident to damage presumed 2016 Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Rodham Clinton, who was then President Obama’s secretary of state. Setting aside political considerations and examining the failures that led to the attack is important to protect diplomatic personnel abroad in the future.
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CASIS. "Why is Canada Involved in Mali?" Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 2, no. 2 (November 21, 2019): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v2i2.1064.
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On June 20th 2019, the Canadian Association for Security and Intelligence Studies (CASIS) Vancouver hosted Dr. Edward Akuffo at its roundtable meeting titled “Why is Canada involved in Mali?” Dr. Akuffo is an Assistant Professor of International Relations in the Department of Political Science at the University of the Fraser Valley. He holds a PhD in International Relations from the University of Alberta, MA in International Relations from Brock University, and BA Political Science from the University of Ghana, Legon. His research is focused on Canada’s security and development policy in Africa, interregional security cooperation, human security and humanitarian law in Africa, and BRIC-Canada relations. His work has been in Global Change, Peace & Security, and African Security Review. He is also the author of the recent book, Canadian Foreign Policy in Africa: Regional Approaches to Peace, Security, and Development (Ashgate). Dr. Akuffo was a fellow of the Canadian Consortium on Human Security (CCHS).
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Thurlow, Richard. "Soviet Spies and British Counter-Intelligence in the 1930s: Espionage in the Woolwich Arsenal and the Foreign Office Communications Department." Intelligence and National Security 19, no. 4 (December 2004): 610–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268452042000327519.
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Secker, Tom, and Matthew Alford. "New Evidence for the Surprisingly Significant Propaganda Role of the Central Intelligence Agency and Department of Defense in the Screen Entertainment Industry." Critical Sociology 45, no. 3 (November 28, 2017): 347–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920517739093.
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This article reassesses the relationships of the Central Intelligence Agency and Department of Defense with the American entertainment industry. Both governmental institutions present their relationships as modest in scale, benign in nature, passive, and concerned with historical and technical accuracy rather than politics. The limited extant commentary reflects this reassuring assessment. However, we build on a patchy reassessment begun at the turn of the 21st century, using a significant new set of documents acquired through the Freedom of Information Act. We identify three key facets of the state-entertainment relationship that are under-emphasized or absent from the existing commentary and historical record: 1. The withholding of available data from the public; 2. The scale of the work; and 3. The level of politicization. As such, the article emphasizes a need to pay closer attention to the deliberate propaganda role played by state agencies in promoting the US national security state through entertainment media in western societies.
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CASIS. "Understanding Terrorism Through the Fear of Death." Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 2, no. 2 (November 21, 2019): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v2i2.1066.
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On September 19th 2019, the Canadian Association for Security and Intelligence Studies (CASIS) Vancouver hosted its roundtable meeting which covered “The Nature of Contemporary Terrorism.” The following presentation featured Dr. Robert Farkasch, a faculty lecturer in the Political Science Department at the University of British Columbia. Dr. Farkasch offers instruction in international political economy, international relations and terrorism studies. In his presentation, Dr. Farkasch appears to argue that religiously defined terrorism is the most dangerous ideological variant of terrorism and that the cause of terrorism is entrenched in our fear of death.
The subsequent roundtable discussion centred around a case study of Brenton Tarrant, a 28-year- old Australian man that opened fire upon two Mosques in Christchurch New Zealand earlier this year, killing 51 people. Many called the attacks Islamophobic due to his targets and the content within a 74-page manifesto that Tarrant authored and released beforehand. Audience members at the roundtable discussed the nature of Tarrant’s attacks and how social media platforms could address radical positions within online spaces.
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LANDMANN, Tomasz, and Piotr BASTKOWSKI. "MANIFESTATIONS OF CLOSER GERMAN-SOVIET POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND MILITARY RELATIONS, IN THE YEARS 1921-1926, FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE STATE SECURITY, AS ASSESSED BY THE SECOND DEPARTMENT OF THE GENERAL STAFF OF THE POLISH ARMED FORCES." Journal of Science of the Gen. Tadeusz Kosciuszko Military Academy of Land Forces 184, no. 2 (April 2, 2017): 16–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.4895.
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The article attempts to analyse the practical examples of closer political, economic and military relations between Germany and Soviet Russia, and then the Soviet Union, in the years 1921-1926. The paper lays out the thesis that the closer German-Soviet political, economic and military relations, in the years 1921-1926, posed a significant threat to the security of the Second Polish Republic. To justify the above thesis both the literature and source materials were examined, including first of all the materials held in the Central Military Archives (Centralne Archiwum Wojskowe) in Warszawa-Rembertów. The materials gathered in the groups of records of the Second Department of the Polish Army High Command and the Collections of Russian records were found out to be of key importance. The collected archival materials made it possible to identify different planes of cooperation between the Germans and the Soviets in the discussed period and to establish to what extent the Polish military intelligence was aware of the feasibility and effects of such closer relations, resulting in a direct threat to the security of the Polish state. On the basis of the presented information it can be stated that the Polish military intelligence provided an accurate diagnosis of the examples of German-Soviet cooperation, often anti-Polish in its form and character. In the years 1921-1926, this cooperation was particularly intensified, posing a threat to the security of the Second Polish Republic and leading to negotiations regarding both the western and the eastern borders of Poland established after the Treaty of Versailles and the Treaty of Riga.
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Kolpakov, P. A., and R. A. Arslanov. "Counterintelligence Activities of Gendarmerie Railway Police before and during World War I." Nauchnyi dialog 12, no. 10 (December 23, 2023): 360–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2023-12-10-360-377.
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The article analyzes the role of the gendarmerie railway police in the system of counterintelligence agencies in the Russian Empire before and during World War I. Based on documentary materials, the goals of enemy espionage on railways are revealed. Measures taken by the gendarmerie to restrict photography of railway infrastructure are examined. Through analysis of secret correspondence between gendarmerie leaders and railway department heads, categories of individuals most actively recruited by German and Austro-Hungarian intelligence for espionage are identified: prisoners of war, foreign nationals not involved in combat, and children. The organization of surveillance of foreign officials’ railway transport movements within the Russian Empire is also explored. The conclusion is drawn that the gendarmerie railway police’s ability to carry out counterintelligence tasks was complicated by their simultaneous duties as general and political police, as well as the scale of the infrastructure they were tasked with protecting.
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Edlichko, Anzhela I. "THE SCIENTIFIC LEGACY OF PROFESSOR V.V. ZAKHAROV: HISTORY, CULTURE, TRANSLATION." Linguistics and Intercultural Communication 27, no. 2_2024 (July 6, 2024): 174–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.55959/msu-2074-1588-19-27-2-14.
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The article briefly describes the milestones of the life and scientific work of Vladimir Vladimirovich Zakharov (09/13/1953–12/05/2023) — head of the Department of German Language and Culture at the Faculty of Foreign Languages and Regional Studies (Lomonosov Moscow State University), Academician of the Academy of Military Sciences of the Russian Federation, Professor, Doctor of Historical Sciences. Various aspects of his activities are considered: as a military interpreter and translator, a historian and an archivist, an organizer, and a teacher. Some key works of the scientist in various fields of military historical science are briefly analyzed: Soviet-German military, political, cultural etc. relations in the 20th century, economic aspects of the Second World War, the history of Russian and German intelligence agencies, issues of restitution of cultural and artistic values, etc. An important place in the article is given to the coverage of V.V. Zakharov’s works devoted to the activities of the Office of the Soviet Military Administration in Germany (SWAG) and the military intelligence. The article highlights V.V. Zakharov’s significant contribution to the introduction into scientific circulation of a large number of previously unknown archival documents on various aspects of military historical science. The author also draws attention to V.V. Zakharov’s pedagogical and organizational activities in higher educational and scientific institutions in Russia, as well as his educational and methodological works.
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Keller, Renata. "The Revolution Will Be Teletyped: Cuba's Prensa Latina News Agency and the Cold War Contest over Information." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 3 (August 2019): 88–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00895.
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This article is the first in-depth study of Cuba's revolutionary news agency, Prensa Latina. Drawing on a wide variety of archival and published sources, including Cuban media and memoirs, declassified intelligence reports, U.S. State Department records, and newspaper articles from across Latin America, the article analyzes the agency's controversial creation, international reception, and significance. The evidence presented here shows that Prensa Latina was a powerful weapon in Fidel Castro's revolutionary arsenal because it provided a way for the Cuban government to gather and shape information and garner international support. Studying the history of Prensa Latina provides new insight into the production, circulation, reception, restriction, and manipulation of information during the Cold War. The Cuban agency's efforts to reshape the international flow of information posed a clear challenge both to the traditional media and to Castro's enemies across the Americas, spurring them to pursue a wide variety of tactics to silence Prensa Latina.
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Revesz, Bela. "Draft for Understanding the Historical Background of Changes in the Ideological Language and Communication of Secret Services in 20th Century’s Hungary." International Journal for the Semiotics of Law - Revue internationale de Sémiotique juridique 33, no. 3 (August 11, 2020): 855–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11196-020-09759-w.
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Abstract Words can mean different things to different people. This can be problematic, mainly for those working together in a bureaucratic institution, such as the secret service. Shared, certified, explicit and codified definitions offer a counter to subjective, solitary and/or culturally dominant definitions. It’s true that codified secrecy terms for secret services can be seen to involve a number of political, cultural, subcultural “languages”, but if words come from unclassified or declassified files, memorandums and/or records, one needs a deep understanding of the secret services. A remarkable feature of this bureaucratic language is the evolving nature of, certain “keywords” as important signifiers of historical transformation. Thus, the changes in the language of the secret services depends at least as much on the internal changes of the secret services as on the transformation in the external political-social environment. In spite of the confusion of Hungarian secret services in the revolutions of 1918–1919 and the disintegration of the Austrian-Hungarian Monarchy, in the early 1920’s became a stable system. Between the two World Wars, the Hungarian State Police directed by the Ministry of Internal Affairs (hereinafter referred to as MIA), the Military Intelligence and Counter-Espionage directed by the Ministry of Defence (hereinafter referred to as MoD), and the Hungarian Royal Gendarmerie directed by both of the Ministries had their own operational service. This structure existed unchanged until 1945. Simultaneously with the forward advance of the soviet troops, government began to re-establish the former system of the secret services in the eastern part of the country. After WWII, in 1946, the “State-protection Department” as political police became independent from the police. However, from the beginning, they remained under the control of the Communist Party. After 1950, the State Security Authority provided special services for the MIA and the Military Political Directorate of the MoD. After quashing the revolution in 1956, in the spring of 1957, the MIA Political Investigation Department was established which—with slight modifications—kept the structure created during the “state protection era”. The MIA III. The State-Protection General Directorate was established in 1962. The reorganization was finalized in the middle of the 1960’s, which resulted in the new system, which—with the structure of Directorates—became the ultimate structure of the state secret police until the abolishment of the MIA General Directorate III in January 1990. These organizational transformations were largely the result of exogenous historical-political changes. Moreover, each new period had a major impact on the organizational communication, language use and vocabulary of the secret services. This study seeks to interpret these historical transformations.
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Craven, Krista, Torin Monahan, and Priscilla Regan. "Compromised Trust: DHS Fusion Centers’ Policing of the Occupy Wall Street Movement." Sociological Research Online 20, no. 3 (August 2015): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.3608.
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State surveillance programs often operate in direct tension with ideals of democratic governance and accountability. The fraught history of surveillance programs in the United States, for instance, illustrates that government agencies mobilize discourses of exceptional circumstances to engage in domestic and foreign spying operations without public awareness or oversight. While many scholars, civil society groups, and media pundits have drawn attention to the propensity of state surveillance programs to violate civil liberties, less attention has been given to the complex trust dynamics of state surveillance. On one hand, in justifying state surveillance, government representatives claim that the public should trust police and intelligence communities not to violate their rights; on the other hand, the very act of engaging in secretive surveillance operations erodes public trust in government, especially when revelations about such programs come to light without any advance notice or consent. In order to better understand such trust dynamics, this paper will analyze some of the competing trust relationships of Department of Homeland Security (DHS) ‘fusion centers,’ with a focus on the role of these organizations in policing the Occupy Wall Street movement of 2011 and 2012.
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Akinniyi, Opeyemi Kehinde, Oluwatoyin Muse Johnson Popoola, and Chukwuwuike Nathan Amadi. "Examination of Performance Measurement Prospects on the Fourth Industrial Revolution in the Nigerian Selected Public Sector Agencies." Indian-Pacific Journal of Accounting and Finance 4, no. 3 (July 1, 2020): 15–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.52962/ipjaf.2020.4.3.116.
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Performance measurement in public sector organisations has engendered concern of both practitioners and academia. In an emerging economy like Nigeria, technological breakthroughs like the fourth industrial revolution as a mechanism for enhanced performance has further excited concerns for performance measurement. Literature acknowledged that a proper measurement of performance is the base for improving the quality of public goods and services. As such, this study seeks to examine the prospects of performance measurement in the era of IR 4.0 using an exploratory multiple case study research design. Interview method to gather primary data on the phenomenon of IR 4.0 and performance measurement across ten Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs) situated in the Federal Capital Territory of Nigeria was adopted. Interview results show that though there were persons designated as management accountants, the management accounting function is performed through the accounting department. The study also observed that the internet, digitisation, broadband, and human-computer interface as aspects of IR 4.0 recorded “good” scores. However, Artificial Intelligence (AI), which is an essential attribute of IR 4.0, had inconsistent ratings. This can be attributed to the low level of awareness of the phenomenon of IR 4.0 its numerous facets which can be deployed, such that performance of typical public sector organisations ranked or measured on vale satisfaction of beneficiaries rather than target figures and annual employee appraisal. A strong political will of administrators of the sampled MDA was identified as an essential factor for fully adopting what IR 4.0 has to offer.
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Gleason, Joseph. "POLLUTION RESPONSE DURING NATIONAL SPECIAL SECURITY EVENTS: STRIKING A BALANCE BETWEEN SECURITY AND RESPONSE." International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings 2005, no. 1 (May 1, 2005): 943–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.7901/2169-3358-2005-1-943.
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY During the summer of 2004, the First Coast Guard District in Boston, Massachusetts supported both Presidential political nominating conventions for the 2004 election. The Democratic National Convention was held in Boston, Massachusetts on July 26–29, 2004, and the Republican National Convention was held in New York City from August 30th to September 2, 2004. This was the first time both conventions have taken place within the geographic area of responsibility of a single Coast Guard District. The Secretary of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security declared both of these events as National Special Security Events under Presidential Decision Directive 62 (PDD-62). PDD-62 formalized and delineated the roles and responsibilities of federal agencies in the development of security plans for major events. The 2004 Democratic and Republican Conventions were the first political conventions held in the United States since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. In the months before the Democratic National Convention, the U.S. Department of Homeland Security and the Department of Justice stated that there was credible intelligence from multiple sources indicating that al-Qaeda planned to attempt an attack on the United States during the period leading up to the election. (Joint Statement of Homeland Security Secretary Tom Ridge and Attorney General John Ashcroft on May 28, 2004) The terrorist attacks on the Madrid rail system were a direct attempt by AI Qaeda to influence the elections in Spain, and the U.S. Department of Homeland Security was going to take all appropriate steps to prevent a similar attack in the United States. (Schmidt and Priest, Washington Post May 26, 2004; Page A02) The 2004 Conventions offered a significant challenge for the Coast Guard and other federal, state, and local agencies that had dual responsibility for coordinating security operations while being prepared to respond to a disaster including oil spills and hazardous substance releases—the combination of what was previously designated as crisis and consequence management under PDD-39. This paper will examine lessons learned from planning and operations in support of the conventions. Having served as the First District Project Officer for the Democratic and Republican National Conventions, this paper is written as my observations of the lessons learned and offers some insight into what went well and possible areas for improvement as I observed throughout the more than 18 months of planning for these events of national significance. The Coast Guard planning and operational support for the Democratic and Republican National Conventions demonstrated the importance of a team approach to planning, interagency coordination and partnerships, pre-event preparedness activities, and pre-deploying personnel and resources for response. It is my hope that the observations contained in this paper can benefit federal, state, and local agencies as they prepare for large significant events in the future including National Special Security Events.
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Manukhin, Alexey А. "Vicente Lombardo Toledano and the Soviet Approach to the Mexican Left After the Second World War." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 3 (July 19, 2024): 142–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0130386424030114.
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In the history of relations between the USSR and Latin American states, support for the Soviet foreign policy course from non-communist forces – national reformist parties, trade unions, and leftist intelligentsia associations – was of great importance. The Mexican syndicalist Vicente Lombardo Toledano, founder of the Confederation of Latin American Workers and the Socialist People’s Party, had the greatest political weight among the members of all these organizations. He proclaimed himself a supporter of orthodox Marxism, always supported the USSR in the international arena, and actively interacted with the communists. In this article, the author examines the formation of Lombardo Toledano’s views, his ideas about the significance of the Russian revolution and the USSR for the development of Mexico and other Latin American countries. He notes that communication with him helped the Soviet party and state leadership to avoid excessive dogmatism in assessing the domestic and foreign policies of Mexico in the 1940s–1960s. The author places special emphasis on the extent to which contacts with Lombardo Toledano enabled the CPSU Central Committee and the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs to better understand the state of the Mexican left-wing forces and, above all, the Communist Party of Mexico. The author also demonstrates that he was of interest to Soviet strategists as someone who both had access to the Mexican ruling elite and enjoyed prestige in the Latin American and international labour and anti-war movements. He shows that Lombardo Toledano tried to benefit politically and materially from friendly relations with the USSR, while in return supporting Moscow in its struggle against its ideological opponents such as the Trotskyists and Maoists. The source base of the study comprises Lombardo Toledano’s polemical and propaganda writings, documents from Russian archives (the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History and the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History), declassified archival materials and published documents emanating from the U.S. Department of State and the Central Intelligence Agency.
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Sennikov, Alexey. "The Kurds in the U.S. Iraqi Policy in 1958–1960." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (April 2022): 90–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.2.8.
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Introduction. The article deals with the U.S. Middle East Policy of the Eisenhower Administration in 1958–1960 and determines the part the Kurdish Question played in it. Methods and materials. The study is based on the latest U.S. declassified documents, interviews, memoirs, etc. The author does the problem-chronological analysis to describe the stages of the U.S. Policy toward Iraqi Kurds during the period specified. Analysis. The article is focused on the U.S. diplomatic and intelligence activities aimed at developing approaches to the “communist crisis” and disagreements that arose in the expert community regarding policy decisions. The author considers the U.S. relations with their regional partners (Turkey, Israel, Iran, etc.) on the issues of the “Iraqi crisis” and the Kurdish liberation movement. The paper describes Washington’s attitude to Mullah Mustafa Barzani – the Kurdish movement leader – and the KDP activities during Iraq’s post-Revolution instability. The author analyzes and summarizes the reasons why the U.S. was reluctant to involve in the domestic conflict between Qasim’s followers, Nationalists, Nasserites, Communists and Kurds. Results. The article shows that the CIA and the State Department often misjudged Qasim’s relationship with the Iraqi Communist Party and the national Kurdish movement and, as a result, did not have enough time to respond to the rapidly changing political situation, thus adopting the policy of benevolent neutrality.
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Levin, Yaroslav. "FBI Opposition to German and Japanese Nationalist Organizations in the United States (1941–1945)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 6 (2023): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640024078-3.
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In modern research on the history of the United States in World War II, it is quite popular to study the opposition of the American special services and, in particular, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to various organizations of the German and Japanese diasporas in new historical conditions. The appeal to traditional methods of historical research, comparative studies and the principles of historicism will make it possible to more accurately trace the process of tightening the counterintelligence work of the Bureau and the close connection of concerns about the involvement of public organizations in the intelligence activities of the enemy. The broadcast of nationalist ideas by various communities of Germans and Japanese under the auspices of their governments quickly attracted the attention of the FBI, which is in the process of consolidating its powers as the main US counterintelligence service. At the same time, the investigations and trials conducted by the John Edgar Hoover department following these investigations often had an openly political color and increasingly consolidated the beginning of a political investigation in this service. This practice and its implementation ran into a tough contradiction between the legal norms of America, which proclaimed "democratic values," the right to freedom of speech and the needs to strengthen the internal security of the state and society in wartime. All these processes and the associated nuances and complexities are considered on specific examples of the work of federal agents against various pro-German and pro-Japanese organizations in the period 1941-45.
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Romano, Silvina M. "Liberal Democracy and National Security: Continuities in the Bush and Obama Administrations." Critical Sociology 38, no. 2 (November 18, 2011): 159–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920511419903.
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The antiterrorist policy of the George W. Bush Administration established a relationship between democracy and security that implied the limitation of the former as a necessary condition for the achievement of the latter. This strategy led to the diminishing of the basic liberties promoted by liberal democracy through legal means with the putative objective of guaranteeing the ‘security’ of American citizens. A key starting point of these policies can be found in undercover operations carried out abroad by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the Department of State at the beginning of the Cold War. This article focuses on the continuities and ruptures between the official discourse of the G. W. Bush Administration and that of the first years of the Cold War, focusing on the realist and liberal patterns present in those discourses. This leads to an analysis of the relationship between democracy and national security under the antiterrorist policy implemented by the G. W. Bush government, approached from a power elite perspective. The aggressive foreign and homeland policies of the US government were based upon a booming military–industrial pole, closely bound to free market expansionism and liberal democracy as key dimensions in the reproduction of capitalism. Included in this consideration are the 2002 and 2006 National Security Strategies, the Patriot Act (2001), and the Domestic Security Enhancement Act (2003) (or ‘Patriot Act II’) put in place by the G.W. Bush Administration, as well as the National Security Strategy (2009) established by President Obama.
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L, Ramyalakshmi, and Girish P. "ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE AND ITS UTILIZATION IN HR AND BUSINESS ANALYTICS." International Journal of Engineering Applied Sciences and Technology 7, no. 3 (July 1, 2022): 100–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.33564/ijeast.2022.v07i03.015.
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Analytics have been employed by companies for several decades, but now many firms are interested in building their capabilities for artificial intelligence (AI) as well. Many AI systems, however, are based on statistics and other forms of analytics. Companies can get a “running start” on AI by building upon their analytical competencies. In the last few years, all companies have been interested in the analysis of data related to Human Resources and have focused on human capital, which is considered the major factor influencing the company’s development and all its activities at all levels of human resource policies. Data analysis (HR analytics) will significantly improve business profitability over the next years. We started with an extensive survey of different human resources problems and risks reported by HR specialists, then a comprehensive review of recent research efforts on computer science techniques proposed to solve these problems, and finally focused on suggested artificial intelligence methods. This review article will be an archive and a reference for computer scientists working on HR by summarizing the IT solutions already made in human resources for the period between 2008 and 2018. It aims to present the issues that HR researchers face and for which computer scientists seek solutions. It summarizes at the same time the recent and different methods, IT approaches, and tools already used by highlighting those using artificial intelligence. AI also provides the HR department with an opportunity to improve the candidate and employee experience by automating repetitive, lowvalue tasks and freeing up the time to focus on more strategic, creative work.
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Pashin, Vasiliy P. "Contractual and Actual Situation of the White Émigrés Who Participated in the Chinese Civil War in the 1920s." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 3 (June 20, 2023): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v260.
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In modern conditions, scientific interest in the tragedy of the split of Russian society in the first quarter of the 20th century has been growing. The works being published cover various aspects of the life of white émigrés, including in the Far East. It should be noted that Soviet historiography was created on the basis of Marxist-Leninist methodology. In the second half of the 1980s through the 1990s, some researchers tried, often mechanically, to present historical events in a different light. It is only in contemporary Russia that a clear picture of the historical past has begun to emerge. Based on the archival documents from the Foreign Intelligence Service of the Russian Federation, introduced into scientific circulation for the first time, this article substantiates the reasons and describes the conditions for the participation and military presence of white émigrés in the Chinese Civil War (1927-1936). The materials are diverse in origin and include reports, summaries and analytical reports of the Harbin and Beijing residencies of the Foreign Department of the Joint State Political Directorate, as well as intelligence reports of various kinds received by Soviet intelligence. Their comparative analysis demonstrated a clear objective picture of the presence of white émigrés in China. It is proved that the share of the white Guard diaspora located in China that took part in the civil war was extremely small. Attempts to formalize the participation of White Guard mercenaries in the Chinese Civil War and put it into legal framework are revealed. The documents found show contractual requirements of the white diaspora leaders for the Chinese authorities to ban the use of the Russian mercenary detachment in punitive operations against civilians outside the three provinces of China. Further, the effectiveness of the military operations of the Russian detachment in Marshal Zhang Zuolin’s army was analysed, as well as the reasons for its demoralization and disintegration. A conclusion is substantiated about the importance of helping Russian citizens who emigrated out of necessity or as a result of delusions and who did not stain themselves by an open conflict with their own people. They must not be cut off completely from their motherland.
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Fallon, Donal. "Challenging ‘Imperialist’ Cinematography: IRA Attacks on Dublin Cinemas, 1925-1939." Review of Irish Studies in Europe 2, no. 2 (October 24, 2018): 119–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.32803/rise.v2i2.1900.
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In mid-November 1925, the Masterpiece cinema in Dublin was called upon by armed men, who seized seven of its eight copies of the First World War film The Battle of Ypres. Shortly afterwards, on 20 November, it was reported that the showing of its remaining copy was enough for the IRA to explode ‘a powerful landmine in the wide entrance to the Masterpiece cinema in Talbot Street’. This marked the beginning of a series of attacks upon Dublin picturehouses. The 1920s and 1930s witnessed sustained denunciation of war cinematography in republican publications such as An Phoblacht and Irish Freedom, as well as occasional violent assaults upon cinemas. This was part of a broader ‘Boycott British’ movement, and an IRA campaign against what it saw as cultural imperialism. Drawing on state intelligence files, such as the Crime and Security papers of the Department of Justice, contemporary newspaper reports from both the mainstream and separatist press, and the archives of leading IRA figures such as Chief of Staff (1926-1936) Moss Twomey, this article demonstrates the manner in which the republican movement attempted to impose censorship on the Dublin cinema industry. It examines the manner in which several war films were selectively censored and amended before they were presented to the Irish public, indicating the fears of the authorities regarding potential political assault.
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Latenko, Volodymyr. "US position towards Congolese Crisis in 1960." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 7 (2019): 72–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.07.72-83.
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The article is dedicated to the analysis of the United States attitude towards the appearance of the Republic of the Congo on the world map on the eve of the declaration of independence and at the first stage of the unfolding of events known as the «Congolese Crisis of 1960-1965». The research is based on declassified materials from the State Department of the USA and the Central Intelligence Agency. There were investigated attitudes of American ruling circles towards the emergence and intensification of the communist threat in Sub-Saharan Africa, as well as concrete steps to eliminate it and promote the interests of the United States and their allies. Particular attention was paid to the fight against the political line of the first Prime Minister of the Republic of the Congo, Patrice Lumumba, who was seen in Washington as a leader in the spread of USSR influence in the region. The period from the declaration of independence of the Republic of the Congo to the resignation of the Government of P. Lumumba was singled out as the first stage of the Congolese crisis. It was discovered that in addition to the official foreign policy line, it was realized a number of informal measures and methods of political influence of the US on internal processes in the Republic of the Congo, engulfed by separatist movements and military confrontation of the central government and unrecognized territorial formations, in particular the Katanga State and the Southern Kasai Mining State. In the article there are analyzed plans and programs, developed on behalf of the CIA’s top executives in Washington, aiming to prevent another state from entering the orbit of the outside influence of the Soviet-led Communist bloc with the prospect of further loss of not only a single country in Sub-Saharan Africa.
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O’Brien, Gerard. "The missing personnel records of the R.I.C." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 124 (November 1999): 505–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014383.
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Few commentators would dispute that, as regards historical records, 1922 was a year of destruction and displacement. Months before the conflagration in the Four Courts annihilated a broad cross-section of official records the departing representatives of the crown régime had turned their attention to those most recently in use. Nobody really knows how much of this material was deliberately burnt in Dublin Castle in the days preceding the takeover by Free State troops on 16 January 1922. It is all but certain that at least some intelligence files were destroyed: these would no doubt have identified informants, double agents, serving intelligence officers (whether English or Irish), and the more discreet crown servants. Certainly the new custodians were greeted by empty cupboards and bare shelves. Legends, which may or may not have been founded in reality, grew of the extent of the destruction and, by implication, of the scale of the guilty secrets thus concealed forever.But the incoming officials were in no doubt, either, that much had been simply removed, whether to the Irish Office in London or to some other safe place. Assurances were offered to the Free State government by the departing Castle official A. W. Cope ‘that the only papers we are removing from the Castle to London are confidential papers relating to the political movement in this country. The removal of the papers will not hamper the future administration.’ Should any person apply for the return of papers seized in police raids during the conflict, their requests would be considered. Cope was being less than candid. During March an Irish Office official noted in an unmistakably complaining tone that the office was having to accommodate ‘a number of files belonging to the Crimes Special Department of the R.I.C. and an Irish Secret Service organisation. Some of the matter in these files is highly secret.’ The material occupied one hundred deed-boxes, half-a-dozen large packing cases, a couple of six-foot-high cupboards, along with thirty-eight card-index trays (‘twelve of them in cabinets’).
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Trapani, James. "Seeing ‘Reds’ in Colombia: Reconsidering the ‘Bogotazo’, 1948." Esboços - Revista do Programa de Pós-Graduação em História da UFSC 23, no. 36 (March 2, 2017): 352. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-7976.2016v23n36p352.
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http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-7976.2016v23n36p352The Latin American Cold War theatre was distinct from the global struggle between American capitalism and Soviet communism. The Soviet Union had very little infuence on the region prior to Fidel Castro’s 1960 declaration of Marxism-Leninism. Despite this, a plethora of social struggles spanning virtually every Latin American republic have been broadly grouped together – defned by this Latin American ‘Cold War’. This paper seeks to determine the origins of this paradoxical defnition. It will argue that the convenient alignment of national and international crises was utilized by US Secretary of State George C Marshall in April 1948. The establishment of the Organization of American States sought to realize the political alignment of the hemisphere against ‘Communism’, both Soviet and internal. This confounded many Latin American leaders as communism, while evident, did not pose any legitimate threat to their nations or the region. Hence, Marshall’s sale of an anti-communist declaration, which would decrease the sovereignty of individual states, was made quite diffcult during initial negotiations. Conveniently, On April 9 Colombia was brought to the brink of Civil War following the assassination of Jorge Eliécer Gaitán. The US State Department knew that the ensuing Colombian Bogotazo was not related to the global Cold War. They had intelligence on the populist liberal Gaitán and the violent response to his assassination. Nevertheless, the opportunity to internationalize the crisis was seized by Marshall. In doing so, the Latin American Cold War emerged with devastating national and regional consequences.
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MAZURIN, Oleksii. "THE ROLE OF THE US ARMED FORCES IN DETERRING ILLEGAL IMMIGRATION DURING THE TRUMP PRESIDENCY (2017–2021)." Contemporary era 11 (2022): 195–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2023-11-195-206.
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The article reveals the specifics of the involvement of the US National Guard and the US AF performing the tasks of the US southern border security during the presidency of Donald Trump. The author analyzes the reasons for the involvement of military units, the scope of their tasks, and describes the specific tasks performed by military personnel in cooperation with the US Customs and Border Protection. Changes in the nature of the use of army units during the operations «Guardian Support» and «Faithfull Patriot» in 2018 and after the declaration of a state of emergency on the border with Mexico in 2019 are revealed. The main problems encountered by the U.S. Department of Defense in its operations at the border, in the context of fierce domestic political opposition to Donald Trump’s immigration policy, were separately examined. It is argued that the involvement of the US AF in solving migration problems on the U.S. southern border had both potential benefits and risks. On the one hand, support in the areas of intelligence, transportation, and logistics has become an important element in curbing illegal immigration and drug trafficking. The deployment of military units was a foreign policy signal that the USA was taking border security seriously. On the other hand, the risks concerned the possibility of using the armed forces to perform police functions, which is prohibited by the Posse Comitatus Act. In addition, there were questions about the politicization of the army’s role, inefficient use of military resources, and the separation of units from the process of combat training. Keywords US AF, internal function of the AF, migration, US-Mexico border, border security, Operation «Guardian Support», Operation «Faithfull Patriot».
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Yungblud, V. T., and M. V. Bakshaev. "“We Will Not Change Our Attitude Towards You, Until You Change Your Attitude Towards Us”. How Washington Considered the Reaction of Western European Communist Parties to The Events in Afghanistan, 1978–1985." MGIMO Review of International Relations 15, no. 4 (September 9, 2022): 7–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-4-85-7-42.
Full textAbstract:
The invasion of a limited contingent of Soviet troops into Afghanistan at the end of 1979 caused a mixed reaction among the Communist parties in Europe. Some of them subject the actions of the USSR leadership to sharp criticism. The article reveals to what extent the US administration was aware of the critical attacks against the USSR and the CPSU by the most powerful Western European Communist parties to determine how the factor of Eurocommunism influenced the Afghan vector of the US policy in 1979-1982 and how the American course turned out for the Communist parties themselves. The study is based on published documents (including electronic collections) of the Administration of the President of the United States J. Carter, the State Department, and the Central Intelligence Agency of the United States, as well as unpublished documents of the Central Committee of the CPSU from the funds of the Russian State Archive of Modern History, press materials and memoirs. It is concluded that 1) the invasion of Soviet military units into Afghanistan provoked a fierce battle of superpowers on the periphery of the Cold War, and in fact, became its peak; 2) one of the results of the Soviet operation was a deeper split in the world communist movement with its subsequent decline; 3) the United States sought to take advantage of the escalated disagreements between the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the largest communist parties in Western Europe (especially Italian, to a lesser extent Spanish and French) and encouraged the actions of the European Communists aimed at distancing themselves from the CPSU and severing relations with the USSR. At the same time, Washington avoided public statements and actions that could look like a manifestation of solidarity with the Communist parties of Western Europe (primarily with the ICP), including the relation to the USSR policy in Afghanistan, giving priority to the policy to exclude completely the possibility for communists to participate in the governments of NATO states. Such a policy, against the background of the ongoing war in Afghanistan and the decline in the USSR's international prestige, contributed to the isolation of the European communist parties in their countries and the weakening of their electoral opportunities.
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Matiash, Iryna. "German Consulate in Kyiv (1924–1938): Between Diplomacy and Politics." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXI (2020): 45–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-2.
Full textAbstract:
The article covers the activities of the German mission in Kyiv as a cultural, political, and administrative centre of the Ukrainian SSR in 1924–38 in the status of a consulate and consulate-general. The data about the following heads of the consular institution is provided: Siegfried Hey, Werner Stephanie, Rudolf Sommer, Andor Hencke, and Georg-Wilhelm Grosskopf. The legal basis for the establishment of consular relations between the Ukrainian SSR and Germany was the Treaty on Application of the Treaty of Rapallo signed on 16 April 1922 between the RSFSR and Germany to the Allied Republics of the RSFSR. The consular district of the first German mission covered Kyiv, Chernihiv, Podillia, and Volyn governorates. The mission of the consulate was to inform the government about the internal situation in the Ukrainian SSR, promote trade relations and cultural cooperation, and protect the interests of German citizens. The head of the consulate immediately came under close surveillance of the ODPU (United State Political Department) of the Ukrainian SSR on suspicion of conducting intelligence activities as well as collecting information about the economy, industry, and agriculture in the territory of his consular district. Subsequently, the ODPU increasingly introduced its own agents to the staff of foreign missions as service personnel, and NKVD agents in civilian clothing set up surveillance on the consulate’s premises. They accompanied the consul, the consulate staff, and even some visitors on their way out of the premises. Thus, the secret service collected compromising materials that gave grounds for accusing German diplomats of anti-Soviet activities and espionage. The consul’s correspondence was also under control. When A. Hitler came to power in Germany, the information confrontation between the USSR and the Third Reich began, but official diplomatic and consular relations continued. In his reports, the consul in Kyiv recorded the horrors of the Holodomor, the growing process of party ‘purges’, secret executions and suicides, coupled, from January 1937, with daily reprisals against intellectuals and workers in his consular district. The consulate-general in Kyiv ceased its operation in 1938, the official reason being the streamlining of the number of consular offices of the Third Reich and the USSR. Keywords: German Consulate, Werner Stephanie, Rudolph Sommer, Andor Hencke.